New Deal Coalition Retained III: A New World

Brazilian Civil War

Aside from Chile, who under Augusto Pinochet and Patricio Aylwin had become an economic juggernaut and nuclear power, South America was in the words of Bundy, “fucked up beyond repair” going into the 1990s. Wartime devastation, civil unrest, and the biblical conditions of the Marburg Epidemic had hit the once promising continent hard. (A study in 1995 ranked South America dead last among human development, Africa taking a clear lead over it after being last for the longest time. It was beginning to take advantage of its rising status to project its power. The Entebbe Pact could finally show to their former colonizers they could stand up for themselves.) Some were better off than others though. Venezuela and Colombia managed to maintain functional governments that - although authoritarian in many respects - kept good order and brought back international investment. Freedoms of speech, press, and assembly were at best a suggestion. Strongmen dictators held iron grips in many states, the most infamous being the cult of personality and anti-Imperialist fervor of Leopoldo Galtieri’s Argentina. Peru was unique as having a dictator that did not have a strong grip, much of his country in the grip of vicious insurgencies.

Aside from tiny Uruguay, (where there was no government to speak of and order was kept by groups of warlords who warred with each other frequently), the worst off was clearly Brazil. Nominally the largest and most populous South American nation state, the events of the beginning of the 1990s had hit it hard. Marburg had been particularly vicious due to the high population density, and the high-profile repressive measures against the virus left a government despised and hated by its people. Internationally reviled as a man who ordered his own citizens to burn to death, President Ernesto Geisel could not take it anymore. Battling depression and anxiety attacks for months, on November 1, 1993 his staff found him in his office, dead by a self-inflicted gunshot wound to the head.

Geisel’s death - in which he would be seen as a coward by his own supporters - was a Greek tragedy that personified the state of the Brazilian nation. His government only controlled a stretch of land from Rio de Janeiro (the de facto capital) to Brasilia (the de jure capital), and much of that only tenuous control. Much of the south and the plains were controlled by warlords, lagely rogue generals or crime syndicates taking advantage of the post-pandemic chaos. The north and northeast were in open rebellion, controlled by either Indigenous militias, remnants of the communists still led by Carlos Marighella, and the Republican forces led by socialist and former political prisoner Lula da Silva, which got massive support from India and the African Union. A tenuous cold war between the factions ignited into full scale conflict in early 1993, casualties heavy in the new Brazilian Civil War.

After a month of backstabbing and jockeying for control, the winner of the power struggle following Geisel's suicide was one Carlos Alberto Brilhante Ustra. The former head of the earlier military junta’s security forces, he had fled to Chile immediately following the Focoist coup and was considered a hero by the Brazilian right-wing. Well-equipped to win the mantle as President, he faced a government in disarray, losing ground even to criminal gangs within Sao Paulo and other major cities. Bloodlessly purging out the older generation of former senior officials within the exile community, President Ustra and his new war cabinet of young, vigorous leaders huddled over Christmas 1993 for a strategy.

On New Year’s Day 1994, Ustra announced the reformation of the Brazilian Estado Novo, implementing a more efficient command structure and administration for the areas under its control (largely around Rio). The diplomatic fanfare was well received abroad, recognized by most NATO countries and receiving massive military aid from the developing power bloc of France/Spain/Portugal/South Africa. But the military situation mattered the most, and Ustra put his faith in one General Jair Bolsonaro.

Jair Bolsonaro torung a military base outside Sao Paulo. A war hero and hands on in command style, Bolsonaro was beloved by his men and led the Estado Novo through its darkest times

Only 39 years old, the young officer had a meteoric rise within the Brazilian armed forces. Decorated for bravery and tactical brilliance in the Peru campaign, Bolsonaro had also been a mole for the rightist exiles, securing the large portion of the intact military forces for the anti-communists. In charge of quarantine procedures for Rio, he broke from the heavy handed tactics of other commanders and employed a “strict but compassionate” campaign in the words of the Red Cross. Estado Novo citizens viewed him as a literal saint, and his men adored the physically fit, tough, and relatable commander. Such made him Ustra’s first choice for Supreme Commander of the military.

Bolsonaro presented his plan to Ustra’s cabinet in mid-January, and it was immediately controversial. Case Black was radical in the views of the general himself, but was the only option. Reconstructing all of Brazil into the Estado Novo state was impossible according to the plan. Too much hatred and division, and they did not have enough of a population and industrial base to do it. The Amazon and the Republicans would need to be allowed to stay independent, but Bolsonaro promised that he could destroy the communists an cripple the Republicans enough in the short term to win the following peace. Over objections from the hardliners in the cabinet, Ustra gave the young commander the green light.

In the southern hemisphere fall of 1994 Estado Novo troops poured into the battleground areas. The states of Minas Gerais, Goiás, and Mato Grasso erupted into constant attacks and counterattacks between the various factions. Both the communists and the Republicans, who had been engaged in warlord pacification and their own fighting quickly rushed troops to stem the tide. However, the entire move was a feint by Bolsonaro. The real action of Case Black would be in the south.

Much of the divisions within the civil war - much as the Estado Novo government vigorously denied it - were geographically and racially based. Support for the government was highest among white Brazilians largely concentrated in the south, while black and “Pardo” (mixed-race) Brazilians largely concentrated in the northeast were supportive of the Republicans or Communists (although Pardos in the south did have significant Estado Novo support). Blacks in particular were known as stalwarts for the Communist regime, and were subsequently reviled by government-backed forces. Bolsonaro recognized this and looked south where the largest proportion of white Brazilians lived. Within the warlord dominated areas here was a treasure trove of men, infrastructure, and resources that the regime needed, and he was going to get it.

Estado Novo sniper battling warlord forces in Campo Grande.

Not every military action taken here involved the use of force. Bolsonaro and the Foreign Ministry were adept at turning warlords from opposition into enthusiastic backers of the regime. Bribes bankrolled by influential French interests were paid out by the tens of millions, high profile positions in the government handed out like candy. One warlord, Hamilton Mourão, turned over the entirety of his fief in the important shipping hub of Porto Alegre in exchange for command of an entire area army in Minas Gerais. In other areas however, the crime syndicates and warlords refused to heel, and Bolsonaro rained fire and brimstone upon them with the latest in French and American weaponry until the territory was in their hands.

One quiet front was in the Amazon. Ever since the neo-Incans defeated Brazilian communist forces at the Battle of Manaus, law and order meant nothing here. Millions fled into the jungles to escape the virus, only to find the local inhabitants well armed and running their own fiefs. Eventually the natives rallied around one Chico Mendes, who built a political and military movement much like Pachacuti’s neo-Incan movement in Peru (Pachacuti was able to run massive bases in the Amazon free from Peruvian incursion as a result), integrating who he could and driving forth millions out of the few cities. Streams of white refugees fled to the Estado Novo while Mendes’ forces prepared for a counteroffensive that never came - Ustra had already conceded the Amazon.

As 1994 drew to a close, celebrations rocked the streets of Rio de Janeiro for the first time in years. The last warlord stronghold in the south had been taken. President Ustra declared that the Estado Novo had secured all of southern Brazil, pumping the resources of that region into the core cities. Rationing was dialed back and international trade resumed, causing the hyperinflation and rampant unemployment to plummet. Riding high on popular support, Ustra ordered Bolsonaro to go on a full offensive into Minas Gerais and secure Brazil’s industrial hub for the government.

[A/n: should read “part of the Brazilian civil war”]

With many commitments, the battles were slow, sloppy affairs. The Communists relied on guerrilla forces launching spoiling attacks wherever they could, while the more easily supplied Republican forces hunkered behind well-fortified defensive positions. Minas Gerais saw the hardest fighting of the war, most early gains seen in the outer provinces. June 1995 saw Mato Grosso secured, joined in October by Brasilia and the surrounding regions. The fighting in Minas Gerais focused on the industrial hub of Belo Horizonte, which rapidly grew into a charnel house reminiscent of Stalingrad or Koblenz. A breakthrough was finally achieved in the summer of 1996 when an armored blitz (based on a new shipment of brand new French tanks) broke through east of the city, allowing the government to surround and destroy the Republicans within. Among the dead in the massive victory for the Estado Novo was da Silva himself, leadership of the Republicans falling to Aloízio Mercadante.

While battlefield victories increased thanks to General Bolsonaro, by 1995 Ustra was facing a major diplomatic problem. Heavy handed tactics and the perception of dictatorship were winning few friends on the international level. The Freyist bloc was a huge critic, and significant portions of the Iacocca and Churchill governments opposed further aid to the Estado Novo regime. Bolsonaro and Foreign Minister Fernando Henrique Cardoso both stated that the only way to rescue their international standing was to foster relations with the French/Iberian/South African bloc - fuse the regime to them in perpetuity.

Two developments provided the regime with the eventual proposal. First was to the north in the poor nation of Suriname. Devastated by the epidemic with little to no modern infrastructure, the strongman controlling the country had petitioned their old colonial Dutch masters for reannexation. After a heated debate in the parliament, a narrow vote found the Dutch approving annexation, the flag of the Netherlands being raised over Paramaribo for the first time since 1975. Additionally was Uruguay to the south. Under warlord controlled anarchy since the collapse of the communist government, South American geopolitics was rocked when Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Tejero (his Falangist party defeating the socialist government of Felipe Gonzalez in the 1994 elections) ordered troops into the country in 1995 to restore order and absorb it back into Spain. The Spanish forces were greeted as saviors by the locals, while most countries including a furious Argentina denouncing the move. In Rio, it was seen as an opportunity.

Relations between the Estado Novo regime and the Empire of Portugal had been quite warm since Ustra took office. Both governments were similar in ideology, and the greater bloc of nations spearheaded by Lisbon and Paris wanted to expand their influence into South America. Discussions between Cardoso and representatives of Emperor Kaulza for a potential annexation had been running for years, the former hoping for something for the country to rally behind while the latter salivated at a united Portuguese empire for the first time in centuries. Borrowing on the Spanish annexation of Uruguay, Ustra nevertheless decided that a simple merger of the countries would not work. However, he did have a proposal, and such found Emperor Kaulza invited on a state visit to Rio.

Emperor Kaulza getting a hero’s welcome in Rio. “It is like Carnival,” as one journalist noted. “He was treated as one step under godhead.”

To great fanfare by the people of Rio, the aging Emperor Kaulza arrived in Brazil with Prime Minister Goncalo Telles to begin negotiations of a permanent alliance between the two nations. At once, prospects of a full unification were dashed aside in spite of the Emperor’s hopes. Ustra did not want Brazilians to be ruled from Europe while Goncalo Telles felt that adding Brazil would devastate Portugal’s overall economy with millions of unemployed and in refugee camps. Days passed as the two sides debated on and on until a historic compromise was reached. Brazil and Portugal would be combined into a personal union - The Estado Novo government would be seperate from Portugal itself, but would crown Emperor Kaulza as King with similar if diminished executive powers as he held in the Metropole. It wasn’t perfect but it satisfied both sides.

The formation of the Kingdom of Brazil with Kaulza de Arriaga holding both the Royal Crown of Brazil and the Imperial Crown of Portugal met with joyous celebrations in both the Metropole and the colony. The Emperor-King promised a quarterly rotation between his two crowns as the people of the Estado Novo (as both countries were now referred to) would experience a sense of unity not seen in centuries. While Republican and Communist forces still lurked undefeated in the north, the influx of the Portuguese Imperial Army and doubled aid from allied nations put Ustra and Bolsonaro in the driver’s seat for the war.

However, it wasn’t just internal foes enraged by the personal union.
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While it's a good update that brings order to TTL Brazil chaos, I must point out several things:
Chico Mendes was not, as far as I know, a man prone to support military or civilian violence.
socialist government of Pedro Sanchez in the 1994 elections
this might be a typo, because if it is the OTL Spanish Prime-Minister, he was born in 1972.
Emperor Kaulza
As a Portuguese (and a former monarchist), I must point out that monarchists are followers of proper succession rules and General Kaulza de Arriaga was not eligible in any way to be a pretender to a crown, and monarchists would regard him as an usurper (and his charisma was nil).
It's also important to remember that Brazil due to its size, it was an Empire, while Portugal was a Kingdom, and I find it difficult that modern Brazilians would support a move to depend again from the mother country.
I should also point out that Fernando Henrique Cardoso is a man from the centre-left, it would not be easy for him to work with Ustra.
Interesting developments in South America. Especially interesting to see Brazil unifying with Portugal; that's a unique touch.
They are technically separate countries with the same head of state, like the UK and Canada. However, Emperor Kaulza has actual power.
Thank you :)
While it's a good update that brings order to TTL Brazil chaos, I must point out several things:
Chico Mendes was not, as far as I know, a man prone to support military or civilian violence.

this might be a typo, because if it is the OTL Spanish Prime-Minister, he was born in 1972.
As a Portuguese (and a former monarchist), I must point out that monarchists are followers of proper succession rules and General Kaulza de Arriaga was not eligible in any way to be a pretender to a crown, and monarchists would regard him as an usurper (and his charisma was nil).
It's also important to remember that Brazil due to its size, it was an Empire, while Portugal was a Kingdom, and I find it difficult that modern Brazilians would support a move to depend again from the mother country.
I should also point out that Fernando Henrique Cardoso is a man from the centre-left, it would not be easy for him to work with Ustra.
Different times. In my research I found him to be a charismatic leader and it is a state of civil war.
I confused the names with Felipe Gonzalez, my mistake. I changed it.
Arriaga was popular as the main general opposed to communism, and essentially usurped the Portuguese crown as his own after WWIII. Since Portugal was devastated from the war and communist rule, they flocked to stability. His son, however, married into the former royal family to cement legitimacy.
Remember, Brazil suffered communist dictatorship, war, Marburg Pandemic, and Civil War. They would crave any form of stability, and the Personal Union was designed so that they govern themselves but that the two nations share the common monarch. As for Cardoso, he was in exile and joined the new government, and was kept on by Ustra to keep moderates on board.
So is The Congressman the one writing the main part of the TL again?
Guest update. I may post some others, but I'm not of the main writers :D
This violation of the Monroe Doctrine will be dealt with. Needless to say, there is a Bi-Partisan Coalition that is not happy with growing entrenchment, however, domestic concern will take priority at the moment. Look for key details in upcoming posts the mention this, even in posts not directly dealing with foreign policy.
So the Monroe Doctrine is dead, huh?
It's been dead since the commies got a foothold there.
This violation of the Monroe Doctrine will be dealt with. Needless to say, there is a Bi-Partisan Coalition that is not happy with growing entrenchment, however, domestic concern will take priority at the moment. Look for key details in upcoming posts the mention this, even in posts not directly dealing with foreign policy.
Iacocca prioritized order and international cooperation, and the sorry state of South America following the war and the Marburg epidemic made restoring order a priority. Bundy is more isolationist than Iacocca, so it seems like he'll allow this but no farther. The Bundy Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine will be quite interesting
1996 Downballot
It was clear to pundits analysing the down ballot races that they would be different from previous years for a couple reasons.

The first being the candidates at the top of each parties’ tickets. Each major party nominated candidates who were distinct from those of previous years and had appealed to many outside their parties traditional bases. Ted Bundy appealed to security-conscious conservative democrats of the Helms wing, and appealed to many poorer working class blue collar workers. Lynn Yeakel was more liberal than the median of her party, and attempted to distance herself from Iacocca's presidency. After seeing America’s isolationist trend, she would not win points by showcasing his foreign policy achievements. And Fred Tuttle represented the more right-wing, individualist section of the Progressive’s libertarian wing, on top of being a virtual nobody and a dark horse. These factors would lead to a higher portion of voters casting split ballots than in recent years, a fact which had the possibility to become important later on. Surprises included Republican Peppy Martin winning in Kentucky as Bundy lost and Teno Roncalio surviving by 200 votes in Wyoming thanks to a strong libertarian Progressive bid as Bundy dominated the state.

The second was the formation of the Natural Law party, which seemingly came out of nowhere to the national audience. The party cues from the progressive's pro-gun, farmer-orientated, fiscal libertarian policies and the democrat’s family growth platform and social conservatism, but took them to a radical extreme. The Presidential nominee Marvin “Pro-life” Richardson ran to the right of Bundy and managed to find candidates to run in down ballot races all over the country. While these candidates would rarely break 1% if the vote, they had an impact on many races. The closest they came to winning a seat was in Idaho itself, where incumbent Republican David H. Leroy barely managed to be re-elected.

In Alaska, the Natural Law Party endorsed the Alaskan Independence Party Candidate for Senate, Jack Cogill. Cogill has been a figure Alaska politics for many decades, starting out as Mayor of Nenana in the interior before statehood. Afterwords, Cogill had served as a as a longtime congressman, with a disappointing defeat in 1992 due to his lack of support amongst Hatfield Republicans. He joined AKIP in ‘94. He ran a socially conservative, law and order platform, not too different from Ted Bundy's, while also focusing on local issues. This was in contrast to the GOP candidate, former Commerce Department official Frank Murkowski, who was preferred by the more moderate Rockefeller wing of the party. Cogill pushed an economically conservative platform that was the opposite of Joe Vogler’s social democratism. The progressives nominated Jed Whittaker from the left wing of their party.

The election was generally considered a contest between Cogill and Democratic incumbent Steve Cowper. Cowper mostly ran on his record of bringing pork to the state, mostly in the area of the state's continuously growing oil industry, while avoiding the contentious national political issues. Cogill covered up his past as a Bush-Ally and rebranded himself as “More Bundy than Bundy”, especially on issues where Bundy crossed over with popular Progressive house Representative Andre Marrou. Coghill also emphasized his ability to persuade Republicans to focus on Alaska, and even hold a secession vote or at least a vote to incorporate the former Far East of Russia into the state. The territory’s status at the time had been rather unclear. Past economically left-wing AKIP supporters split between Murkowski and Cowper and generally didn’t turn out. In an odd twist, many “Hatfield Republicans” who had broken with Coghill to support Andre Marrou for the house seat in 1992 now voted for Coghill AND Marrou. In the end, Cogill would pull in front of the four way race, giving Bundy a key ally outside of the GOP and an AKIP victory in a statewide race. Cogill would chose to caucus with the GOP.

One of the most watched races in 1996 would be the Senate election in Illinois. Appointed in 1994 after the death of long-time liberal Republican Harold Washington, the more conservative Al Salvi was seen as a rising star in the party. He was generally considered safe for his first general election, until the entry of popular incumbent governor Dick Durbin into his race. A liberal populist, Durbin had long been itching to become a politician on the national stage, starting with his ‘92 presidential run. Suddenly the race was a toss up.

Bundy campaigned hard in electoral-rich Illinois, and Salvi, one of his earliest supporters in the primaries, latched on hard to the national campaign, promising to be an ally to Bundy in the senate. While Salvi had the undying support of African-Americans and suburbanites in Cook County and its surroundings, Durbin was highly popular throughout the south of the state. At the beginning, it seemed like he would have the, if somewhat begrudging, support of white liberals. It looked as if Illinois would go blue.

That was, until the entry of Pat Quinn. Originally, the progressives planned to stay out of the race, throwing their unofficial support behind Durbin. However, as the campaign went on, Durbin showed more and more support for communonationalist social policies, ultimately leading to Quinn officially entering the race the day before the deadline. Quinn, a Chicago alderman known for his anti-corruption campaigning, would find most of his support in the northwest regions of the state, the traditional progressive stronghold. Much criticism towards his campaign came from non-partisan liberals on a national level, saying he was a spoiler whose only purpose was to get Salvi reelected. In the end, their fears would prove true, as Salvi narrowly pulled ahead of Durbin come election day.

Georgia had long been a bastion of Democratic power, along with large portions of the Deep South. However, changing demographics had a big effect on the state’s political makeup. Northern transplants in the always-growing Atlanta and elderly suburbanites looking for a warm place to retire had joined African-Americans to form a solid Republican voting bloc. It launched liberal Republican, John Lewis into the Senate over incumbent Jimmy Carter, long thought to be unbeatable.

However, the GOP would be going into the next Senate election without their popular incumbent. John Lewis would launch a Presidential campaign that would continue into the convention, and decided he could not run for renomination to the Senate simultaneously. A sleepy party would leave Sanford Bishop, an unknown on the national level, as the parties new nominee. Bishop, a representative from the rural black belt portions of Georgia, held many of the same views as Lewis and promised to vote as he would in the Senate, distancing himself from the Bundy campaign.

This would prove to be his downfall.

The democratic primary, far more competitive than it’s GOP counterpart, would be won by Zell Miller, who had served in the house since 1965. Miller was a former segregationist who came to power as an ally of Lester Maddox, and was still in the right-wing of the Democratic party. While holding pro-life views, he was considered far closer to Ted Bundy than the liberal Bishop. Despite giving a lackluster endorsement of Yeakel, rumors that Miller quietly supported Bundy in private would hound the campaign.

However, this would turn out to work towards his advantage. Election day came and Bundy won Georgia with the help of Clarence Thomas, a former primary opponent to Bundy but now an enthusiastic campaign surrogate. Most African Americans would still go for Bishop, but the conservative whites who voted for Thomas and Bundy would cast split ballots for Miller, sending him to the Senate.

A similar situation would arise in Mississippi, where Senator Medgar Evers, long a political institution in the state, would elect to retire. While the African-American, Evers-style politician, Mike Espy would win the Republican nomination, it was clear the the Evers coalition would not support him as enthusiastically. Strom Thurmond would make sure massive amounts of funding went to arch-conservative Democratic nominee Trent Lott received plenty of funding form the DNC amid fears his caucus would be taken over by liberals. And in the end it was Lott who would take the victory.

In Minnesota, as part of the backhand dealings of Ross Perot which led to liberal Paul Wellstone being nominated in 94, Dean Barkley, close to Perot's own wing, would be the party's designate nominee in the next election. The Democrats, hoping to pick off liberals and possibly retake a hold in the state that was once firmly in their control, nominated the son of former political legend Hubert Humphrey. However, Skip Humphrey would never be seen as a serious contender in the race, despite his vigorous campaigning. He was not like his dad. The state's liberals, while somewhat reluctant to support Barkley, were more opposed to Humphrey, who had formerly served in the Wallace administration, and largely seen as being a pawn to the National Democratic party.

The incumbent, liberty conservative Rudy Boschwitz, was moderately popular but seen as a dull, boring figure in politics. Barkley, meanwhile, was seen as a genuine champion of the people. Having been involved in progressive politics since the ‘72 election, (when he was a part of a “draft McGovern” movement), he had been an anti-corruption campaigner and lawyer before being elected to the house in 1992. Barkley was also well knowledged in how to run a campaign, and he hit all the right notes with the people of Minnesota. He would narrowly best Boschwitz and help cement the progressive party as the dominant force in Minnesota politics.

Frank Lautenberg was in the crosshairs of the progressive party in 1996. While a Kennedy liberal (one of only a few in the region), the Senator had nonetheless made some policy decisions to appeal to communonationalists, including adopting whole-life and protectionist stances. The state progressive party, led by the state’s other senator Ruth Bader Ginsburg, was firmly in the control of the left-wing of the party and had managed to net a plurality of the state’s house seats in 94. However, due to the New Jersey progressive party’s policies of letting the people decide the candidates, the party had no designate nominee, leading to a crowded primary field. In a surprise twist, over several left-wing candidates, businessman Murray Sabrin, a libertarian, would win the nomination.

Despite being endorsed by Ginsburg and other left-progressives, it was clear the liberal wing wasn't enthusiastic about Sabrin. While he appealed to them with his pro-choice and anti-gun control policies, Sabrin's campaign focused on economic issues, hoping to capitalize on Lautenberg's opposition to free trade.

This was in contrast to the GOP nominee, former Rumsfeld staffer and Rockefeller Republican Christine Todd Whitman. Taking a moderate position on trade, her campaign would focus heavily on women's and civil rights. Whitman was also passionate about environmental and education issues. These were all issues that many Ginsberg voters also cared a lot about. On election day, Whitman managed to pick up enough liberal voters to pull ahead in the race in a surprise victory.

Overall the down ballot elections turned out to be a wash. Republicans managed to hold unto the senate by the slimmest of margins and preserved their 51 seat majority, thanks to Jack Cogill who chose to Caucus with his old party, in return for promises of “a referendum on Alaskan Independence Issues”. However, they did lose about seven seats in the house, with gains by the Progressives and Democrats, dividing the group. However, many of these new house members would fit inside Bundy’s “Triangulation” strategy as would be seen soon.

Progressives continued to quietly make gains and Perot and Lamm toiled away at weak districts and states, with the help of a unified left-progressive faction, lead by Paul Wellstone. They focused on socially liberal districts, often on the separation of church and state as an issue. Under Iacocca, a lot of PBS and NPR programs had begun to have an overtly religious tone (an under-the-radar move by Iacocca to placate the more extreme elements of the Communonationalist movement). Lastly, many of the Republican losers in both the house and senate were Rockefeller and Lewis supporters, temporarily weakening that faction of the party. The Natural Law Party gained one seat in the House in the form of candidate, Stewart Rhodes of Arizona.

Senate Composition

Majority: 49 R + 1 (C-NY) + 1 AKIP

Minority: 33 D

Opposition: 16 P

Change: Republicans -1, Democrats -2, Progressives +2, Alaskan Independence +1

House of Representatives Composition

Majority: 175 R + 1 NLP

Minority: 171 D

Opposition: 88 P
105th Senate


1. George Wallace Jr. (D) D Hold

2. Richard Shelby (D)


1. Jack Cogill (AIP) AKIP Gain (R)

2. Ray Metcalf (P)


1. John Shadegg (R)

2. Jon Kyl (R)


1. Dale Bumpers (D)

2. Jim Guy Tucker (D) D Hold


1. Edwin Meese (R)

3. James Stockdale (R)


2. Dick Lamm (P) P Hold

3. William Armstrong (R)


1. Barbara Kennelly (D) D Gain

3. Lowell P. Weicker Jr. (P)


1. Pete DuPont (R)

2. Mike Castle (R) R Gain


1. Jack Martinez (D)

2. Buddy McKay (D)


2. Zell Miller (D) D Gain

3. Larry MacDonald (D)


1. William F. Quinn (R)

3. Patsy Mink (P)


1. Butch Otter (R)

2. David H. Leroy (R) R Hold


1. Phil Crane (R)

2. Al Salvi (R) R Hold


1. Richard Lugar (R)

2. Evan Bayh (D)


1. Terry Branstad (R) R Hold

2. Tom Harkin (P)


1. Sam Brownback (R)

2. Bob Dole (R) R Hold


1. Peppy Martin (R) R Gain

2. Steve Beshear (D)


1. Mitch Landrieu (D) D Hold

2. David Treen (R)


1. Susan Collins (P)

2. Olympia Snowe (P) P Gain


1. John Glenn Beall Jr. (R)

2. Susan Scott Agnew (R)


1. John Kerry (D)

2. Mitt Romney (R) R Hold, Margaret Heckler (R) Appointee.


1. Dave Bonior (R) R Hold

2. Owen Bieber (D)


1. Dean Barkley (P) P Gain

2. Paul Wellstone (P)


1. Trent Lott (D) D Gain

2. Thad Cochran (R)


1. John Danforth (R)

2. Mel Carnahan (D)


1. Judy Martz (R) R Gain

2. Conrad Burns (R) R Hold


1. Bob Kerrey (D)

2. Chuck Hagel (R) R Gain


1. Jim Santini (R)

2. Paul Laxalt (R)

New Hampshire-

1. Jack Smith (R)

2. -Steve Merrill (R) R Hold

New Jersey-

1. Christine Todd Whitman (R) R Gain

2. Ruth Bader Ginsburg (P)

New Mexico-

1. Art Trujillo (D) D Hold

2. Harrison Schmitt (R)

New York-

1. George Pataki (R)

2. James L. Buckley (R) (C)

North Carolina-

3. Jim Broyhill (R)

2. Jesse Helms (D) D Hold

North Dakota-

1. Kent Conrad (P) P Hold

2. Byron Dorgan (P) (NPL)


1. Jerry Springer (D) D Hold

2. Bernadine Haley (D)


1. David Boren (D) D Gain

2. Wes Watkins (D)


1. Denny Smith (R) R Gain

2. Mark Hatfield (R)


1. Bob Casey Sr. (D)

2. Harris Wofford (D)

Rhode Island-

1. Fernand St. Germain (D)

2. Lincoln Chafee (R) R Hold

South Carolina-

1. Strom Thurmond (D) D D Hold

2. Carroll Campbell Jr. (R)

South Dakota-

1. James Abdnor (R) R Hold

2. Larry Pressler (P)


1. Al Gore Jr. (D)

2. Phil Bredesen (D) D Gain


1. Phil Gramm (R)

2. Antonin Scalia (R) R Hold


1. Orrin Hatch (R)

2. Jon Huntsman Jr. (R)


1. Jim Jeffords (P)

2. Patrick Leahy (P)


1. Pat Buchanan (R)

2. John Warner (R) R Hold


1. Linda Smith (R)

2. Slade Gorton (R)

West Virginia-

1. Ken Hechler (D) D Hold

2. Robert Byrd (D)


1. Dave Obey (P)

2. Russ Feingold (D)


1. Teno Roncalio (D) D Hold

2. Jim Geringer (R)

Senate Map:

I see we're entering the era of having so many political parties that the maps are running out of colors.

Meanwhile, liking to see the Progs making at least some progress (pun not intended), and it's interesting to see NLP backing other minor parties in some places and shoring up the GOP in others. I'm guessing they're beginning a long career as right-wing spoilers/supporters?