Garrison

Donor
Will the Effingham find the rock in TTL.......
Well I think its unlikely as she took damage and may well be withdrawn for repair, not to mention the situation on land will be different, the 146th, 147th and 148th brigades will make their appearance in due course. Frankly OTL was such a stupid way for Effingham to be lost. The ships that were lost to bombing and U-boats were one thing but being run aground, yeah I though give the ship something more to do. Basically I was looking that ships that might have been assigned to Renown's force since they weren't on a minelaying mission and felt that some ships that were pretty much in the background in OTL deserved a moment in the spotlight.
 
Speaking of different fates of ships, I assume since you haven't mentioned her that Courageous was lost in approximately the same time, place and manner as historically.
 

Garrison

Donor
Speaking of different fates of ships, I assume since you haven't mentioned her that Courageous was lost in approximately the same time, place and manner as historically.
You can assume that, while obviously over time the impact of the earlier change will build up in 1939 and 40 they can only achieve so much. Purely from the perspective of creating the TL I couldn't cover every event and I was trying to keep some sense of balance even if it is a britwank.
 
You can assume that, while obviously over time the impact of the earlier change will build up in 1939 and 40 they can only achieve so much. Purely from the perspective of creating the TL I couldn't cover every event and I was trying to keep some sense of balance even if it is a britwank.
Glorious should be afloat once Norway ends and if she isn't I imagine the Germans will take heavy losses doing so.
 
Glorious could be fixed by the captain accidentally eating a can of Surstromming and spending the next week glued firmly to the 'heads'. Unless they can plum a voice pipe to the toilet.
 
April 1940 – May 1940 – The Invasion of Norway – Part II - Bergen

Garrison

Donor
April 1940 – May 1940 – The Invasion of Norway – Part II - Bergen

Group III consisted of the light cruisers Köln and Königsberg, escorted by the artillery training ship Bremse, the torpedo boats Leopard and Wolf and the s-boat tender Carl Peters, supporting a quintet of s-boats [1]. The group was supposed to be reinforced by the troops and equipment aboard the steamer MS Rio de Janeiro. Unknown to anyone in Group III the Rio de Janeiro had been intercepted by the Polish submarine ORP Orzeł and sunk, with the loss of 200 crew and German soldiers as well as 73 horses and hundreds of tonnes of provisions, animal feed, fuel and ammunition [2]. Survivors from the ship in German uniform provided what was the first clear sign of a German attack and as other action came in throughout the 8th the Norwegians ordered the mobilization of the remaining three field battalions, not however by post!

With the confirmation of the engagement at Trondheim the RAF and Fleet Air Arm had dispatched aircraft to search for German ships headed for Bergen. They also tried to locate other potential targets, but those efforts were largely unsuccessful. At around 17:20 hours a formation of aircraft was spotted overflying Group III. Since the aircraft took no action the commanding officer of Group III, Kapitän zur See Ernst Kratzenberg, assumed that the planes were from the Luftwaffe and did nothing to alter course. Kratzenberg was wrong in this assessment, the aircraft in question were a formation of RAF bombers and they had spotted Group III. Fortunately for Group III they were low on fuel and could not carry out an attack. They did however relay the position of the warships and at 17:30 hours a formation of Fleet Air Arm bombers carried out a successful strike, inflicting damage on the Köln [3]. Despite this Captain Kratzenberg chose to retain command aboard her rather than transferring to Königsberg. He did take action to try and evade further attacks and Group III changed course to the south in the hopes of throwing off any other hostile aircraft trying to vector in on them. The tactic succeeded and unbeknownst to Kratzenberg also resulted in the diversion of the Glasgow and her escorts as they conducted their own search for Group III in the area reported by the aircraft. This avoided a surface engagement, for the time being at least. Group III did not turn back towards Bergen until dusk at approximately 20:45 hours. While they had avoided any further encounters with hostile aircraft or ships they were now considerably behind schedule.

Given this situation Kratzenberg chose to break radio silence and send a brief message. The text of the message that was sent by the ship was later reported as, ‘Attacked by Norwegian aircraft. Taking evasive action. Will proceed to objective.’ The absence of details of the nature of the evasive action or any time or location information is understandable given the fear of the message being intercepted and read. Less so is the statement that it was Norwegian aircraft that had attacked them. Whether this was what Kratzenberg intended to be sent or if it was accidentally altered while being relayed to the radio operator is unknown. In practical terms it made no difference as there is no record the message was acted up on or indeed received at all. This meant that with the Theodore Riedel out of contact, she didn’t rendezvous with any other Kriegsmarine ships until the 10th, the German high command remained oblivious to the loss of Group II or the substantial delay to Group III and thus believed their plan was proceeding as scheduled.

Group III approached Bergen at 05:40 on the 9th and it soon became clear that any hope of sneaking in under the cover darkness had gone. Not only were the defenders of Bergen aware of the action off Trondheim but the attack on Oslo had been underway for hours. An unequivocal order had been sent out, ‘Any ship attempting to enter you harbour under cover of darkness is to be regarded as hostile regardless of flag or signals.’ {4] Thus, when they came into range every gun in the shore batteries opened up on Group III, with the first casualties being the S-Boats. The hope had been that in the confusion of their approach the S-Boats would be able to race in and deliver troops ashore to suppress the defensive fire, instead within a matter of minutes S19 was on fire, S22 Had blown and S24 was adrift and had to be abandoned. S21 ended up running aground as it made evasive manoeuvres and S23 would be abandoned later in the battle with her crew taken aboard the Carl Peters.

While this was a blow to Group III what happened to the Köln was far worse. The already damaged ship seemed to be a magnet for the heaviest fire from the shore batteries, and she took hit after hit until at 06:07 hours an explosion rocked the Köln, ripping out a huge chunk of her deck and destroying most of her superstructure, killing Captain Kratzenberg and the rest of the bridge crew. The Köln was left adrift and on fire, making her not only a hazard to navigation for the other ships, but also helping to illuminate them for the shore batteries. Captain Heinrich Ruhfus aboard the Königsberg thus found command falling on him even as the shore batteries started to focus fire on his ship. He faced an invidious situation. Group III had lost the advantage of surprise; he was facing fierce resistance from the shore batteries, and he had no idea how many troops were deployed to defend Bergen (the answer at this point was not very many). To make matters worse dawn would arrive at O6:38, leaving him barely 15 minutes of darkness to work with. Under these circumstance Ruhfus felt he had no choice, and he ordered Group III to withdraw. His hope was that events elsewhere might lead to a Norwegian surrender and the port could be entered unopposed later, or that Group III could be reinforced before staging a second attempt at a landing [5].

At roughly this time the Köln capsized and extinguished the fire, temporarily restoring the darkness and throwing off the Norwegian gunnery. The darkness proved a double-edged sword as the German ships had no running lights on to avoid drawing fire and during the manoeuvres to reverse course the Bremse struck the Leopard. The damage to the Bremse was relatively minor, the Leopard however was taking on water, and it was clear she was sinking. She limped on for a little while, trying to get out of range of the shore batteries. Soon though it was clear she was going down, and her crew had to evacuate to the Wolf before she finally sank at 06:57. At the same time Bremse had slowed to pick up survivors from the Köln, which meant the ships of Group III were badly scattered as they made their way through the fjords and back out to the open sea. Still as they left the range of the defences around the port it the crew of the Königsberg would have been forgiven for thinking the worst was behind them. If any had thought that HMS Glasgow and her consorts would soon prove them wrong.

The 8th had been a day of frustration for Captain Pegram aboard Glasgow. They had been searching fruitlessly for Group III for hours and when they finally approached the fjords around Bergen, they swiftly became aware a battle was raging, one they didn’t not dare join for fear of being fired on by the very defenders they wanted to aid. The best they could do was to remain close to Bergen and hope for an opportunity to arise. Their patience was awarded at 10:12 hours when Königsberg was spotted heading back to sea and a few minutes later the Carl Peters came into sight. Glasgow and the destroyers quickly came to action stations.

On the Königsberg the response was less decisive. The combination of the fact that Glasgow was approaching bow on, and probably a tired bridge crew, led to Captain Ruhfus considering that the approaching ship might be Kriegsmarine reinforcements. Much to the surprise of Captain Pegram the Königsberg tried to signal them by lamp. He decided to respond to close the range and sent the single word ‘standby’. The next ‘message’ from the Glasgow was a salvo from her two forward 6” gun turrets. The destroyers HMS Acasta and HMS Kimberley soon joined in while the other two, HMS Eskimo and HMS Forester, manoeuvred to engage the Carl Peters [6]

Captain Ruhfus now knew that he was facing yet more hostiles, however Königsberg had only just started clearing for action when the first shells struck his ship. By the time they were ready to return fire Königsberg was also taking hits from the destroyers, quickly undoing much of the temporary repairs undertaken after exiting Bergen. Königsberg scored hits on the Kimberley in return, she was though taking far more damage than she was inflicting, and the outcome was all but inevitable.

At approximately 11:05 the Bremse and the Wolf finally caught up with the rest of Group III and initially it seemed to them that they might be able to tilt the balance of the battle as the Königsberg was still underway and the Carl Peters showed only modest signs of damage. The reality was quite different. The Carl Peters had been struck starboard amidships by a torpedo fired by Forester just before Wolf and Bremse made contact and would be struck portside astern by a second torpedo fired by Eskimo shortly afterwards. Königsberg was manoeuvring but she was barely able to maintain 15 knots and all her turrets were out of action. Captain Ruhfus was considering a last desperate attempt to torpedo or ram Glasgow at the very moment Bremse and Wolf were planning to engage.

Trying to support the Königsberg Wolf engaged the Glasgow. With Königsberg no longer able to fire Glasgow and the Acasta were able to put all their guns on the torpedo boat. Wolf did get two torpedoes away, neither of which tracked on their target, even as she was savaged by the Royal Navy ships. Wolf turned away trailing smoke and still under heavy fire. Even as the Wolf di her best to protect her the Königsberg had taken further hits from Kimberley and now the cruiser was sinking by the stern. She went down at 11:37, with only 49 sailors surviving the sinking, including an injured Captain Ruhfus.

As Bremse moved to support the Carl Peters the S-boat tender was beginning to list and was completely out of action, not that she had been well equipped for a gunnery engagement with two Royal Navy destroyers to begin with. Eskimo and Forester were therefore able to give Bremse their undivided attention. The Bremse was about the same size as a destroyer, but she was purely intended as a gunnery training vessel. She had four 12cm (approximately equivalent to British 4.5”) guns mounted in individual turrets and she had taken damage at Bergen, including the disablement of her rear turret. It was unequal engagement to say the least and by 12:20 hours the whole of Group III was either sinking, burning, or abandoned. Of the Royal Navy ships only the Forester had taken significant damage, but she remained seaworthy (she stayed in action off Norway and was sunk by Luftwaffe bombers on the 14th of April).

The Norwegians and the Royal Navy had thwarted the attempts to seize Trondheim and Bergen. If this success had been repeated elsewhere the German invasion of Norway would have been an unmitigated disaster. Regrettably things elsewhere were not going in favour of the Norwegian defenders. [7]



[1] That is the OTL composition of Group III

[2] This as per OTL. The Orzel was lost a few weeks later, though no one knows her exact fate.

ORP Orzel

[3] In OTL Koln served until March 1945.

[4] IOTL the message sent warned of the possibility of British or French ships being in the area, creating confusion which greatly aided Group III.

[5] OTL it was Konigsberg that took the damage from the shore batteries, but of course she was undamaged at that point and the defender’s hesitation also helped. She survived the initial assault on Bergen but was sunk by FAA bombers on the 10th.

[6] Again all the Royal Navy ships did, or could have, taken part in operations off Norway.

[7] Which will be the subject of the next update.
 

Garrison

Donor
At the very least Norway is going to be a grueling slog for the Germans.
Even more so than OTL. Even there had it not been for events elsewhere its questionable the Germans could have held Norway given the attrition in shipping they suffered. Of course those other events are still going to happen and put a serious dent in Allied plans.
 

Garrison

Donor
So was looking at tomorrow's update and decided yet again it could use a bit of a buff and yet again wound up roughly doubling its length. This is way more writing on the fly than I usually do when working on a novel. It will be up as scheduled tomorrow, but apologies if there are any screwed up sentences I miss in editing.
 
April 1940 – May 1940 – The Invasion of Norway – Part III – Groups I, IV, V and Fallschirmjäger Landings

Garrison

Donor
April 1940 – May 1940 – The Invasion of Norway – Part III – Groups I, IV, V and Fallschirmjäger Landings

Group I was tasked with the seizure of Narvik, the German’s key strategic objective as this was the port through which their supply of Iron ore from Sweden flowed. Group I contained 10 destroyers carrying some 2,000 troops and the only naval defence were the two elderly coastal defence ships, Eidsvold and Norge originally launched in 1900. These ships were quite powerfully armed despite their age, mounting a mix of 21cm, 15cm, and 4.7 cm guns (8-inch, 6-inch, and 3-inch in British terms) that made them formidable opponents, on paper. Both ships crews were desperately short on gunnery training and experience and even had they been better trained they were heavily outnumbered by the much more manoeuvrable Kriegsmarine ships. With better luck they might have inflicted some damage, with no support however it was all but impossible for them to have won the engagement. This reflected a basic issue with the deployment of the Royal Norwegian Navy during the invasion, they were scattered all over Norwegian waters rather than being concentrated to protect one or two critical locations [1].

The battle was completely one sided. The Germans called on the Eidsvold to surrender, when her captain refused, she was torpedoed and sunk before she could fire her guns. The German destroyers didn’t engage the Norge until they were alongside the pier in the port and their own gunnery left a great deal to be desired and their torpedoes only fared a little better. The Bernd von Arnim fired three salvoes of torpedoes with only the third striking home, this was more than enough to sink the Norge. This disastrous loss may have undermined the resolution of Colonel Sundlo, the officer charged with the defence of Narvik, and he surrendered the land forces without offering even token resistance. Colonel Sundlo was convicted of negligence and collaborating with the enemy after the war. This was a disappointment to some as the original charge had been treason.

The Germans had little time to celebrate this victory. On the 10th there was a somewhat inconclusive attack by the Royal Navy’s 2nd Destroyer Flotilla, consisting of HMS Hardy, HMS Hotspur, HMS Havock, HMS Hunter and HMS Hostile, with both sides losing two destroyers in the engagement, though the Royal Navy ships did also sink an ammunition supply ship and six cargo ships, further reducing the Kriegsmarine’s ability to support the occupation forces. The commanders of both the Royal Navy destroyer formation and the Kriegsmarine force were killed in the battle. Captain Bernard Warburton-Lee received the Victoria Cross and Kommodore Friedrich Bonte received the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross.

British reinforcements soon arrived and prevented any of the Kriegsmarine ships from departing. Then on the 13th HMS Warspite entered the Vestfjord with a destroyer escort and this time the battle was a decisive victory as eight Kriegsmarine destroyers were sunk or scuttled, and a U-Boat was sunk by air attack from Warspite’s catapult aircraft, only one of two such victories achieved by a battleship in the entire war. In exchange the British took damage to two destroyers. Worse was to come as the allies prepared a counteroffensive. This counteroffensive would culminate in the retaking of Narvik on 28th May, the first significant allied victory on land against the Wehrmacht. The fighting in and around Narvik rather puts the lie to the idea that French troops were somehow lacking in fighting spirit. The Corps Expéditionnaire Français en Scandinavie (CEFS) arrived on the 28th April. Composed of Alpine and Foreign Legion troops it performed admirably during the campaign, demonstrating that the issues exposed during the Battle of France had much more to do with poor leadership and orders which were constantly countermanded than any lack of esprit de corps. The bulk of the troops in the battle were of course Norwegian, there were naturally also a British contingent and four Polish battalions were also deployed. Outnumbered and short on supplies the German forces were not only unable to hold Narvik, but they also faced the prospect of being forced into a complete surrender or scattering and attempting to evade capture in an effort to reach Sweden to be interned. This grim choice was only avoided by events in France and this considerable setback for the Wehrmacht found no place in Allied propaganda efforts, those being much more focused on Trondheim and Bergen. [2]

The four naval actions between the 8th and 13th, meant that the Kriegsmarine had lost almost two-thirds of its modern destroyers and much of its modern cruiser strength. On the 15th of April Gneisenau and Scharnhorst were engaged by the Battlecruiser HMS Repulse supported by two Light Cruisers and Scharnhorst took significant damage in the engagement, with only nightfall and more spurious reports of U-Boat activity allowing the pair to break off and escape. Given the already horrendous losses amongst the Kriegsmarine’s surface forces, as well as the lack of Trondheim as a safe harbour, Admiral Raeder ordered both ships to restrict themselves to an area bounded by Kristiansand in the west, though were occasionally dispatched as far as Bergen trying to intercept Allied shipping. Even this was halted after a near miss with a group of RAF bombers. This decision meant they were unable to intervene in any meaningful way when the Allies conducted their evacuation of Narvik in July, which was probably fortunate for some of the Royal Navy units involved [3].

Group IV was assigned to take Kristiansand and they encountered resistance every bit as fierce as that at Bergen a few hours later. They twice repulsed attempts to land and damaged the Light Cruiser Karlsruhe (she was hit by two torpedoes from the submarine HMS Truant the following day while returning to Germany and sank swiftly with considerable loss of life). At Kristiansand there was though no naval support to interfere with German efforts to regroup and they finally resorted to using captured Norwegian codes to confuse the defenders. It also seems some of the defenders were not aware of the unequivocal order from Oslo and thus checked their fire, giving the German troops an opportunity to get ashore and once they did the town quickly fell. While the rest of Group IV were engaged in this fierce battle the torpedo boat Greif seized Arendal without any opposition, gaining control of the undersea telegraph cable connecting Norway to Britain.

The experience of the Fallschirmjäger paratroopers who seized the airfield at Stavanger was much more in line with Arendal than Kristiansand. They encountered light resistance, the same could not be said for their fellow Fallschirmjägers who attempted to seize Fornebu Airport near Oslo. The actions of the paratroopers here, and later in the Low Countries, created an anxiety about such landings out of all proportion to their effectiveness. The lesson that paratroopers had to rapidly supported or withdrawn was one that the Luftwaffe, or rather Hermann Goering, proved extremely reluctant to learn.

Group V had been assigned to seize the Norwegian capital of Oslo and it was here that the Norwegian forces made their strongest stand during the initial invasion. The shore defences put up even fiercer resistance than they had at, Kristiansand with the heavy cruiser Blucher being hit by heavy gunfire from the Oscarsborg Fortress, firing at almost point-blank range, and then sunk by forty-year-old torpedoes fired from a land-based installation at the fortress [4].

When the Germans did manage to land, they found fully mobilized and prepared Norwegian troops waiting for them and the fighting was bitter as the Norwegians fought desperately to defend their capital. The German forces were supposed to be reinforced by troops being flown into Fornebu, this part of the plan also ran into problems. The Fallschirmjägers assigned to seize the airport landed far off course owing to poor weather and by the time they arrived they ran heavy fire from Norwegian troops who had been rushed there in response to reports of paratroopers. In the end troops had to be diverted from the landings to take the airport, only for the Norwegians to put in a determined counterattack and retake control. This was unfortunate for a group of Ju-52s that tried to land during the counterattack. Five JU-52s were wrecked on the ground, but the Luftwaffe did succeed in delivering a substantial body of troops who regrouped with the rest of the German troops to take the airport back again. When the Germans finally secured it, this allowed them to start bringing in a steady stream of troops and supplies, meaning the Norwegian defenders were now forced to defend on two flanks [5].

The fighting was ended by a blunt ultimatum to the Norwegians. If Oslo was not promptly surrendered German troops would withdraw and the city would be left to the wrath of the Luftwaffe. Under the circumstances the Norwegian government felt it had no choice, and they declared Oslo an open city on the 11th of April, despite some protests that the battle could still be won, particularly in light of the defeats at Trondheim and Bergen. This advice was rejected in no small part because of the wildly inaccurate estimates of the capabilities of the Luftwaffe and the power of strategic bombing in general [6]. The surrender of Oslo did not equate to a general surrender of Norway. The Government had by this point largely left Oslo, along with the royal family and the national treasury, the latter causing the greatest chagrin in Berlin. Both government and treasury would find their way to Bergen, to be greeted not only by Norwegian troops but also the by the freshly arrived soldiers of 146th Brigade and the French 13ème Bataillon Chasseurs Alpins [7].

[1] These two ships were supposed to be replaced by newer designs under construction in the UK in 1916. They were instead commandeered by the Royal Navy for the war effort and the Norwegians don’t appear to have made any subsequent effort to update them.

[2] This section is as per OTL because to be honest I couldn’t see anyway this could have realistically gone worse or better for the Wehrmacht.

[3] Again yes, the Allies don’t withdraw until July for reasons that will be explained when the focus of the TL moves from Norway to France. And yes, you can guess which naval units got luckier than OTL.

[4] So yes this is per OTL as well, for much the same reasons.

[5] The Germans encounter much more resistance at the airport here than OTL, mainly because of the earlier and more efficient mobilization. IOTL they took it pretty quickly.

[6] So possibly IOTL the Norwegians could have held Oslo, but then I considered the likely German response to the impasse and threatening to level Oslo seemed almost inevitable in such circumstances. It worked with the Czechs and the bombing of Rotterdam basically broke the Dutch OTL. Given the pathological fear of bombing and the lacklustre performance of the Norwegian government this seemed the most likely outcome.

[7] And so the 146th, 147th and 148th have arrived. They and the conduct of the land battles will be the focus of the next update.
 
This was unfortunate for a group of Ju-52s that tried to land during the counterattack. Five JU-52s were wrecked on the ground, but the Luftwaffe did succeed in delivering a substantial body of troops who regrouped with the rest of the German troops to take the airport back again. When the Germans finally secured it, this allowed them to start bringing in a steady stream of troops and supplies, meaning the Norwegian defenders were now forced to defend on two flanks [5].
How long were the Germans able to fly in troops for? Don't have my books right now but IIRC IOTL the Germans landed 200 men max at Fornebu and the few and underequipped Norwegian forces would've beaten them if they hadn't stayed in their positions at the other end of the runway taking potshots as the Germans came down, here with more warning which would allow among other things the ammunition supply for Fornebu's machine guns to be accessed and more troops to be in place, I question if the Germans could secure Fornebu against much more determined and prepared resistance?
When the Germans did manage to land, they found fully mobilized and prepared Norwegian troops waiting for them and the fighting was bitter as the Norwegians fought desperately to defend their capital.
Where did they land? The Norwegians at Horten IOTL were moments from counterattacking the first German attack with the base's garrison before being bluffed into surrender and likely would've won, with a mobilized force they probably can dislodge the initial landing and force Lutzow and Emden to conduct contested landings which they may not be too excited about fearing mines (which would probably have been laid ITTL in fact most of the minelayers IOTL were embarking mines in anticipation of the order to lay them) and submarines.
 
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Garrison

Donor
So after a bit of mad rush to finish the last update I have actually gotten both Thursday and Saturday's ready to go with time to spare. Which is lucky as it turns out because I've decided to add an update to the 1941 portion of the TL covering Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Iran. This came about from a discussion about the possible shape of a sequel to this TL and will contain a hint as to some of what I have in mind for that, though at this point its very much in the gathering ideas stage.
 

Garrison

Donor
How long were the Germans able to fly in troops for? Don't have my books right now but IIRC IOTL the Germans landed 200 men max at Fornebu and the few and underequipped Norwegian forces would've beaten them if they hadn't stayed in their positions at the other end of the runway taking potshots as the Germans came down, here with more warning which would allow among other things the ammunition supply for Fornebu's machine guns to be accessed and more troops to be in place, I question if the Germans could secure Fornebu against much more determined and prepared resistance?

Where did they land? The Norwegians at Horten IOTL were moments from counterattacking the first German attack with the base's garrison before being bluffed into surrender and likely would've won, with a mobilized force they probably can dislodge the initial landing and force Lutzow and Emden to conduct contested landings which they may not be too excited about fearing mines (which would probably have been laid ITTL in fact most of the minelayers IOTL were embarking mines in anticipation of the order to lay them) and submarines.
I can see where you are coming from and frankly that's why the Germans resort to the threat of bombing, they are basically hanging on by their fingernails. The Norwegians have simply overestimated the strength of the German forces, mostly due to the fog of war and the shock of the Fallschirmjäger landings. And honestly there are so many of these bad allied decisions in this phase of the war that I felt I had to have some of it remain in the name of plausibility. But if I do a rewrite at some point for say a Kindle version I might change Fornebu so its much more of a pitched battle and control swings back and forth, or perhaps play up the Luftwaffe role, disrupting the defenders with bombing.
 
April 1940 – May 1940 – The Invasion of Norway – Part IV – Fighting to a Stalemate

Garrison

Donor
April 1940 – May 1940 – The Invasion of Norway – Part IV – Fighting to a Stalemate

The 146th and the 13ème BCA had reached Bergen on the 17th of April, joining elements of the Norwegian 5th Division that arrived on the 10th. The 147th and 148th and elements of 5e Demi-Brigade Chasseurs Alpins, as well as 53ème and 67ème BCA disembarked at Trondheim, joining elements of the Norwegian 6th Division. Given the confusion surrounding the deployment of further British reinforcements it was a small miracle that the Battalions had retained their ‘winter pyjamas’, which make them a source of envy for other British troops and led the German high command to erroneously conclude, ‘The British have clearly been preparing Alpine troops for some time, demonstrating their intention to occupy Norway for their own strategic purposes’. Calling the British brigades’ Alpine troops was a decidedly generous assessment and likely had more to do with explaining the Heer’s lack of success against them rather than any particular tactical acumen on the part of the British or French forces, though the part of the assessment that spoke of the tenacity of the British troops when on the defensive would have rung true with the German soldiers who faced them in other theatres of the war [1].

Once Bergen and Trondheim were secured and a perimeter established there was considerable pressure to push out and secure other strategic points before the Germans could organize for further offensive operations. This was an understandable imperative, but even with the arrival of 46 and 263 RAF fighter squadrons, both equipped with the Hawker Hurricane, the Allied forces were light on air support and short on artillery [2]. There was also a shortage of transport, especially vehicles that could move supplies off road.

The operations met with mixed success. The attempt to take Andalsnes turned into an encounter battle as the Allied troops ran into the German 2nd Mountain Division trying to do the same thing, with lack of reconnaissance leaving the two sides equally surprised and confused. The battle went in favour of the Allies in the end, though only because the poor supply situation of the German troops forced them to fall back. The British and French troops would themselves withdraw from Andalsnes themselves on the 14th of May as supplies and reinforcements were diverted to the battle of Narvik, leaving only an understrength Norwegian regiment to hold the town. The supply situation was partly the product of lack of preparation on the British and French side and partly the actions of the Luftwaffe forcing the Allies to be cautious with the dispatch of supply ships. Also, by the middle of May the unfolding battle in the Low Countries was taking first call for support. The Luftwaffe attacks on the ports and troop positions were opposed by the RAF fighter squadrons to the best of their abilities and to considerably greater effect than the troops on the ground would give them credit for. Had anyone in berlin been in the mood for introspection they might have looked at the performance of some of their most important aircraft, such as the Bf 110, in the skies over Norway and wondered how they might fare if they had to engage the RAF in the skies over Britain. In Berlin however all eyes were on Case Yellow and the only strategic lessons anyone was interested in were those to be drawn from the dismal performance of the Red Army in the Winter War.

An attempt to attack Stavanger from the Bergen bridgehead was hampered for the same reasons as the move towards Andalsnes. After this the Allies decided to focus their limited offensive resources on Narvik and went fully on the defensive at Trondheim and Bergen. The Germans in turn launched two attempt to seize Trondheim, towards the end of May but these proved every bit as overambitious as the Allied attacks, with their supply problems being at least as bad as those of the Allies. Much like the Allied troops the German forces in Norway had been relegated to a distant second place by the developing situation in the Low Countries. Neither side had the means to achieve a decisive victory, even the Allied retaking of Narvik didn’t really change the strategic situation [3].

The Germans would only achieve victory when the situation in France deteriorated so drastically in July, The British and French troops were withdrawn gradually at first from Trondheim and Bergen, with the defence of both towns being handed over to the Norwegians. The Allied troops departing from Bergen took the Norwegian royal family and the national treasury with them back to Britain. Angry at this move the Norwegian government announced their intention to seek terms from the Germans before the scheduled evacuation of Narvik could be begin. The Royal Navy, in what could be seen as dress rehearsal for later, swiftly put together a force of ships and lifted the troops out overnight, with the German troops not even realizing it had happened for many hours. The supplies the British had been forced to leave behind were a massive morale booster for the tired and hungry German soldiers who had been contemplating surrender only days before. That these troops had held out long enough to avoid this fate was remarkable, far too remarkable for some in the Allied camp who believed the Swedes had collaborated in supporting the Wehrmacht with ‘humanitarian’ supplies. When such allegations became public after the war the Swedes angrily denied them and no hard evidence has ever been produced to support them. A more likely explanation is pure stubbornness on the part of the Germans combined with simply being willing to take whatever food the civilian population might possess at gunpoint, evidenced by the fact that a number of Norwegian civilians ended up being shot out of hand, which the Germans officers who faced trial after the war for their conduct at Narvik tried to explain away by claiming that the dead were spies and saboteurs. This defence did not carry any weight with the courts, especially since there were young children among the ‘saboteurs’

HMS Glorious, charged with carrying off the RAF contingent assigned to support the troops at Narvik, got out of the danger zone some hours ahead of the arrival of Gneisenau and Scharnhorst, who spent a frustrating day steaming around they empty waters around Narvik vainly looking for targets. The fortuitous escape of Glorious was not enough to save her Captain, Guy D'Oyly-Hughes, from facing court-martial. His conduct during the naval actions of Norway. especially his poor handling of Glorious' air group, consistently ignoring the advice of the ships senior pilots, preferring to refer to his own flying experience. This might only have led to him being relieved of his command had it not been for his conduct on that final voyage, refusing to deploy any patrol aircraft even in the face of reports that there might be enemy warships in their vicinity. As the board of inquiry summarized it, "the captain's actions were at odds with both standard practice and good military conduct. He placed his ship at unnecessary hazard and had the reports of enemy activity proven accurate the consequences for HMS Glorious and her complement would have been grave." Only his previous distinguished service in World War I saved him from being drummed out of the Royal Navy. Instead he was demoted and transferred to a shore facility charged with the maintenance of submarines, where little or nothing was heard from him for the rest of the war. His post war attempts to reverse the verdict came to nothing. The Kriegsmarine’s failure to engage the retreating Allies prompted a furious outburst from Hitler and Raeder was lucky to hold onto his position, though it doubtless contributed to his being removed in favour of Admiral Doenitz in 1942 [4].

The Allied troops in Norway had fought bravely and their sacrifices should not be diminished because of the ultimate result of the Norwegian campaign, shaped as it was by events far removed from Trondheim, Bergen, and Narvik. That being said it can be argued, without intending to diminish those sacrifices, that the most significant casualty of the campaign fell not in Norway but in the Palace of Westminster [5].

[1] As previously mentioned 146th and 148th were sent to Norway OTL but it was a last-minute decision and of course by the time they deployed Trondheim and Bergen were firmly in German hands making their entire strategic position untenable.

[2] These RAF Squadrons were sent to Norway OTL, but 263 Squadron was still equipped with Gloster Gladiators.

[3] Obviously no one in IOTL is going to be thrilled by what seems like the considerable German success in taking Oslo and these failed offensives are just going to be another stick to beat Chamberlain, about who there will be more shortly.

[4] So the worst kept secret in the TL is out. Glorious does indeed make a clean getaway this time because Raeder hesitates to risk his big ships until its too late and he will lose his job sooner than OTL.

[5] Its That Man Again (obscure WWII reference), as we move on to the Norway Debate and the political fate of Neville Chamberlain.
 
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k. The British and French troops would themselves withdraw from Andalsnes themselves on the 14th of May as supplies and reinforcements were diverted to the battle of Narvik,
How is there an ongoing battle in Narvik? The Germans are out of supply so would have no choice but to fold, or more probably retreat to Sweden, within a few days.
 

Garrison

Donor
How is there an ongoing battle in Narvik? The Germans are out of supply so would have no choice but to fold, or more probably retreat to Sweden, within a few days.
That fight is basically going on at about the same time. A lot of the events in this update are happening in parallel to one another so the diversion of effort is part of the reason the Germans will be facing defeat in Narvik.
 

Garrison

Donor
Thinking about the Swedes now, one option would have been to have them allowing rations and medical assistance to the Germans to help explain them holding out? Or maybe even just the suspicion that they did so to linger on with the Allies?
 

Garrison

Donor
Okay so racing ahead here. How about this for an edit:

...The supplies the British had been forced to leave behind were a massive morale booster for the tired and hungry German soldiers who had been contemplating surrender only days before. That these troops had held out long enough to avoid this fate was remarkable, far too remarkable for some in the Allied camp who believed the Swedes had somehow collaborated in supporting the Wehrmacht with ‘humanitarian’ supplies. When such allegations became public after the war the Swedes angrily denied them and no hard evidence has ever been produced to support them. A more likely explanation is a mixture of pure stubbornness on the part of the Germans combined with simply being willing to take whatever food the civilian population might possess at gunpoint, and indeed several German officers did face trial for their actions at Narvik after the war...
 

David Flin

Gone Fishin'
A more likely explanation is a mixture of pure stubbornness on the part of the Germans combined with simply being willing to take whatever food the civilian population might possess at gunpoint, and indeed several German officers did face trial for their actions at Narvik after the war

I can't see German troops of the period taking supplies at gunpoint from a civilian population without a significant number of civilian dead resulting.
 
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