September 7th – September 13th 1940 – North Africa - The Mers-el-Kébir Mutiny
From the moment France fell the Royal Navy had been deeply concerned about the fate of the French navy, the Marine Nationale. The prospect of this force of ships being seized by the Germans or co-operating in the Mediterranean with the Italians was one that had to be taken seriously, even if as was suggested in certain quarters it was an unlikely one. The potential threat to British maritime operations if it did come to pass was simply too great to ignore and it was decided that no measure was too severe to prevent such an outcome. The French had issued solemn assurances that their fleet would never be allowed to fall into Axis hands, but then they had also promised not to make a separate peace and what if the Germans chose to simply tear up the terms of the armistice as they had so many other agreements [1]?
The humiliating content of the Armistice the French had agreed to offered a ready source of propaganda material to illustrate the folly of seeking peace with Germany, what really worried Churchill and the rest of the British government were the reports being filtered through neutral diplomats that German demands had gone beyond anything that the Vichy regime dared lay out in the official terms for fear that it would have undermined the credibility of the Vichy regime before it had even been properly established. These reports contained much exaggeration and false information, however there was a degree of truth to them, Vichy had indeed made concessions to the Germans that horrified many in France when they learned of them
The formal armistice terms meant that France had been forced to hand over much of its stockpile of raw materials and oil, as well as agreeing to paying exorbitant occupation costs, which were reparations in all but name. The secret terms that Petain had conceded included that what was left of France’s functioning industrial capacity be focused on the provision of equipment and munitions for the Wehrmacht, this included French models of tanks and aircraft. The Wehrmacht had little interest in utilizing the equipment themselves, but Germany could barter this production to its allies in Central Europe and the Balkans, and any willing neutrals, in exchange for supplies of food and raw materials. A very small part of this production was to be allocated to Vichy forces in North Africa and the Middle East, in the interests of dissuading attacks by the British or Free French. This latter decision had little effect beyond annoying Mussolini [2].
Far worse than this was the fact that since Petain and co. had argued that France could not supply as much equipment as the Germans were demanding it had been ‘magnanimously’ allowed that France could make up the shortfall by providing Germany with several hundred thousand guest workers, a polite euphemism for slave labour. Some in the senior echelons of the new French government, such as Pierre Laval, freshly appointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs, insisted it was necessary, unless anyone thought France could possibly fight on? Laval had always been a figure of the right, by the time of the Armistice however he had drifted into being an outright Nazi sympathiser. He believed that this agreement was not only necessary to secure peace, but it was also a means to persuade the Germans that the France could be an ally rather than just another subjugated nation. There have been some suggestions that Laval was simply trying to restore some measure of French power and influence, while also trying to build up the strength necessary to defend the French empire. Given his track record in later ardently enforcing anti-Semitic laws in France and other acts of collaboration he most likely explanation is that he was pursuing both goals.
Despite some rather half-hearted efforts to keep the full extent of the guest worker initiative quiet, largely by targeting ethnic minorities and other ‘undesirable’ elements German demands left Vichy little choice but to go public and by the first week in September radio announcements were being made and posters put up calling for volunteers, needless to say this campaign produced little in the way of results and coercive measures soon followed. This created a sullen atmosphere, especially in some of France’s colonial possessions where there was considerable fear Vichy might turn to them to help fill their quotas. These attitudes had also filtered through to the sailors manning the French fleet at Mers-el-Kébir [3].
Admiral James Somerville, commanding Force H, was given the unpleasant task of proceeding to the Mers-el-Kébir, on the coast of French Algeria, and delivering an ultimatum to the fleet based there. They could either join the British or head for some neutral port under escort to be interned. If these options were rejected then Sommerville’s orders were clear, he was to attack the French ships at anchor. Admiral Sommerville felt this order was a mistake, this opinion would not stop him from doing his duty and seeing it through. What happened when the ultimatum was delivered took Sommerville and all his officers by complete surprise as Mers-el-Kébir descended into chaos. Messages relayed from British spotting planes that flew over the port reported there was fighting going on and at least two ships at anchor were sinking, clearly having been scuttled, and fires appeared to have broken out ashore and on at least one ship.
Under the circumstances Force H could only sit and wait to see the outcome of what had to be some sort of mutiny. Sommerville sent several messages to the Admiralty, who were every bit as taken aback by what was going on as Sommerville. Things only began to make some sense in the afternoon when the British intercepted the aviso
Rigault de Genouilly, a vessel designed as a dispatch boat rather than a warship and showing clear signs of at least two shell hits. She was manned by barely two-thirds of her usual complement and she also was not flying any colours. The aviso surrendered the moment she sighted the flagship of Force H,
HMS Hood, and her crew proceeded to provide a first-hand account of what happened in the port the British.
The mood in Mers-el-Kébir had been turbulent throughout the Battle of Belgium and the Battle of France, fuelled by the propaganda emanating from Paris after the Germans were halted on the Escault. This had been full of confident assertions that the Germans were beaten, and that final French victory was only a matter of time. When all this confidence came undone in the face of Operation Baccarat many could not believe this was simply a matter of the French armies being outmanoeuvred. Claims of betrayal, sabotage, and fifth columnists were rife. In places like Mers-el-Kébir far from the fighting they seemed all to credible and there were dark mutterings about the men in charge of the Vichy regime, though Petain was largely exempt from this at first. The rumours had him as an old man who was a mere puppet for the ambitions of others. This febrile atmosphere meant that when a further round of rumours began circulating claiming that some or all of the ships of the Marine Nationale were to be handed over to the Germans and that the demobilized crews would be pressganged to help fill the German demand for guest workers [4].
The Kriegsmarine had explored the idea of seizing French ships when the armistice was being negotiated, and the Italians had also been keen to obtain at least part of the French fleet in the Mediterranean. However, even amidst the secret protocols the French had agreed to Hitler had seen no reason to press the matter, his primary goal was to end the fighting and secure his grip on the whole of continental Europe. Also, Hitler’s faith in the Kriegsmarine’s surface fleet had declined to the point that he was utterly uninterested in the Marine Nationale.
Such were the losses taken in Norway that even after the failing to have any naval concessions included in the armistice the Kriegsmarine pursued the idea, even in the face of evidence of how ill-suited and difficult to operate the French ships would be if taken into service with the Kriegsmarine. Admiral Raeder was still commissioning reports to try and persuade Hitler to revisit the matter at the end of August, which meant multiple visits to French naval bases. The presence of Kriegsmarine officers ‘measuring up’ their ships just increased the anger and anxiety of the officers and ratings of the Marine Nationale, they believed their ships would end flying the Swastika and they would find themselves slaving in German factories [5].
Under these circumstances it is hardly surprising that when it was clear that the intention of the senior French officers was to reject the ultimatum that many under their command saw little point in inviting the wrath of the British, where was the honour in being shelled by the Royal navy simply to preserve their ships and lives to serve the Third Reich? It was this idea that led to mutiny, arson, and sabotage in Mers-el-Kébir without the British firing a shot. Some vessels had been prepared to be scuttled in the event the Germans did try to seize them, without orders to do so being issued from on high, a fact that contributed to several officers who served the Vichy regime facing severe legal troubles post-war. In the end the French battleships
Provence and
Dunkerque were scuttled along with several smaller warships while the battleship
Bretagne and two destroyers were damaged by fire and the sabotage of vital equipment. The battleship
Strasbourg escaped the chaos and evaded the British as night fell. The
Strasbourg may have been responsible for the hits on the
Rigault de Genouilly as confusion reigned about the aviso’s intentions, though this was denied by surviving members of the battleship’s crew.
The
Strasbourg’s escape proved only a brief reprieve as by the time it reached the port of Toulon events had overtaken it. When word reached Berlin Hitler and Raeder leapt to the conclusion that the mutiny had been an attempt on the part of some or all of the ships to defect to the Free French. Orders were sent out for German troops to be deployed to secure the ships at Toulon against any further such attempts. When the French caught wind of this the ships at Toulon received contradictory orders, which result in some ships low on fuel being scuttled, including the
Strasbourg. Several others fled for neutral ports to be interned and a few chose to defect outright to the Free French, providing a valuable boost to the naval strength of the Free French and giving de Gaulle a wonderful PR moment shaking hands with the senior officers of the cruiser
Algérie. Hitler was infuriated by this action and came close to ordering the occupation of the whole of France there and then, only being dissuaded when Laval offered to increase the guest worker quota and to impose even more production burdens on French industry [6].
Regardless of what happened at Toulon the men who had mutinied at Mers-el-Kébir faced the full wrath of French military justice, as much as a gesture to appease the Germans as because of the gravity of their offences, and a number were executed after being found guilty of mutiny. For many of the others who had taken part in events at Toulon and Mers-el-Kébir the fear that had motivated them came true, they were dismissed from military service and shipped to Germany as slave labour. That the Germans treated their French workers rather better than those luckless souls shipped in from Poland, or later the Ukraine, would have been cold comfort to French sailors and many felt they would have been better off in prison or even a POW camp.
Admiral Darlan, in overall command of the Marine Nationale escaped such punishment, but was stripped of his post and forced to resign, which overall was a kinder fate than he perhaps deserved for the position he had put his subordinates in. In early 1941 Darlan somehow found his way North Africa and from there to Allied controlled territory and met with de Gaulle, offering his services to the Free French. Few trusted him, his defection did make for wonderful propaganda against Vichy, after having already milked the mutiny for all it was worth [7].
In France as whole Vichy tried to play down what had happened, which descended into farce as pre-war footage of French warships was inserted into newsreel footage as alleged evidence that the mutiny had been a minor affair and consisted of nothing but the drunken actions of a few malcontents. Such blatant lies convinced no one and alongside the guest worker initiative undermined the legitimacy of Vichy among the French people. Sympathy for the Free French increased and the mythos that emerged around Mers-el-Kébir helped foster the nascent resistance movement.
For the British the reaction in the immediate aftermath was summed up by Admiral Sommerville, he made no secret of his relief that the French had ‘done the job for him’. The mutineers transformed what would inevitably have been a controversial action in neutral quarters, and soured relations with the French, into a tool to berate both Vichy and Nazi Germany [8].
[1] This sums up the dilemma facing the British before OTL Mers-el-Kebir.
[2] The Wehrmacht was hit much harder than OTL in the fighting over the Spring and Summer of 1940, so Germany wants France crushed, but they also want goods they can trade. OTL they spent a long time trying to get the French to produce materiel that could go into Luftwaffe aircraft production and transportation, here they’ve just decided to take what they can get and turn the screws a little tighter on Vichy.
[3] In OTL the Nazi’s were fairly circumspect in their dealings with France until Vichy was dismantled in 1942, they took a rather legalistic approach to trying to control French industry and they didn’t start rounding up ‘guest workers’ until much later.
[4] So obviously the mood in the port is far more rebellious than OTL, courtesy of the greater disappointment after it seemed the Allies had turned the tide.
[5] The Kriegsmarine is a bit more desperate than OTL and willing to press on with a bad idea.
[6] So this has been revised after some comments.
[7] So Darlan is definitely going to be sidelined here, he doesn’t have any ships and no influence in North Africa.
[8] Overall Vichy has been undermined internally and externally. The resistance movement has received a boost and Hitler and co are already thinking in terms of doing away with the regime.