I am working on a new WW2 TL, which I like to think as the mother of all Alliedwanks :)
Well I'll eagerly await that. If I had to guess some changes are:
1. The Western Allies prepare early
2. The Soviet Union (if it exists) is ruled either by not as paranoid Stalin or someone more rational
3. America enters war early
4. China might be slightly more unified and better off and the Asian colonies are better fortified.
5. Belgium doesn't withdraw from the treaty with France, allowing British and French troops to take up better defensive positions immediately
 
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Well I'll eagerly await that. If I had to guess some changes are:
1. The Western Allies prepare early
2. The Soviet Union (if it exists) is ruled either by not as paranoid Stalin or someone more rational
3. America enters war early
4. China might be slightly more unified and better off and the Asian colonies are better fortified.
Add to that, when the French advance into the Saar, they stay there.
 
Addendum: Case Blue

Garrison

Donor
‘It was a just a name on the map, another city to be encircled and bypassed in the race to the seize the precious oilfields, why should anyone care about Stalingrad?’

From a letter written by an officer of 6th Army around October 1942

The initial phase of Case Blue was a repeat of the early days of Barbarossa, a rapid advance that inflicted heavy losses on the Red Army. This did much to calm the nerves of the officers at OKH, who swiftly forgot the lesson of Barbarossa that such success did not mean that final victory was assured. Some of this reflected the fact that the Heer was still qualitatively better than the Red Army, both man for man and in terms of equipment. The early fighting also somewhat vindicated the opinion of Guderian, because the bulk of the Soviet armour the Germans faced were the older models that could be easily handled by the Panzer III, tanks such as the BT-5 and BT-7. That the Germans were encountering these obsolete tanks reflected the other reason why the opening period of Case Blue was so successful, namely that the Soviets had not expected the German offensive to take this direction. Much like many at OKH the Soviet high command Stavka had assumed that the logical target for the Germans was Moscow once more and it was here that the best equipped Red Army units had been placed. The battles at Izyum and in the Crimea had done nothing to alter this view and even after Case Blue was launched there was hesitation in responding as there was the possibility that this was a feint designed to draw the Red Army away from defence of the capital. As the Germans advanced and it became clear that the Caucasus and its oilfields were the main objective the Red Army began to hastily redeploy, no easy task and it would be months before they could halt the German advance and prepare a counteroffensive to drive the Germans back.

The Germans advanced into the Caucasus with four armies, two infantry and two panzer. Army Group A under General List consisted of the First Panzer Army and Seventeenth Army. They advanced from south of the Donets River, aimed initially at Maykop and then pressing on to Grozny and finally Baku itself. Army Group B, initially under General Bock, but then commanded by General Weichs from the 13th of July, consisted of the Fourth Panzer Army and Sixth Army. They would advance towards Stalingrad, screening the southern armies and covering the gap between the Don and Volga, the only place from which a Soviet counterattack could be launched and isolating Stalingrad. It was Army Group B that had moved off first, launching their attack on the 28th of June and contributing to the Soviet uncertainty about the ultimate objective. Army Group A began their advance on the 9th of July and as explained above this largely went to plan, with the swift capture of Rostov and they had secured the oilfields at Maykop by the 9th of August. As feared by OKH the distances involved meant that even the swift advance of Army Group gave the Soviets plenty of time to demolish the oil production facilities. Everything that couldn’t be evacuated had been burned or smashed. The Soviets had done such a thorough job that German engineers determined that new bores would have to be dug if any oil was to be extracted, not a project that could be carried out while the battle was still raging in the Caucasus. Given that it had been unlikely the oilfields would be taken intact Hitler was unfazed and Army Group A was expected to continue its advance, once the Caucasus had been secured the damage could be repaired and if the Germans couldn’t exploit them then neither could the Soviets.

While Army Group A would continue to execute the strategy set out for it by the original battleplan for Case Blue things would be quite different for Army Group B. With the appointment of a new commander came a change in orders, one that can be summarized in a single sentence, they were no longer simply to screen Army Group A, they were to take Stalingrad. When it comes to the bad strategic decisions taken by Adolf Hitler ‘take Stalingrad’ lays a very strong claim to being the worst and while it is hyperbolic to talk of a single decision sealing the fate of the Third Reich this one was a very large nail in the coffin. Now rather than moving parallel to Fourth Panzer Army Sixth Army would be expected to pass around them and pivot north to attack Stalingrad from the south while Fourth Panzer Army pressed in from the west. One obvious issue was that the line of the Volga ran through the city, meaning it was impossible to completely encircle it and cut it off from reinforcements. Stalingrad also contained plenty of industrial facilities, including the tank factory whose output would famously roll off the production line and straight into the battle for the city.

This industrial capacity and the threat of a counterattack striking into the flank of Army Group B staged through Stalingrad provided the rationale for the change of strategy. These factors were not new however and had been considered in the creation of the battleplan, indeed the threat of a Soviet counterattack coming through the gap between the Don and the Volga had been considered as one of the highest risks in the operation. Nothing by way of intelligence information or the progress of the battle had changed the initial assessments, and it is hard to escape the conclusion that Hitler had been intending to make this change even before the start of the operation and that what motivated his desire to take Stalingrad was less its strategic importance and more the symbolism of taking the city that bore Stalin’s name.

Whatever the reason for the decision Sixth Army was required to try and seize the city, which would soon turn into a brutal house by house and even floor by floor battle with the Soviets every bit as determined to hold the city as the Germans were to take it. This terrible attritional battle would drag on into another Russian winter and Army Group A would find themselves falling short of Grozny and Baku. The pattern of the previous winter began to repeat itself, including a devastating Soviet counterattack.
 

Garrison

Donor
Currently working on editing Case Blue and in expanding the TL I naturally had to go over Case Blue in more detail so I thought I would offer up a snippet here.
 
Currently working on editing Case Blue and in expanding the TL I naturally had to go over Case Blue in more detail so I thought I would offer up a snippet here.
Laurence Rees had some interviews with survivors from both sides who had fought at original timeline Stalingrad in his book The Nazis: A Warning from History. For that matter he may have reused some of it in other books, but that's the only book of his that I'm familiar with.
Possible research material there for you, if you can find a copy of the book (or maybe of the original TV series on video or something.)
 
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