MotF 223: The Black Sheep

MotF 223: The Black Sheep

The Challenge

Make a map showing a state, province, or other subnational entity that has substantial political or cultural differences from the rest of the country it is part of.

The Restrictions

There are no restrictions on when the PoD of your map should be. Fantasy, sci-fi, and future maps are allowed.

If you're not sure whether your idea meets the criteria of this challenge, please feel free to PM me or comment in the main thread.
Entries will end for this round when the voting thread is posted on Monday, August 31, 2020.
Any discussion must take place in the main thread. If you post anything other than a map entry (or a description accompanying a map entry) in this thread then you will be asked to delete the post.

Don't forget to vote on MotF 222!
motf black sheep.png

Although the State of East Florida is, obviously, not the only state of the Confederation with multiple cultural groups, it is unique due to how these cultures interact with one-another. Each group has a rich East-Floridian history, so much so that East Florida has earned the name among some as "The Non-Existent State" since many of the institutions of the state government are secondary to local (cultural) institutions.
Formerly under the banner of the Kingdom of Spain, the Colony of East Florida (divided from the Colony of West Florida in the 1760s) was a fairly populated and vibrant colony; though the influence it had was almost entirely within the vicinity of St. Augustine (San Agustín in Spanish) and a small outpost in the west named St. Marks (San Marcos). The colony's important location made it desirable to many potential colonists, including the English and their American descendants. This desirability eventually led to an expedition of American filibusters to begin a march southward to St. Augustine. This 1803 excursion was successful, and before the troops even made it far out of their base of operations in Amelia Island, the Governor of East Florida agreed to begin negotiating the colony out of Spanish rule (a fairly easy task, since Spain would soon be too occupied in Mainland Europe to successfully continue administration of its colonial possessions--the Spanish Crown was originally unwilling to let go of Florida Oriental, but eventually agreed to sell the colony for the monetary aide).
Following annexation into the American Confederation, the many cultural groups in the region existed in a fearful peace--each preparing for the worst among the other. This is particularly evident in American settlements, which often started as military forts constructed in fear of slave or Native revolts that never happened. By the mid-20th century, Florida has benefited greatly from greater interstate travel, with many cities exploding in population growth and urbanization following an increase of jobs in the region.

There are six major cultural groups of Florida. There are countless many more minorities, but none of them follow the same cultural roots as the so-called "Big Six:" the Americans, the Floridians, the Cubans, the Seminoles, the Muscogees, and the Africans.
AMERICANS (or ANGLOS) are rather scattered throughout the Peninsula, but the most populous region populated almost exclusively by Americans is the Bay of Spiritu Santo, with most Americans in the region living in Ft. Brooke or Detroitsville. Most of these Americans are either descent from the military, or immigrants from other states (including a sudden population of Northern Americans called "snowbirds," who flee the cold Northerner winters to live in the more mild South, before leaving to enjoy the more mild summers of the North).
FLORIDIANS (or FLORIDANOS) are the descendants of the Spanish who lived in East Florida under colonial rule. They continue to live in the northeast corridor of the state, within the vicinity of St. Augustine. Although immigration to Florida from Latin America has begun to increase, these Latin Americans (
Latinos) are considered different than the Floridano population.
CUBANS (or CUBANOS) are the other major Spanish-speaking population of the peninsula. During the colonial regime over the Floridas, Cubans fisherman (ranchos) were known to set up shop along the coast to catch and salt fish to sell in bulk in Cuba. However, as industrialization and modernization began to enter North America and Florida, these temporary settlements slowly grew into permanent cities, and bustling ones at that. They've grown to be quite popular tourist spots!
SEMINOLES are a loose confederacy of several desperate Native nations, predominantly bands of Muscogee Creek and Mikasuki Natives. Formed in the middle-18th century, they slowly grew to control much of the interior of the Peninsula. They were well despised by Americans, due to their common practice of raiding the slaveholding plantations of the South (predominantly Georgia) and capturing slaves. However, the Seminole system of slavery was much more feudalistic in practice, with one documenter from the 18th-century comparing the slaveholder-slave system of Seminole Florida to the system of vassalage of Europe. Many Seminole towns and cities have sprung up in the vicinity of Cuban settlements, since historically Cuban fisherman contracted Native workers.
MUSCOGEES (or MUSKOGEES), although historically similar to the Seminoles, developed separately following the separation of the Seminole Muscogee from the traditional Muscogee of Georgia and West Florida. The Muscogee inhabit a fair amount of East Florida's western panhandle, though their reach was historically contested with the Seminole. There was a period during the mid-19th century where Muscogee chiefs attempted to usurp Seminole ones, spiraling into a bloody internal conflict. Although peace was eventually agreed upon in 1859, the relation between the Muscogee and Seminole remain volatile to this day.
AFRICANS (or BLACKS) are the offspring of the Seminole vassalage system aforementioned. Highly autonomous from their "slaveholders" and remarkably well-armed (the Seminoles were known to employ Afro-Seminoles in their raids as part of their vassalage), Florida was a haven for runaway slaves--with a large interior unexplored and unpatrolled by slavers and police. In an ironic twist of fate, slavery in Florida as a whole was stalled because the African population was unwilling to lose autonomy. However, by 1870 the state was finally able to abolish the peculiar institution (the last state of the Confederation to do so). African cities are fairly similar to Seminole ones, though the main difference is in demographics. That being said, racial intermixing between Seminoles and Black Seminoles was (and remains) fairly common. Even in 1950, the Africans and the Seminoles remain very culturally close.
Last edited:

Commonwealth of Riviera
The Commonwealth of Riviera (French: Le Pays de Rivières; Spanish: La Mancomunidad de la Riviera) is one of 37 semi-autonomous, constituent member states of the Union of American Realms (UAR). Where the word riviera is typically used to denote sea coasts of a region, like the Italian Riviera, the regional name Riviera evolved from river, a play on the vital waterways that are found within the realm including the Akansa, Mississippi and Missouri rivers. In fact, the realm's official French name is Le Pays de Rivières, or, the Country of Rivers/River Country. Riviera is the third largest realm in terms of population within the UAR and one of the three non-Native Confederacies where a majority speak a language other than English at home and are typically bilingual.[1] Riviera is the third-most Catholic realm in the UAR as well.

Riviera has one of the richest, most diverse demographics within the UAR. The area that comprises the realm was absorbed into the greater confederation following the six year long American-Louisianan War[2] in the early 19th century. The area was initially inhabited by a number of native people before the French incorporated it as one of their New World colonies. France claimed the area as part of its Louisiane Colony, where it was further distinguished as part of Illinois Country or Upper Louisiane. The region was slow to populate under the French, who began exploring and settling it in the late 17th century, before growth began to expand in the mid-to-late 18th century. The settlement of Riviera by the French was mainly centered along the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers at first, with its early economy revolving around logging, fur trapping, mining and agricultural projects at a smaller scale than in other parts of French America. The population of the area waned somewhat from its initially settling by the French until the Six Years War[3], after which French settlers east of the Mississippi emigrated there en masse. Following the French Civil War[4] and the flight of the republicans[5], the population of Louisiane as a whole grew exponentially as a mass wave of French immigrated from Europe. Most of this immigration was centered around New Orleans and the Gulf, but what would become Riviera would also see substantial growth as a result. French authorities, eager to expand the population of its colony, also began encouraging American settlement particularly in the region. The invention of the cotton gin also spurred growth and would lead to a spike in slavery within the territory.

Henry V's invasion of the Rhineland and Savoy sparked the start of the First Great European War[6] in 1803, setting the stage for further upheaval in its colonies. With Louisiane's population having grown exponentially in the preceding decades, France called for its colony to send conscripts. The colonial leadership, however, was overwhelmed by local opposition. Their refusal to send men to fight on the continent led to the Louisianan War of Independence[7] and the breaking away of the last French colony on mainland North America. The new Republic of Louisiane covered significant territory that was within the sights of Americans from the UAR and important to the UAR's interests, including regions around the Great Lakes. When Louisiane imposed harsh tariffs on goods traveling down the Mississippi, the UAR issued its first joint war resolution and invaded the burgeoning republic. Select French settlers joined with American immigrants in present-day Riviera to support annexation and in the end most of Louisiane would be recognized as American territory. The local populace of Riviera was allowed to carve its own region by the UAR for its support during the war, and thus the modern borders of Riviera were born.

Though American settlement into Riviera began to grow, the area had developed a strong French founder population. After its incorporation into the UAR, nearly all Great Lake French populations in other UAR territories made their way to Riviera, including residents of Detroit and Chicagou. The population was boosted somewhat further during the Louisianan Civil War[8] when Louisiane abolished slavery, as some Louisiane slavers moved to Riviera's lands in the southeast. By the mid-1800s, Riviera had developed a strong and distinct culture that was mostly French speaking, with sizable "American" migrants as well, and had begun to attract German migrants. French was the lingua franca, though progressively efforts to teach English to all spread as well. The capital was moved to Assomption[9], named for Fort Assomption that was in the area, in 1841. Overtime, hispanic migrants entered the realm towards the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries, escaping the economic troubles that had befallen Colorado in that period, further adding to the diversity of the realm. Despite the existence of slavery in the realm, the practice was largely centered in the southeast portions of Riviera. Outside of the territories near and east of the Mississippi, slavery was not huge. As such, Riviera ended up becoming one of the first of the slave realms to fully abolish the practice, doing so in 1867. In the 20th century, Riviera encouraged migration into its vast territories and saw such migration, be it from Americans from other realms in the UAR, or from across Europe during the 20th century.

Today, Riviera is home to a number of different people. Most residents claim Rivierien ancestry, a catch-all phrase for the descendants of the French colonists that settled in the region during the colonial period and after Riviera became part of the UAR. Individuals claiming Rivierien ancestry make up just over 60% of the realms population. Though the realm has extremely high levels of bilingualism due to English being taught to children and adolescents, the vast majority of those claiming Rivierien ancestry and identity continue to be taught Rivierien French as their first language and continue to speak it at home. Because of the prevalent use of Rivierien French, many residents who do not claim Rivierien ancestry nonetheless learn to speak the regional French dialect anyway, meaning that nearly 80% of the realm's population speaks it to some degree. In the UAR, it is encouraged that people mark as many ancestries as they wish to claim on their census so some individuals mark multiple. Over the years, many groups have become prominent in Riviera either by intermarrying with the Rivierien population or establishing their own distinct groups. The four ancestries most claimed, other than Rivierien, are German (21.3%), Hispanic (19.3%), African[10] (19.1%) and "American"[11] (18.3%).

[1] These other realms are East Florida and Canada.
[2] The American-Louisianan War occurred from 1814-20 and was the first war where the UAR as a whole engaged since the Independence War.
[3] This TL's version of the OTL Seven Years War, France does not lose its Louisiana Colony following the war, but loses everything east of the Mississippi.
[4] The French Civil War occurred from 1788-91, roughly, and resulted in a victory for the monarchists.

[5] Rather than outright kill the large segments of the population that sympathized with the revolutionaries, France's Henry V sought to pacify the situation by "granting" large areas of land to the rebels - in Louisiana, and forcing them to leave the motherland. This came to be called the flight of the republicans.
[6] A major, continental conflict in Europe that shifted the balance of power and preceded even worse conflicts over the next century and a half.
[7] The Louisianan War of Independence raged from 1804-09 and resulted in the independence of France's Louisiane colony.
[8] The Louisianan Civil War was a bloody civil conflict that occurred in the 1830s when Louisiane abolished slavery.
[9] Assomption lies roughly where the OTL city of Memphis, Tennessee is.
[10] Most residents who claim African ancestry also claim Rivierien ancestry or speak Rivierien French.
[11] "American" refers to English-speaking, American settlers in the region particularly from the 19th century. Despite early unity with the Rivieriens, the two groups grew rather hostile in the mid-19th century. Americans are the least likely to have intermixed with the Rivierien majority and the most likely to be adherents of the Church of Columbia.
Last edited:
Florida Free State


There was a popular saying, in the early 20th century, when one talked about the geopolitics of the American Union and the regional differences that made the country so diverse and its politics at time so hard to follow: In the US, there is the North, there is the South, and then there is Florida. Standing as the sole Black-majority State in the Union (and, with Hawai'i, one of the two minority-majority States), Florida is a land that differs greatly from the rest of her sister States, from music, to gastronomy, religion, language and politics. The sunniest State, launched onto the sea, it is a remarkable particularity among the American Union; from all of the federal states, it is the single one who can best lay claim to the idea of being a Nation-State.

For any serious historian, the modern chapter of the history of Florida begins in 1865, with the end of the Civil War and the emancipation of her slaves from the bondage of slavery. After great decades of oppression, against Indian and African alike, the Emancipation Proclamation of President Lincoln, and its execution by the occupation of Florida by the Union forces and the defeat of the Confederacy in the field of battle, brought for the first time genuine freedom and equality to all of its inhabitants.

Among the former slave population, there was a strong belief that a new Florida was being born, one in which they would no longer be ruled by the white men, but be citizens of their own account, equal before the law. The question remained on whether that was a promise that the federal government was willing and capable of fulfilling to a people whose sufferings, bravery and contribution towards the victory over the South could not be numbered.

The early days of the postbellum period in Florida were times of large movements by the people who had once been shackled. Freed from servitude to their masters, many of the African Americans of the State tasted freedom and moved away from the lands they had cultivated for so long. Their reasons for moving away were simple – freed or not, the slave population was constantly harassed by their former masters who hoped to return them to servitude. In fact, many still hoped for a reversal of the Emancipation Proclamation and a resuming of their traditional economic status. Meanwhile, having heard of Sherman’s promise of redistribution of the masters’ lands for the freedmen and the slogan of ‘forty acres and a mule’, the hope to one day hold their own lands and toil their own fields kept the slave population waiting for the fulfilment of the northern promises.

Seeing the lands untended, the Northerners came to believe that white supervision was necessary for the prosperity of Florida, and began punishing those former slaves that wouldn’t return to work. Any attempt at seeking better conditions by the freedmen was crushed by the occupying force that was meant to help them, seen as sabotage against the healing national economy.

Regardless of who had fought who during the war, now that peace returned the truth was the Northern white occupiers had more in common with the similarly white plantation class than to their black freedmen allies. Upon witnessing their conflict, they had greater compassion of the dispossessed plantation owners, true Southern gentlemen, than to the uneducated, care-needing freedmen. By 1866, nine in ten of the former slaves were back at the plantations. The jubilee of liberation hadn’t lasted long, and the times during which the slaves took the streets, chanting of victory and of executing the treasonous leaders of the Confederacy were over. Slavery had returned.

It seems that, as the Confederate government had predicted, cotton was king, and recovering its production was more important than ensuring the fulfilment of laws in the State of Florida, or any other Southern state by that matter. In fact, there was a fear that the free African Americans would prefer to plant sustenance crops, such as corn and potatoes, rather than the cash crops like cotton that both enriched the white plantation owners and the northern capitalists to whom they sold it. Those very northern capitalists themselves were quite favourable to keeping the wages low and the freedmen working, for cheap and abundant cotton was necessary for raw-material for the Northern textile industry that employed and enriched many.

The establishment of a free labourer class in Florida under a state of servitude and serving as a cheap workforce was very attractive to the northern industrialists and the southern plantation owners alike; they hoped to make Florida a utopia for investors and wealthy white migrants who could use its cheap labour to enrich themselves further.

What the forces of the ruling classes failed to account for was that, after having experienced freedom from the lash, the African American people of Florida would not be so compliant in returning to their chains and in, while standing free, being enslaved. Demands were made to install proceedings of sharecropping, which were supposed to give the freedmen greater power over the land; but even those were heavily moderated and did not give out as much freedom as they had hoped. The white landowning class still ruled mightily over their tenants, and obliged them to also put labour into their plantations, while supervising their work closely, and taking hold of most of its profits, keeping their subordinates down in a state of wealth closer to slavery than true freedom.

In Middle Florida, the region with greatest concentration of freedmen, mass meetings of the former slaves were held by 1867. The contracts they had signed with the former masters were showing how little they yielded and the promises of empowerment by the federal government had proven themselves hollow. There was a great feeling of dissatisfaction against what had been done to ensure their liberty was more than a written word. Rallies and protests were held, and greatly criticised by white society, in hopes of peacefully bringing a fairer regime to power, one that would treat blacks as full citizens of society.

After two years of military occupation, calls were made for the federal government to help organise a constitutional convention in the State, one that would allow for the drafting of a new constitution, one that rid itself of slavery and racial inequality, and conformed itself to the new land of the land - emancipation. General John Pope assigned districts to the territory of Florida, and representatives were elected from each district to come and attend a constitutional convention in Tallahassee, to finally bring law and order back to the State. The elections happened during the fall of 1867; of the forty-six elected representatives, only three were not Republicans, and a full eighteen of them were African Americans, giving the freedmen community a great weight in the convention.

The moderate faction attempted to bribe their way to power, cooperating with even Confederate loyalists to fulfil their goals of bringing forward a Constitution that kept the balance of power in the State, and of overrepresenting the white counties in the legislature. But, as they saw that their efforts didn’t pay off, they decided to follow the example of their Confederate allies and secede from the Convention, adjourning to the nearby town of Monticello to write their own constitution.

Upon taking this blow, the remaining Radical majority continued their work in Tallahassee, finishing their legitimate Constitution and sending it for review to General Pope, together with a complaint over the behaviour of their fellow members. On February 10, however, one of the most infamous nights in Floridian history would occur, as the Monticello delegates returned to Tallahassee in secret and invaded the convention hall; to acquire a majority that would confer legitimacy, they dragged two Radical delegates out of bed and proceeded to form their own convention, guarded by the military guard. It was an unashamed coup by the moderates and conservatives to retain their power.

In the morning, the Radical delegates found out about the invasion and proceeded to protest before General Pope, holding their meetings, defiantly, on the public square. They sent their constitution to him for recommendation, while the occupying convention also sent their own moderate terms. Upon receiving the two documents, and having been informed of the circumstances on how the schism had come to be, however, General Pope was quite clear – he refused to even acknowledge the moderate document, burning the paper it was written on before reading it entirely, and declared the delegates from Monticello as impeached.

The Constitution of Florida of 1868 that the Radicals had agreed upon was sent, with recommendation from General Pope, to the Committee on Reconstruction, and approved by them, becoming the official legislative document of the State of Florida, being quickly ratified overwhelmingly by the Floridian people as well. The Florida Constitution of 1868 was one of the greatest triumphs of Radical Republicanism in the South – the only lasting one, perhaps, ultimately. Under it, the State of Florida as it exists was truly established and its legacy, in forming not only the legal basis of its government, but the moral and cultural basis of its people, lasts to our days.

The first days of the rest of the history of Florida were followed with excitement and ambition by many around the nation, from the Radical Republicans in the North and the freedmen in the South, while there were concerns and ill-wishes from moderates and ex-Confederates alike – as, by the new Constitution, and owing to the weight of democracy, Florida became, by all accounts, a Negro State, also known as the worst nightmare of the entire Southern aristocracy.

Throughout August, an extensive work of legislation, supervised by Governor Gibbs, was pushed forward, guaranteeing African Americans equal rights to public transportation and fully integrating public education, while moves were beginning to be made, legislatively, to bring forward two of the main goals of the freedmen in Florida – the promised redistribution of lands, under the slogan of “40 acres and a mule” – and the confiscation and overall disempowerment of the planter class that had fought such a tough war to keep them in chains.

Under the radar of the Assembly fell, in particular, the operations of David Levy Yulee, the railroad owner who had conspired in the escape of Jefferson Davis. A symbol of all things Confederate, they detested him, his wealth and his power. His ownership of vast tracts of railways made him a powerful magnate, however, and not an easy one to uproot. It would be in their fight against him that the State would manage one of its most important victories - the full expropriation of his railways, which would be nationalised and become State property, and eventually became an essential public service in the State. All Floridian railroads would eventually be nationalised and afterwards built vastly by the State government, in one of America's finest public services, connecting its various communities to this day.

Another marking legislative action during the early months of the new Constitution was the decision to change the State capital of Florida. Tallahassee, the heart of the Florida Cotton Belt, had been a fitting capital for slaveowner Florida – for Confederate Florida. It was, in fact, the only Confederate state capital east of the Mississippi not to have fallen during the war. But for freed Florida, dominated by its more southern population, a new, larger Capitol, open for more of its citizens, was believed to be in order. After some debate, the Assembly voted to change the state capital to Key West, a city that fell only behind Jacksonville in terms of size within the State, with large salt production and whose federal Fort Zachary Taylor had always been, throughout the war, a steadfast ally of the runaway slaves helping to sabotage the Confederate economy.

Its southern position, away from the whiter communities and, perhaps as vital, from the Southern States, from where many foes came, fearing the rising Negro power on the doorsteps and wanting to curb it before their own African American populations got any ideas of improving their lot; conflicts had been arising and the northern region of Florida, including some suburbs of Tallahassee, were no longer safe for all peoples. The existence of federal forces, meaning federal protection, and its privileged position, might also have played a role in the choice of Capitol. Northern Florida would, through the early decades, lose population dramatically; plagued by raids by Klansmen from Southern States, it would be hellish living for the black population, while white flight by the no longer dominant planter class would diminish their population in the State. Even to this day, the Panhandle is riddled with ghost towns from before the Civil War.

The first decade of Floridian emancipation was very difficult; the State suffered through political and less-than-political attacks by their neighbours, it had to rebuild its economy sans the plantations, changing the agricultural production from cotton to fruit and vegetables, and to deal with the industries in the hands of white men who would rather enslave the African Americans than work with them as equals. The homesteads, with "40 acres and a mule", failed to turn profits more often than not, and white capitalists attempted to lure the black owners to sell their lands for cheap, leading the State government to pass legislation making the sell of homestead land to anyone other than the State government illegal. Eventually, the system of personal homesteads would be replaced by large cooperative farms, made on a larger scale from the properties of several settlers, owned by the original owners and, later, by the farmers employed there as well, with those cooperative farms forming the backbone of Florida's economy.

On a national level, Florida was staunchly Republican. The GOP was, after all, the Party of Lincoln, of Emancipation. The one that had helped free them. All its Senators and Representatives were Republicans, and the Governor was a Republican too. A good number of them were African American too, among the first African Americans in Congress. And they were not only Republicans, but Radical Republicans, fierce supporters of black rights and racial equality, a view that wasn't exactly the most popular, even among the Republican Party. The Floridian policies of expropriation, land redistribution and nationalisation weren't particular popular either. The South was in uproar, fearing a freedmen revolution any day now, while even the North wasn't thrilled with the idea of a revolutionary black State in Congress.

The loyalty to the Republican Party by the Floridian people would be broken abruptly with the dirty Compromise of 1877 when, for the sake of winning the Presidency, Rutherford B Hayes, the Republican candidate, agreed to withdraw Federal forces from the South, something the free Black community had been fearing for a while. And their worst fears were proven true when, no longer restrained by the Army, white militias rose to take control, lynching prominent black leaders and forcing the rest to submission, taking out black elected officers throughout the South and replacing the laws favouring equality for laws that favoured white supremacy. Only Florida was spared; by then, marked by more than a decade of experience, the black community was able to withstand and take down the white insurgency, forcing many white supremacists to flee the State and retaining control over the State government. A lot of suffering happened over that, even so, with many crops burned and many communities attacked, a suffering that embittered the Floridian people to the Party that had betrayed them. As oppression returned to the South, many African Americans would also flee to Florida, increasing its black population, and increasing it with others who had every reason to be upset at the Republicans.

This would lead to a general schism between the Republican Party and its Florida members, who would break with their hitherto comrades, a break that was made solid by, in 1880, the Floridian Senators attending and endorsing the Greenback Party ticket, and helping push off the party Confederate leaders, replacing them with support for black rights. In that election, the Greenback ticket won Florida's electoral votes, and all of its Republican congressmembers became Greenbacks. In 1882, sponsored by the Floridian Party, the Greenbacks would convene with various small parties to form an united Labor Party, which would compete in the following elections and, each time, win the votes of Florida alone, even though their popularity steadily rose in other states. In 1890, the Labor Party and several Farmers' Movements throughout the country would meet in Ocali, Florida, and there draft the Ocali Demands, which would become the manifesto for their new coalition - the People's Party, which would become the standard that Florida would follow religiously until the present day. With the first Populist President elected in 1924 and the first African American (and Populist) President elected in 1968, the legacy of the Compromise of 1877 remains strong in the Nation, if not in the way its plotters might have intended, considering how no Republican has been elected to the Presidency since 1920.

And that is the history of Florida - liberated in 1865 to become what it is today. A country of free people living in accordance to their own will. A country of the unredeemed, who, facing broken promises, struggled for themselves to keep that greatest of all gifts a human soul can attain - emancipation.


Well, this took a while. I'm glad I did it, but damn, it was a lot of work. I went through researching through every Florida town I could find, try to understand why it'd come to be and especially why it had been named and then root out names that wouldn't make sense or, if they did, would probably be retired, from names of Confederate heroes (a lot of those, to be honest, it disgusted me a bit) to names given by white settlers for their hometowns or loved ones that ITTL, simply wouldn't be there. It's more than likely I repeated a few names, if you spot such occurences please do notify me. I've probably also done some stupid mistakes, like putting towns slightly off, putting towns that don't really make sense or names that are inappropriate for some reason, so do notify me of those as well.

I actually started this idea as a TL once, and did some thorough research, but it's a really difficult story to tell in TL format and, although I might one day try to do it again, I think this format is more than appropriate for it. I also stole much of the text I wrote above from the TL, cutting it up to be shorter, so if I say something strange it's probably due to that.

I hope you like it, for, although very tiring, this was an incredibly fun map to make, and led me to research a lot, both about the region and about the people who could be involved in creating it, which, considering it is Florida, led me to a mountain of quirky historical facts and anomalies.
In the aftermath of the overthrow of the Russian Tsar in February 1917, Emir Sayid Alim Khan of Bukhara, who felt his own throne at risk, issued a manifesto promising reform and a local constitution. In the weeks following, though, no evidence of reform was visible, and in response, the newly-empowered Bukharan opposition, led by the Young Bukhara movement (itself a branch of the Turkestan-wide modernizing Jadidist movement) held a popular demonstration of 5-7 thousand people in front of the Emir's palace. Fearing a response from Russia's provisional government if he suppressed the demonstrations, the Emir agreed to meet with the Young Bukharan leaders. The negotiations led to a gradual trickle of concessions from the Emir - an advisory parliament was set up, with promises of elections in the fall, and Young Bukhara leaders like Fayzulla Khodjaev were given seats in the government.

When the Bolsheviks overthrew the Provisional government, the Emirate initially became an island of neutrality in the developing civil war. Both sides recognized its nominal independence, leaving it a buffer between the White-aligned Transcaspian government based in Ashgabat and the Red-aligned Turkestan Soviet Federative Republic set up in Tashkent. When the Reds finally emerged victorious, the Emir was forced to make further concessions, signing over all functional power to the Young Bukharans (which, following negotiations between Khodjaev and the T.S.F.R., became the Bukharan Communist Party) and becoming a functional puppet of Khodjaev.

The resulting People's Soviet Emirate, an autonomous part of the Turkestan SSR, thereby became the Soviet Union's only administrative subdivision ruled at least in part by a hereditary monarch. The Emirate was partitioned between the Turkmen, Uzbek, and Tajik A.S.S.R.s just seven years later as part of the Soviet Union's larger national delimitation project, but the Emir remained enthroned in Bukhara as a "symbol of the national culture of the Uzbek people" until he and his emirate (along with Khodjaev and the remnants of Young Bukhara) were finally liquidated under Stalin in 1934. It was the first and only communist one-party monarchy until Romania in 1946.


Based on statistics pulled from here. Inspired by this map. Further reading here.
The Republic of Rumelia and the Serb Autonomous Province


[edit: The pie chart circle things are inspired by a map of Austria-Hungary's collapse by @Baconheimer]​

  • Demographics Pie Charts for the subnational divisions
    • Outer Circle = Religion (Feja in Albanian)
    • Inner Circle = Ethnicity
    • Number in the middle is the percent of the population that is Muslim
  • Color Code (for the pie charts)
    • Formatting:
      • Corresponding Religion
      • [Corresponding Ethnicity]
      • Note: The religion and ethnicity for a given color have little relationship and their respective pie chart segments should be considered separately.
    • Green
      • Religion: Islam
      • Ethnicity: Albanians
    • Gold/Yellow
      • Religion: Orthodox Christianity
      • Ethnicity: Greeks
    • Blue
      • Religion: Catholicism
      • Ethnicity: Pomaks
    • Red
      • Religion: N/A
      • Ethnicity: Serbs
    • Grey
      • Religion: Other (mainly Judaism)
      • Ethnicity: Other
        • In Belgrade, mainly Jews/Hebrews
        • In Serbia, mainly Romanians and Hungarians
        • In Bosnia mainly Croats
        • In Albania, really just an "other" category, includes Aromanians though
        • In Salonika (Selanik), mainly Christian Bulgars
        • In Mount Athos, Russians, Christian Bulgars, and Romanians form the majority of the "Other" section
  • Note (shënim): Rumelian Turks typically identify as Pomaks or sometimes Albanians
  • The last part just says "Cities", and the 3 icons represent the national capital, state capitals, and other major cities, in that order.
Other Text:
  • Harta E Feja = Map of Religion
  • Mbrëteria = Kingdom
  • Perendori(a) = empire
  • Krahinë = Province
  • Komuna = Municipality
  • Mali i Shenjtë = Holy Mountain (Mount Athos)

  • POD: A much more successful Islamization of the Balkans under the Ottoman Empire
  • Realism: May be a little low. I tried not to be quite ASB, but a lot of the research went into religious demographics rather than into a super plausible world.
  1. Shqiperians = TTLs Albanians. Them being more major players means the exonym is closer to the endonym. Pomaks, used IOTL for Muslim Bulgars is a TTL coverall for Slavic Muslims in Rumelia, including Bosniaks and Muslim Macedonians. Their language is a standardized semiconstructed Pomak language, sort of an IAL between the Bulgaromacedonian and Serbocroatian dialect continuums with more Turkish (and through that Arabic and Persian) and some Albanian loanwords.
    1. The Pomak language can be seen in the title, just under Albanian. The noun cases are intentionally removed to fit with Macedonian, that isn't a mistake.
  2. Note that on the map this region is labelled "Krahinë Autonome Sirp". I am aware that the OTL Albanian word for Serbian would be Serbe, Sirp/Sirpça is actually Turkish. However, since Serbe and Sirp (Serb in Turkish) are so phonetically similar and Turkish influence in the Balkans is just generally stronger ITTL, I decided to show a bit of this Turkish influence on the Albanian language here.
  3. Mount Athos


Those interested in Balkan history and politics will be familiar with the story of Rumelia. It is one of the few examples of the somewhat successful formation of a national identity not based around a shared language or ethnicity, but around a shared religion (though the role of common culture should not be ignored). Stuck in an in-between place in terms of identity, with their Christian neighbors viewing them as too Turkish and the increasingly nationalist Ottoman government seeing them as not Turkish enough, Muslim Rumelians (Shqiperians and Pomaks [1]) began to form their own "Balkan Muslim" identity. This identity would only be strengthened as nearby Christian nations lashed out against Muslims during their wars of independence and the Ottomans proved powerless to protect their subjects, leading the Rumelians to seek their own independence in 1851 to "better protect [them]selves and create a liberal, modern state for Balkan Muslims."

The problem, of course, with any nation state is the question of "what happens when a large population in your state does not fit your definition of 'us'?"
This is the problem facing the Serbs, Rumelia's largest non-Muslim group.


Serbia was a hard place to govern even in the Ottoman period. The Serbs, at least those in the north, have fiercely resisted Ottoman rule and, like the Bulgars, were quite hostile to the Islamization that many of their fellow South Slavs readily accepted. The Serbs have had 3 major uprisings since their integration into the empire, early on being supported by Austria, and later by Russia, however, unlike the Greeks, Bulgars, and Romanians, they never achieved independence.

When Rumelia split off from the Ottoman Empire, their territory included the Sanjak of Smederevo, the heart of the Serbian homeland. At first governed as a regular province, Serbian unrest and political pressures caused the creation of a Serb Autonomous Province [2] in 1866 at which time the Muslim-Majority Municipality of Belgrade was given the status of a first level subdivision, separate from Serbia. This was followed by the formalization of the autonomy de facto possessed by the Holy Mountain [3] Orthodox Christian Monasteries, which, though not directly relevant to the Serbian cause, pleased Serbia's overwhelmingly Orthodox population. Soon after, however, with the rise of the more conservative "Rumelian National Party" from 1890-1910, these conciliatory measures towards Serbs and Christians as a whole would end for a time, with much of Serbia's autonomy being stripped away, and tensions growing as Serbian and Greek MPs boycotted parliament.

It was in this period that Serbian secessionism grew to an all-time high, with the Party for Greater Serbia emerging before being banned and resurfacing as the "Serbian Revolutonary Movement" or SRP (Srpski Revolucionarni Pokret). There were 3 major streams among Serbian nationalists. Firstly the Radicals, represented by the SRP, who wished to secede from Rumelia and conquer or reconquer the Serb-Majority parts of Northern Bosnia and any land needed to connect them to Serbia, with some even wishing to restore Serbia's medieval borders. Then there were the Austro-Slavists, seeking to unite with Austria's Serbian Voivodeship. Finally, there were the moderates, seeking to regain lost autonomy in Rumelia and have parts of Northern Bosnia allocated to the Serbian Autonomous Province.

In the 1810 election, however, the more moderate Liberal-Federalist Party would replace the Nationalists, and return much autonomy to Serbia and the Monasteries. In addition, 7 seats in parliament would be reserved for ethnic Serbs (much like how 15 are reserved for Pomaks and 20 for Albanians). While this eased tensions with the Serbs, and conciliatory action would continue, Serbian irredentism and scessionism remains present to this day, and the desire for Northern Bosnia, having not been fulfilled, remains a point of tension.
Last edited:
Since regions have been ruled fair game, here’s 3 unique states for the price of 1!


In short, these are three Brazilian states in Africa that have in common a Bantu heritage and some degree of resistance to the national government's Melting Pot ideology--yet each is culturally unique in its own right. Congo is a native kingdom brought into the republican federation with relatively little change to its culture or even politics. Angola is a former slaver's paradise still disturbed by racial and ethnic distrust, now developing a pluralistic culture at odds with the Brazilian mainland's. Benguela is a former British colony and anti-slavery hub, originally taken as the price for allowing Brazil to hold onto Angola and later reabsorbed as a state following Britain's loss of TTL's WWI-equivalent, with a mixed population not tied to any one tribe or nation and a cultural influence far out of proportion to its size (for example, as a big place for musical innovation and cross-pollination between Brazil and the Anglophone world). I'll edit in full descriptions later for Angola and Benguela if possible, but here's the one for Congo:

The Brazilian Republic’s newest member, Congo is also its most ethnically homogenous, as well as its poorest. It is the homeland of the Bacongo, a people long under Portuguese and then Brazilian political influence who nonetheless never assimilated even to the extent that their sister-nations to the south have. The landmarks of Brazilian history have a different meaning or none at all in the Royal State. Though the people of the region had been enslaving one another long before the arrival of Europeans, the effects of fazenda slavery and racial conflict that haunt the rest of the Republic, especially Angola, are as foreign to Congo as the Revolution or the Mixed Nation policies of the last half-century. Brazil’s wars, even the Great Dutch War, had only minor effects on Congo, while the diplomatic struggle to maintain independence from Europe looms large in cultural memory. Congo was one of the few African states to avoid overt colonization in the 19th century, a source of considerable pride to its people. Only since that struggle ended in 1965, with the request for admission into the Republic in the face of Nianzese and German incursions, has Congo’s history aligned more or less with Brazil’s.

Congo’s political system is unique in the country, being derived from native African institutions. Traditionally, the Bacongo followed a king or muenecongo, who ruled together with a council of eight men and four women. The royal succession was controlled by four of the councilmen, rather than being hereditary as in Europe. Congo preserved this system until its admission to Brazil in 1969. Since then, a special exception to the Constitution of 1887 has allowed the king to keep his title, though not his authority, and the government to preserve some of its structure. A ceremonial monarch is still appointed by the four electors, but the councilors themselves are chosen by the body of the people. They must include four men and four women, with the remaining four seats open to either gender. Each councilor acts as the chief executive within one department of state policy, while the council as a whole serves in place of a separate legislature (with the king serving as tie-breaker, his sole constitutional power). The twelve “departments” are: finance, police, Catholic Church relations, law courts, coastal and port affairs, education, postal service and highways, building codes, espionage and census, industrial regulation, immigration and cultural affairs, and public health.

Though the traditional nobility have no legal recognition, their sons and daughters typically fill the same council positions as they have for centuries, and maintain an almost manorial power in the countryside. Increasingly, however, the Bacongo work off the farm. The port and manufacturing center of Diogo Cão now holds almost a tenth of the state’s population. Elsewhere, call centers and other remote services employ a large share of the population, drawn by the cheapest Lusophone labor pool available. When the German lease on the enclave of Muanda ends in 2029, Congo will gain another large urban center and it’s first significant white population. Even today, ethnic and political identity are no longer interchangeable, as more Angolans and other Brazilians move in and many Bacongo travel across the country for work. Not long in the future, the people of this state may begin to think of themselves by the government-preferred term Congans, rather than Bacongo, and the glory of ancient kings may dwindle to a quirk of a state constitution.
Last edited: