Wonderful! I love this reboot and the map really heps one follow the action in the text. Keep it coming!
Mississippi Rice (v2.0)
- Thread starter tormsen
- Start date
Lenawe
Though it could support a large population, wild rice agriculture was highly labor-intensive. Agriculture was largely controlled by the State, which administered the process of where a large portion of the population cooperated in the harvesting, drying, parching and hulling of immense quantities of wild rice. The processed rice was also distributed for storage, where it could remain underground in large storage pots essentially indefinitely. Temple and royal warehouses often contained years worth of grain. These warehouses, often dug underground beneath the frost line, sustained the large population during years where the harvest failed. Thus, settled cultures spread along the northern rivers, and south down the Central Megalopotamian when warm-weather cultivates of wild rice emerged.
The particularly needs of wild rice production bred an essentially conservative society based on large castes and the mobilization of labor for the needs of the State. Farmers made up the largest group, but there were a number of higher castes devoted to the management and maintenance of the harvest and other state affairs. Like wild rice agriculture, it was largely believed that society relied on strict maintenance of conditions. Much of the population was devoted to the harvest, not just of wild rice but also of sunflowers, squash, goosefoot and other crops.
Trade was another element largely controlled by the state, both internally and with foreign traders. There were no independent traders, but rather internal and external movements of goods were under the same purview of the bureaucrats that controlled the food supply. These bureaucrats used their own unique form of writing, that were originally merely seals on clay storage pots. These seals were based on animals and fantastic motifs: winged spiders, antlered snakes, horned fish, plumed cats and so forth. Originally simple, they diverged into two traditions: the simplified script used for a variety of government and religious purposes, and the ornate and complex seals used to denote identity and ownership. The former began to resemble standard script, while the latter retained the fantastic imagery and made it increasingly elaborate.
The largest centres of external trade was the vast metropolis's of Citoni, Aljamecca and Maccachanela, which traded with the north and south respectively. Smaller trading centres existed in the north, trading with the kingdoms of the far north Megalopotamian, across the Great Lakes or elsewhere. These were, during the pre-Hapsburg period, of lesser importance. These were the most cosmopolitan cities in the empire, as the rest of the empire was subject to strict homogenization laws. They were not only responsible for long distance trade route, but they also were the central recieval points for tributary states bordering the Empire.
The Lenawe had a very different form of architecture than the peoples to the south. Pyramids were never as popular, though there was an older tradition of mounds. Instead, state kilns and pans produced vast quantities of bricks for stadiums for bison-fighting and other spectacles, or for practical purposes. Most of the population lived in wooden structures, often raised settlements over flooded wild rice fields. The cities were essentially merely distribution points. The exception to the rule was perhaps the capital of Otojel, where monumental architectural accomplishments reflected the glory of the Emperor.
In general, though, Lenawe was a chiefly hydraulic civilization. The river systems of the Great Basin were fully utilised, with extensive canals, dikes and other water management systems. Lenawe cities were well-watered and drained, with the upper castes enjoying running water. There was an established culture of saunas and hot baths in the northern regions, and cool public baths towards the south (and in most regions, both.) In general, they built only rudimentary roads (compared to more advanced road networks possessed by the Empires of Tzintuntzan and the Chimor), instead preferring water transport for most purposes. In some ways, this limited the expansion of the empire in some respects, as often the reach of the Imperial Authorities did not extend very far from the river banks. But in times of threat from inland peoples, the military was able to use the swift internal water transportation to raise significant armies.
Lenawe Rivercraft, 16th century
At this time, the Lenawe empire was a heterogeneous conglomeration, built on the expansive and assimilationist tendencies of the Lenawe people. The secret of the Lenawe success was it's organisation and capacity to absorb conquered peoples. As they expanded along the rivers of the Megalopotamian river system, absorbing both established settled peoples and savage tribes into their cultural unit. The importance of caste overrode all else, and foreign national identities were often eroded from the top-down by education and religion. Progress was inexorable in the north, but less successful in the south. In general, the Lenawe were most adept at assimilating northern populations that depended primarily on wild-rice agriculture for their way of life.
In the southern regions where the population was fed as much by maize as by wild rife, language differences, the proximity to the influence of Mesoamerican civilization, and the differences in agricultural practices between the wild-rice farming north and the combined rice and maize harvests of the south meant that the southern states were less prime for direct conquest. These cultures were instead often directly vassalized, as was the case with the kingdoms of the Mabila river, or they were merely indirectly controlled. The Muskogee cities and Saamal depended on Lenawe for trade, and so submitted to the dominance of the Lenawe Emperor on most matters.
Lenawe was confident in it's ability to overpower it's enemies, though it maintained a military caste for the purpose of slow expansion. Much of this expansion was at the expense of non-agricultural peoples in regions of interest to the Lenawe. However, a long history of wars with the older states, particularly during the Pacan period, made the Lenawe martially wise. In 1492, it's settled rivals were too weak and too disunited to provide a serious threat to the empire. The most likely candidates were the bison-herding Wakhanwe to the north, and the jealous cities of the southern Megalopotamian. Neither were a match for the empire's archers and spearmen, however.
Unlike Mesoamerica or the southern Megalopotamian region, human sacrifice was rarely practiced in Lenawe. It was occasionally used as a ritual in the construction of important buildings or structures, and often royal funerals saw the sacrifice of large portions of the monarchs retinue. But this was rare, and often associated with either foreign practice or with the ancient Pacan empire. Instead, the sacrifice of the bison, the holy animal of Lenawe, was a much larger part of the culture. Bison-jumping, a somewhat suicidal sport of religious devotion, became increasingly popular among the lower castes.
One interesting aspect was the secular and legalistic approach of this society to the supernatural. The Lenawe had relatively advanced medicine for a people of their civilizational development. They also believed in the ever-presence of dangerous witches, seen as enemies of both the natural order and the State. The Lenawe believed that by examining the victim of alleged supernatural attack, they could ascertain the origins and nature of the complaint, either internal or external. In some cases, this allowed for the prescription of the correct medicine or recuperative treatment. In other cases, it led to the persecution of “witches” within the community.
However, supernatural knowledge in and of itself was not proscribed. Shawnee doctors combined physical and supernatural remedies for almost all ills, and concentrated their wisdom on healing the royal families, the powerful nobles and the army. Unlike some peoples, there was no split between herbalists who sought to use medicine from a wide variety of roots, bark, leaves, seeds, berries, flowers, and stalks, and those who intervened in spiritual means. The Lenawe used some medicinal plants when fresh. Others were dried and powdered or prepared as liquids, salves, or poultices. However, the most important technique they used was at first a minor technique considered of minor value, though it would grow in importance. Wrapped in various ineffectual rituals, the Lenawe doctors had discovered the technique of inoculation, which had been used to treat an indigenous form of influenza. It was this technique that would allow become so important in the future.
Though it could support a large population, wild rice agriculture was highly labor-intensive. Agriculture was largely controlled by the State, which administered the process of where a large portion of the population cooperated in the harvesting, drying, parching and hulling of immense quantities of wild rice. The processed rice was also distributed for storage, where it could remain underground in large storage pots essentially indefinitely. Temple and royal warehouses often contained years worth of grain. These warehouses, often dug underground beneath the frost line, sustained the large population during years where the harvest failed. Thus, settled cultures spread along the northern rivers, and south down the Central Megalopotamian when warm-weather cultivates of wild rice emerged.
The particularly needs of wild rice production bred an essentially conservative society based on large castes and the mobilization of labor for the needs of the State. Farmers made up the largest group, but there were a number of higher castes devoted to the management and maintenance of the harvest and other state affairs. Like wild rice agriculture, it was largely believed that society relied on strict maintenance of conditions. Much of the population was devoted to the harvest, not just of wild rice but also of sunflowers, squash, goosefoot and other crops.
Lenawe Trading Centre
(Author's Note: Pretend those elephants aren't there)
(Author's Note: Pretend those elephants aren't there)
Trade was another element largely controlled by the state, both internally and with foreign traders. There were no independent traders, but rather internal and external movements of goods were under the same purview of the bureaucrats that controlled the food supply. These bureaucrats used their own unique form of writing, that were originally merely seals on clay storage pots. These seals were based on animals and fantastic motifs: winged spiders, antlered snakes, horned fish, plumed cats and so forth. Originally simple, they diverged into two traditions: the simplified script used for a variety of government and religious purposes, and the ornate and complex seals used to denote identity and ownership. The former began to resemble standard script, while the latter retained the fantastic imagery and made it increasingly elaborate.
The largest centres of external trade was the vast metropolis's of Citoni, Aljamecca and Maccachanela, which traded with the north and south respectively. Smaller trading centres existed in the north, trading with the kingdoms of the far north Megalopotamian, across the Great Lakes or elsewhere. These were, during the pre-Hapsburg period, of lesser importance. These were the most cosmopolitan cities in the empire, as the rest of the empire was subject to strict homogenization laws. They were not only responsible for long distance trade route, but they also were the central recieval points for tributary states bordering the Empire.
The Lenawe had a very different form of architecture than the peoples to the south. Pyramids were never as popular, though there was an older tradition of mounds. Instead, state kilns and pans produced vast quantities of bricks for stadiums for bison-fighting and other spectacles, or for practical purposes. Most of the population lived in wooden structures, often raised settlements over flooded wild rice fields. The cities were essentially merely distribution points. The exception to the rule was perhaps the capital of Otojel, where monumental architectural accomplishments reflected the glory of the Emperor.
In general, though, Lenawe was a chiefly hydraulic civilization. The river systems of the Great Basin were fully utilised, with extensive canals, dikes and other water management systems. Lenawe cities were well-watered and drained, with the upper castes enjoying running water. There was an established culture of saunas and hot baths in the northern regions, and cool public baths towards the south (and in most regions, both.) In general, they built only rudimentary roads (compared to more advanced road networks possessed by the Empires of Tzintuntzan and the Chimor), instead preferring water transport for most purposes. In some ways, this limited the expansion of the empire in some respects, as often the reach of the Imperial Authorities did not extend very far from the river banks. But in times of threat from inland peoples, the military was able to use the swift internal water transportation to raise significant armies.
Lenawe Rivercraft, 16th century
At this time, the Lenawe empire was a heterogeneous conglomeration, built on the expansive and assimilationist tendencies of the Lenawe people. The secret of the Lenawe success was it's organisation and capacity to absorb conquered peoples. As they expanded along the rivers of the Megalopotamian river system, absorbing both established settled peoples and savage tribes into their cultural unit. The importance of caste overrode all else, and foreign national identities were often eroded from the top-down by education and religion. Progress was inexorable in the north, but less successful in the south. In general, the Lenawe were most adept at assimilating northern populations that depended primarily on wild-rice agriculture for their way of life.
In the southern regions where the population was fed as much by maize as by wild rife, language differences, the proximity to the influence of Mesoamerican civilization, and the differences in agricultural practices between the wild-rice farming north and the combined rice and maize harvests of the south meant that the southern states were less prime for direct conquest. These cultures were instead often directly vassalized, as was the case with the kingdoms of the Mabila river, or they were merely indirectly controlled. The Muskogee cities and Saamal depended on Lenawe for trade, and so submitted to the dominance of the Lenawe Emperor on most matters.
Lenawe was confident in it's ability to overpower it's enemies, though it maintained a military caste for the purpose of slow expansion. Much of this expansion was at the expense of non-agricultural peoples in regions of interest to the Lenawe. However, a long history of wars with the older states, particularly during the Pacan period, made the Lenawe martially wise. In 1492, it's settled rivals were too weak and too disunited to provide a serious threat to the empire. The most likely candidates were the bison-herding Wakhanwe to the north, and the jealous cities of the southern Megalopotamian. Neither were a match for the empire's archers and spearmen, however.
Unlike Mesoamerica or the southern Megalopotamian region, human sacrifice was rarely practiced in Lenawe. It was occasionally used as a ritual in the construction of important buildings or structures, and often royal funerals saw the sacrifice of large portions of the monarchs retinue. But this was rare, and often associated with either foreign practice or with the ancient Pacan empire. Instead, the sacrifice of the bison, the holy animal of Lenawe, was a much larger part of the culture. Bison-jumping, a somewhat suicidal sport of religious devotion, became increasingly popular among the lower castes.
One interesting aspect was the secular and legalistic approach of this society to the supernatural. The Lenawe had relatively advanced medicine for a people of their civilizational development. They also believed in the ever-presence of dangerous witches, seen as enemies of both the natural order and the State. The Lenawe believed that by examining the victim of alleged supernatural attack, they could ascertain the origins and nature of the complaint, either internal or external. In some cases, this allowed for the prescription of the correct medicine or recuperative treatment. In other cases, it led to the persecution of “witches” within the community.
However, supernatural knowledge in and of itself was not proscribed. Shawnee doctors combined physical and supernatural remedies for almost all ills, and concentrated their wisdom on healing the royal families, the powerful nobles and the army. Unlike some peoples, there was no split between herbalists who sought to use medicine from a wide variety of roots, bark, leaves, seeds, berries, flowers, and stalks, and those who intervened in spiritual means. The Lenawe used some medicinal plants when fresh. Others were dried and powdered or prepared as liquids, salves, or poultices. However, the most important technique they used was at first a minor technique considered of minor value, though it would grow in importance. Wrapped in various ineffectual rituals, the Lenawe doctors had discovered the technique of inoculation, which had been used to treat an indigenous form of influenza. It was this technique that would allow become so important in the future.
Ideas
Sounds like the Lenawe will not suffer the devastation of European diseases like in OTL North and South America. Plus the European may not find any easy gold or riches from the devastation. However, the Europeans may find a market for manufactured goods, especially weapons for those corn-growing states resisting the Lenawe expansion. The Lenawe will also learn from Europeans who 'go native' with their tools and skills. I can see struggles over trading rights between the Europeans like in India and the East Indies.
Sounds like the Lenawe will not suffer the devastation of European diseases like in OTL North and South America. Plus the European may not find any easy gold or riches from the devastation. However, the Europeans may find a market for manufactured goods, especially weapons for those corn-growing states resisting the Lenawe expansion. The Lenawe will also learn from Europeans who 'go native' with their tools and skills. I can see struggles over trading rights between the Europeans like in India and the East Indies.
They won't (as much), but most of the other polities will be heavily devastated. The Lenawe will end up simply being too large to swallow, and as the lands they occupy are not as rich in mineral resources as other parts of the New World that the Spaniards will discover. As a market they have major potential, and they will be a major target for Christianisation.
The corn-growing states of the south may be out of luck, because they have no knowledge of inoculation and so will suffer from the full effects of Eurasian disease, and they will be the first targets when the Spanish start needing cheap labour. Their proximity to the Georgia Gold Belt will be their demise, for some.
The corn-growing states of the south may be out of luck, because they have no knowledge of inoculation and so will suffer from the full effects of Eurasian disease, and they will be the first targets when the Spanish start needing cheap labour. Their proximity to the Georgia Gold Belt will be their demise, for some.
Will the southern Megalopotamia be essentially Mississipian Mexico, or will they be as white as today's US ?
Luis de Torres
The journey of the polymath Jewish explorer Luis de Torres is a fascinating story, and he has been compared somewhat with Marco Polo. Given the later events, the cultures and cities along the Mabela river are now largely to be recovered from his notes, though a great deal of his later writings are lost to history. Originally brought on the voyage in the hope that his knowledge of Near Eastern languages would allow him to make contact with Jewish merchants in the Far east, de Torres was entrusted by Columbus to accompany a trade vessel up the Baat river and make contact with the Great Khan of Cathay with a letter from the Catholic Monarchs of Spain. He would never reach the court of the Khan, nor even returned to Europe in his lifetime.
Journeying up the river and then across the mountains, avoiding occasionally hostile tribes of local Hitiqi, the band of traders made their way to small town of Cusa. Torres, unable to make contact with anyone from the Near East, and may have received misinformation from the confused locals. He decided to continue north and west, as all indications were that there was a large empire there.. He was accompanied by a Spaniard, an Andalucian who took a liking to both smoking and the highly addictive Mabelan black tea. They visited many of the local cities, and their journey took longer than expected as word of the arrival of strange foreigners spread through the cities and they were often met by crowds of the curious, or delayed by the hospitality of local kings and strongmen.
While with the vanilla bean traders, Luis de Torres picked up parts of the Maya language, but soon became better at using another lingua franca: the Lenawe tongue. Though Maya was one of the major two languages used for naval trade in the New World, in the interior riverine regions the Lenawe tongue was supreme. De Torres' expertise with other languages meant he was able to pick up the language relatively quickly, though he quickly suspected it was unrelated to any Asian tongue. His inability to find any speakers of Arabic, Aramaic or Hebrew eventually convinced him he was in fact in a new undiscovered world.
The delay in their travel, which often extended to over a month in a single locality meant that they were outpaced by a new arrival from Europe: smallpox. The epidemic caused countless deaths and he recorded the horror in minute detail. When they reached the border with Lenawe, they found it under quarantine: Lenawe experience with fever from the south and their natural tendency to isolate themselves from the outside meant that no-one could enter through the normal riverine channels.
Unable to enter the Lenawe empire legally, de Torres decided to attempt to enter the empire by land, as advised by his Mabelan contacts. With the Mabelan cities in chaos due to the plague and the cessation of trade from both Saamal and Maccachanela, his companion was killed by a mob in the town of Adachi. With great haste he made his overland journey in early 1494, whereupon he and his guides were captured by a detail of Lenawean soldiers. His strange appearance worked in his favour, and he found himself taken as a prisoner to the court of the Lenawe emperor in Otojel.
Though initially in fear of his life, he remained in confinement for some time. Despite their best efforts, smallpox was raging in the Lenawe empire and had claimed the emperor himself. His son, a weakling, was yet too young, and power had fallen to the emperor's wife, <>, known to history as the Dowager Empress of Lenawe. He was brought before her, and he explained his intentions. Curious of this outlandish figure, the Empress bade him regular attendance upon her. He swiftly went from prisoner to trusted advisor (and according to some, paramour). Isolated in an alien world, he began to use only his Hebrew name, Yosef, instead of his adopted Spanish name. This had a later effect of making the name popular among the Lenawe elite. He developed the very first dictionary for the Lenawe tongue, and encouraged the first Lenawe writings using the Latin script (though he also experimented with Arabic and Hebrew scripts).
Many have said that the de Torres, as a Jew converted to Catholicism with a deep understanding of European culture and behaviour, was instrumental in causing the events that later took place. Today we look mainly to the Dowager as the individual responsible for saving the Lenawe polity from destruction while the rest of the Colombian cultures fell to Spanish arms. Lenawe's relatively advanced medical knowledge was also likely a factor. However, the years de Torres spent in Otojel: first as a prisoner, then a trusted advisor, were surely just as important. When the conquistadors came to the Empire, they would find an Empress prepared for their arrival, with a plan.
The journey of the polymath Jewish explorer Luis de Torres is a fascinating story, and he has been compared somewhat with Marco Polo. Given the later events, the cultures and cities along the Mabela river are now largely to be recovered from his notes, though a great deal of his later writings are lost to history. Originally brought on the voyage in the hope that his knowledge of Near Eastern languages would allow him to make contact with Jewish merchants in the Far east, de Torres was entrusted by Columbus to accompany a trade vessel up the Baat river and make contact with the Great Khan of Cathay with a letter from the Catholic Monarchs of Spain. He would never reach the court of the Khan, nor even returned to Europe in his lifetime.
Journeying up the river and then across the mountains, avoiding occasionally hostile tribes of local Hitiqi, the band of traders made their way to small town of Cusa. Torres, unable to make contact with anyone from the Near East, and may have received misinformation from the confused locals. He decided to continue north and west, as all indications were that there was a large empire there.. He was accompanied by a Spaniard, an Andalucian who took a liking to both smoking and the highly addictive Mabelan black tea. They visited many of the local cities, and their journey took longer than expected as word of the arrival of strange foreigners spread through the cities and they were often met by crowds of the curious, or delayed by the hospitality of local kings and strongmen.
While with the vanilla bean traders, Luis de Torres picked up parts of the Maya language, but soon became better at using another lingua franca: the Lenawe tongue. Though Maya was one of the major two languages used for naval trade in the New World, in the interior riverine regions the Lenawe tongue was supreme. De Torres' expertise with other languages meant he was able to pick up the language relatively quickly, though he quickly suspected it was unrelated to any Asian tongue. His inability to find any speakers of Arabic, Aramaic or Hebrew eventually convinced him he was in fact in a new undiscovered world.
The delay in their travel, which often extended to over a month in a single locality meant that they were outpaced by a new arrival from Europe: smallpox. The epidemic caused countless deaths and he recorded the horror in minute detail. When they reached the border with Lenawe, they found it under quarantine: Lenawe experience with fever from the south and their natural tendency to isolate themselves from the outside meant that no-one could enter through the normal riverine channels.
Unable to enter the Lenawe empire legally, de Torres decided to attempt to enter the empire by land, as advised by his Mabelan contacts. With the Mabelan cities in chaos due to the plague and the cessation of trade from both Saamal and Maccachanela, his companion was killed by a mob in the town of Adachi. With great haste he made his overland journey in early 1494, whereupon he and his guides were captured by a detail of Lenawean soldiers. His strange appearance worked in his favour, and he found himself taken as a prisoner to the court of the Lenawe emperor in Otojel.
Though initially in fear of his life, he remained in confinement for some time. Despite their best efforts, smallpox was raging in the Lenawe empire and had claimed the emperor himself. His son, a weakling, was yet too young, and power had fallen to the emperor's wife, <>, known to history as the Dowager Empress of Lenawe. He was brought before her, and he explained his intentions. Curious of this outlandish figure, the Empress bade him regular attendance upon her. He swiftly went from prisoner to trusted advisor (and according to some, paramour). Isolated in an alien world, he began to use only his Hebrew name, Yosef, instead of his adopted Spanish name. This had a later effect of making the name popular among the Lenawe elite. He developed the very first dictionary for the Lenawe tongue, and encouraged the first Lenawe writings using the Latin script (though he also experimented with Arabic and Hebrew scripts).
Many have said that the de Torres, as a Jew converted to Catholicism with a deep understanding of European culture and behaviour, was instrumental in causing the events that later took place. Today we look mainly to the Dowager as the individual responsible for saving the Lenawe polity from destruction while the rest of the Colombian cultures fell to Spanish arms. Lenawe's relatively advanced medical knowledge was also likely a factor. However, the years de Torres spent in Otojel: first as a prisoner, then a trusted advisor, were surely just as important. When the conquistadors came to the Empire, they would find an Empress prepared for their arrival, with a plan.
Will there be still the Sweatage(sp?) disease like in the first version ? Or will it be replaced by something different here ?
There's going to be a similar disease, but different from the Sweataches. Instead, the region will be home to a much more virulent version of the Chagas disease. Additionally, the Lenawe are familiar with several forms of influenza caught from domesticated turkey and ducks.
One thing I am seriously considering is having the super-Chagas behave somewhat similar to the related African trypanosomiasis in terms of having a relatively dire effect on Eurasian livestock. A high death rate amongst horses and cattle might add a new difficulty for Europeans in the New World.
One thing I am seriously considering is having the super-Chagas behave somewhat similar to the related African trypanosomiasis in terms of having a relatively dire effect on Eurasian livestock. A high death rate amongst horses and cattle might add a new difficulty for Europeans in the New World.
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A way long hiatus, so a post with some more broad strokes, illustrating the next few coming years.
The effects of Eurasian disease on the New World
Estimates of the population in the New World when Columbus arrived have varied tremendously; 20th century estimates range from a low of 20 million to a high of 200 million persons. Given the fragmentary nature of the evidence, even semi-accurate pre-contact population figures are impossible to obtain. On an “consensus count estimate of approximately 75 million people in 1492 (including 25 million in the Lenawe Empire, 20 million under the rule of Tzintuntzan and 15 million in Brasil), the lowest estimates give a death toll due to disease of 80% by the end of the 16th century. In Lenawe, knowledge of inoculation among the religious elites meant that fatality rates were much lower in that empire compared to other populated regions, though it is said that even so populations in that polity were effectively halved over the course of the 16th century.
Soon after Europeans began to arrive in the New World, bringing with them the infectious diseases of Europe and Africa, observers noted immense numbers of indigenous began to die of these diseases. One reason this death toll was overlooked (or downplayed) is that, once introduced, diseases raced ahead of European immigration in many areas. The Maya and Muskogee trade routes meant that smallpox was initially spread rapidly throughout Colombia, from an origin aboard the Sao Michael in July of 1493. The diseases largely caused the collapse of the vast trading system, and isolated many parts of Colombia from each other, which later allowed them to be easy pickings for Spanish conquistadors. It must be noted, however, that many claim that the violent Spanish conquest of the Muskogee and the impression of much of that population into slavery was as much responsible for the population decline as disease, noting the far higher rate of ethnic Maya surviving today compared to pure natives in Masaguay.
Spanish woodcut of a Lenawe inoculation ceremony
The diseases also raced up the river trading systems, and laid waste to the various Megalopolitan cultures. The Lenawe, with their knowledge of inoculation, were the best positioned to resist Eurasian invasions. Many today draw parallels between the Lenawe and China on the basis that they are both overwhelmingly ethnically dominated by a single race (though unlike the Han, the Lenawe today have a significant mix of European blood). However, this situation was very different in 1492. In that era there were a great number of conquered peoples that had not yet been assimilated into the empire, particularly in the west and north. It was these populations that suffered the worst, as often they had less access to Lenawe medical knowledge (which, at any rate, was highly steeped in superstition). The Lenawe elite, and the organised soldiery, received the most inoculations through religious and cultural ceremonies. That said, millions of peasants, Lenawe and non-Lenawe, died from repeated epidemics throughout the 16th century, particularly as the Catholic Church rejected inoculation until the 17th century.
But the minority peoples suffered a higher rate of death than the ethnic Lenawe, leading to an increased ethnic and cultural homogenisation of the empire. In some cases, the relatively higher fatality rate among young females caused a lack for women, which led to those that remained being married forcibly into Lenawe garrisons, thus having their children raised as members of the Lenawe people. Minority men who joined the military were often sent to locations far from their birthplaces, and later given land there to settle. Languages and cultures, under pressure from the Catholic Church, the Lenawe bureaucracy and the ravaging effects of disease, one by one succumbed and were absorbed into the larger culture. All in all, the smallpox epidemic gave a great boost to the long Lenawe tradition of ethnic assimilation, and created the modern situation where minority peoples are by far outnumbered by pure Lenawe and mestizos.
In the Purapeccan states, disease played an equally crucial role. The smallpox epidemic caused chaos in the Nahua states, and led to a sharp rise in demands for tribute from Tzintuntzan. The tributary states rebelled, causing an untenable situation for the imperial armies weakened by disease outbreaks in their barracks and forts. The rebellion was never efficiently crushed, as a successor crisis erupted in the higher Purapeccan regions due to the death of the King of smallpox. The civil war that followed raged for years, and severely weakened and distracted the empire. They were in the process of subduing the Nahua city-states when the Spanish arrived and recruited vast armies of Nahua rebels and used superior technology and warfare techniques to destroy the empire.
Smallpox reached the Andes by the 1520's, though it had been present in northern Brasil from much earlier, introduced through the Mayan trading post of Sak Kaw. It caused a collapse in the Chimu state, and was transmitted to the quarrelling polities in the south which decimated those populations and caused in some regions the abandonment of cities and settled regions. This political disintegration was perhaps the cause of the Spanish inability to successfully conquer these regions and left them and their silver deposits open to discovery by others. In other regions less important to the Spanish the disease was transmitted slowly or delayed, and in many parts of the New World the effects of Eurasian diseases would continue to ravage isolated populations for the next 300 years.
The effects of Eurasian disease on the New World
Estimates of the population in the New World when Columbus arrived have varied tremendously; 20th century estimates range from a low of 20 million to a high of 200 million persons. Given the fragmentary nature of the evidence, even semi-accurate pre-contact population figures are impossible to obtain. On an “consensus count estimate of approximately 75 million people in 1492 (including 25 million in the Lenawe Empire, 20 million under the rule of Tzintuntzan and 15 million in Brasil), the lowest estimates give a death toll due to disease of 80% by the end of the 16th century. In Lenawe, knowledge of inoculation among the religious elites meant that fatality rates were much lower in that empire compared to other populated regions, though it is said that even so populations in that polity were effectively halved over the course of the 16th century.
Soon after Europeans began to arrive in the New World, bringing with them the infectious diseases of Europe and Africa, observers noted immense numbers of indigenous began to die of these diseases. One reason this death toll was overlooked (or downplayed) is that, once introduced, diseases raced ahead of European immigration in many areas. The Maya and Muskogee trade routes meant that smallpox was initially spread rapidly throughout Colombia, from an origin aboard the Sao Michael in July of 1493. The diseases largely caused the collapse of the vast trading system, and isolated many parts of Colombia from each other, which later allowed them to be easy pickings for Spanish conquistadors. It must be noted, however, that many claim that the violent Spanish conquest of the Muskogee and the impression of much of that population into slavery was as much responsible for the population decline as disease, noting the far higher rate of ethnic Maya surviving today compared to pure natives in Masaguay.
Spanish woodcut of a Lenawe inoculation ceremony
The diseases also raced up the river trading systems, and laid waste to the various Megalopolitan cultures. The Lenawe, with their knowledge of inoculation, were the best positioned to resist Eurasian invasions. Many today draw parallels between the Lenawe and China on the basis that they are both overwhelmingly ethnically dominated by a single race (though unlike the Han, the Lenawe today have a significant mix of European blood). However, this situation was very different in 1492. In that era there were a great number of conquered peoples that had not yet been assimilated into the empire, particularly in the west and north. It was these populations that suffered the worst, as often they had less access to Lenawe medical knowledge (which, at any rate, was highly steeped in superstition). The Lenawe elite, and the organised soldiery, received the most inoculations through religious and cultural ceremonies. That said, millions of peasants, Lenawe and non-Lenawe, died from repeated epidemics throughout the 16th century, particularly as the Catholic Church rejected inoculation until the 17th century.
But the minority peoples suffered a higher rate of death than the ethnic Lenawe, leading to an increased ethnic and cultural homogenisation of the empire. In some cases, the relatively higher fatality rate among young females caused a lack for women, which led to those that remained being married forcibly into Lenawe garrisons, thus having their children raised as members of the Lenawe people. Minority men who joined the military were often sent to locations far from their birthplaces, and later given land there to settle. Languages and cultures, under pressure from the Catholic Church, the Lenawe bureaucracy and the ravaging effects of disease, one by one succumbed and were absorbed into the larger culture. All in all, the smallpox epidemic gave a great boost to the long Lenawe tradition of ethnic assimilation, and created the modern situation where minority peoples are by far outnumbered by pure Lenawe and mestizos.
In the Purapeccan states, disease played an equally crucial role. The smallpox epidemic caused chaos in the Nahua states, and led to a sharp rise in demands for tribute from Tzintuntzan. The tributary states rebelled, causing an untenable situation for the imperial armies weakened by disease outbreaks in their barracks and forts. The rebellion was never efficiently crushed, as a successor crisis erupted in the higher Purapeccan regions due to the death of the King of smallpox. The civil war that followed raged for years, and severely weakened and distracted the empire. They were in the process of subduing the Nahua city-states when the Spanish arrived and recruited vast armies of Nahua rebels and used superior technology and warfare techniques to destroy the empire.
Smallpox reached the Andes by the 1520's, though it had been present in northern Brasil from much earlier, introduced through the Mayan trading post of Sak Kaw. It caused a collapse in the Chimu state, and was transmitted to the quarrelling polities in the south which decimated those populations and caused in some regions the abandonment of cities and settled regions. This political disintegration was perhaps the cause of the Spanish inability to successfully conquer these regions and left them and their silver deposits open to discovery by others. In other regions less important to the Spanish the disease was transmitted slowly or delayed, and in many parts of the New World the effects of Eurasian diseases would continue to ravage isolated populations for the next 300 years.
Just discovered the TL; this is a really interesting concept Tormsen. Really looking forward to see where you take it. Hopefully there will be more than one independent native empire (maybe a Mayan Unification).
Are there any changes in South America? If the Mayans made it all the way to Saamal my guess is that there was some exploration going on down the coast of Brazil.
The only thing that bugs me is the name Megalopotamia. Why use a greek derived name for an Columbian river? Even in OTL bastardizations of native names became the standard way of naming geographical marks. What do the Lenawe call the Megalopotamia and the adjacent rivers?
Are there any changes in South America? If the Mayans made it all the way to Saamal my guess is that there was some exploration going on down the coast of Brazil.
The only thing that bugs me is the name Megalopotamia. Why use a greek derived name for an Columbian river? Even in OTL bastardizations of native names became the standard way of naming geographical marks. What do the Lenawe call the Megalopotamia and the adjacent rivers?
Given the establishment of much larger, widespread, and longer-lived urban civilizations throughout North America, wouldn't they likely have developed generally stronger immune systems and their own set of lethal diseases? You might expect to see a somewhat smaller die off and the infliction of similar mass epidemics on the Old World. European settlers would be particularly vulnerable to disease, much like OTL settlers in Africa, only many of these diseases would be able to spread to temperate Europe. A new black death in the old world coupled with high attrition in settlements might make colonization of the new world a much more difficult affair.
Glad you're enjoying it, and there will be at least a couple of native empires and states, though not the Mayans I'm afraid.
They got around quite a bit, and have a small colony (Sak Kaw) on the coast of what we would call South America. There are a number of differences in South America: survival of the Chimu and political disunity in the southern Andes. This will become significant later.
It's the name for the region more than anything else, similar to "Mesoamerica" in OTL. The reason being is that the river will have a variety of names, and the Spanish will probably know it as the Rio Grande. I actually haven't made up a Lenawe name for it, so thanks for reminding me.
The natives are going to have a few diseases (some local varieties of influenza and more potent forms of the Chagas disease and syphilis) that will cause some problems in the old world. There is a slightly smaller die-off in the New World and a greater one in the Old World due to this.
Ooo... How about an original name like...., oh, "Mississippi"? Do you think that would work? [Seriously, why wouldn't they call it that? And it makes it easier for your readers to follow.]
For what's it worth, the one critique of your TL is that it can be very hard to follow the allohistorical geographical place names. I think it's great to include them, but if you do so, it would be nice to include the OTL name in brackets on a frequent basis. For example, "The Spanish conquistadors terrorized the Rio Grande [OTL: Mississippi]."