Mississippi Rice (v2.0)

Mississippi Rice (v2.0)

This my reboot of my timeline, because I wanted to change the PreColumbian aspects and it required a complete restart. The title is very misleading because the river isn't called the Mississippi, and wild rice is not called rice ITTL. But I like the name. The PoD is the development of a much more useful cultiver of Zizania palustris, or wild rice, and it's fusion with the Eastern Agricultural Complex.

Some elements I'm still not sure about, such as a few of the names (Mesocolombia being one that rankles.) Most of the native names and words are taken from Mayan, Shawnee or Creek, occasionally twisted around to indicate effects the hand of butterflies, linguistic drift or European misinterpretation. Due to the changes to geographical naming, it may be quite confusing but a map will be forthcoming soon.

Rough Timeline of the PreColombian Era

Until 2500 BC: Development of the Megalopotamian Agricultural Complex, with the cultivation of North American squash (Cucurbita pepo), followed by sunflower (Helianthus annuus), marsh elder (Iva sp.), and goosefoot (Chenopodium sp.) Over time, these will all be genetically altered and found far outside their natural range. The single most important crop of this agricultural package is tame (Zizania palustris, known in OTL as wild rice), which will grow to become the staple source of food for the agricultural peoples of the region. However, in the early stage tame cultivation was rudimentary at best due to the way the native form of the crop shattered easily and the variation in which the seeds reached maturity.

2500 BC to 1000 BC: The Megalopotamian Agricultural Package expands to include maygrass, knotweed, little barley and ragweed. Much as teosinte was genetically adapted over time into maize in the south, the natural tame assumed a form more conducive to human exploitation. This manipulation led to a crop with seeds that matured at a more uniform rate than the wild variety, and which were less vulnerable to shattering. This reduced many of the difficulties in raising the crop and increased yields. The new tame was a crop that compared relatively favorably with other staple grains used around the world, and was able to support a much larger settled population. This period saw an expansion in social complexity, elaborate mortuary customs, the rise of long distance trade in exotic items, the first ceramics and the construction of localised mounds, dykes, storage pits and flooded fields. Along river systems that were conducive to the raising of tame there was a steady and inexorable move from semi-horticultural to agricultural lifestyles.

1000 BC to 300 AD: Increasing settlement based around tame agriculture during this period. Funeral urnery, the most distinctive element of Megalopotamian culture, develop in northern Megalopotamia. Along the Pelewa [Ohio] river, the Lenawe people are ascendant, slowly wiping out or assimilating the horticultural and hunter-gatherer groups around them. In Lenawe history, they speak of the first empire known as Pacan, though later historians consider this to be a semi-mythical history. Other cities and polities have formed in much of the upper Megalopotamian region, mostly speaking Algic languages similar to that of the Lenawe.

300 AD to 800 AD: A productive warm-climate cultiver of tame sees the spread of agricultural societies to the south, along the Gulf coast, into the Temegua peninsula (Florida) and then later along the Atlantic coast. These cultures build on an earlier tradition of mound-building to create larger and more impressive structures. Trade routes first spread across the Gulf of Masaguay (Gulf of Mexico). The Algonquin speaking city of Weaku rises in the south. Influenced by both upper Megalopotamian and Mesocolombian [Mesoamerican] cultures to the south, the peoples of the lower Mississippi develop a fusion culture. This period sees the rise of the Maaneth dynasty among the Lenawe.

800 AD to 1200 AD: Spread of maize, beans and new species of squash from Mesocolombia. From this date, the Lenawe begin to expand westwards, absorbing and conquering the smaller and less organized polities of the north Megalopotanian river. The Lenawe expansion causes a series of migrations down the river, as Algic peoples attack Weaku and the southern Algonquian polities of the south. Weaku itself has declined, it's former influence was based on its large population based on its sophisticated southern tame agriculture and the use of maize allows other peoples in the southern region and along the Gulf coast to catch up. In the Yucatan, the southern highland cities of the Maya collapse, and the onus of Maya civilization moves to the cities in the north. The burgeoning trade with the Gulf coast spurs the great Maya naval expansion and the beginnings of their conflict with the Muskogee. The Muskogee, their numbers increased by the introduction of maize and trade with the south, invade and settle western Temegua pushing the settled Timucua to the east where they displace the Calusa tribes there, who flee to the Liquintas (Bahamas). The Zapotecs and Mixtecs, who have occupied the area of the old Highland Maya culture and have copied Yucatan Maya shipbuilding techniques, begin limited trade with the Chimu.

1200 - 1492 AD: Mayan and Muskogee colonies spread throughout the Gulf of Masaguar, largely displacing the native peoples in many of the islands. Trade routes through Mesocolombia are disrupted by the collapse of the cultures of the Southwest, and the shift to sea trade by the Maya and Muskogee. Rise of polities along the Atlantic coast, and the establishment of the distant Maya city of Saamal on the coast of New Spain [Georgia]. The New World enters the Bronze Age in this period, both in Mesocolombia and Megalopotamia (but not the Andes). The Lenawe invade and conquer the Algic peoples of the northwest, extending their rule into those rich copper-producing regions. Some Algic states remain as vassals to the Lenawe but they are later unified under the warlike Wakhanwe who are able to resist Lenawe encroachment. Cholula rises to dominance on the central Purapeccan [Mexican] highland, maintaining a network of tributary arrangements to dominate the city-states of that region before coming afoul of the rising empire of Tzintuntzan. Tzintzuntzan conquers and destroys Cholula, creates a territorial empire. The Chimu remain the most powerful state to the south.

Snapshot of the New World in 1492

The Lenawe empire rules the vast majority of the Central Lowland regions of the Colombian [North American] continent, particularly it's river system. The centre of the Lenawe empire is the heartland along the Pelewa [Ohio] river, where their capital Otojel stands. Their influence extends up the Rio Blanco [Wabash] river, and they control a key stretch of the central Megalopotamian [Mississippi], the Kiccaccami [Illinois] and the eastern portion of the Tapaccimocci [Missouri]. The empire borders both Lake Mescecce [Michigan] and Lake Menela [Erie] and is expanding rapidly up the Kilechi [Lower Michigan] Penisula toward Lake Holacicci [Huron]. It has recently consolidated it's rule, and it maintains a vassal relationship with the kingdoms along the far northern Megalopotamian and the western Tapaccimocci. It controls all river trade through it's fortified trade cities: Citoni (on the convergence of the Megalopotamian and Pelewa rivers; Aljamecca (on the convergence of the Megalopotamian, Tapaccimocci and Kiccaccami rivers and Maccachanela (on the convergence of the Pelewa and Mabila [Tennessee] rivers.

There are many independant kingdoms, city-states, confederacies and other polities. Far northern Megalopotamia contains the Wakhanwe kingdom, who herd bison and send tribute down the river to Aljamecca begrudgingly but field a relatively impressive army equipped with bronze armour. The kingdoms that exist along the western Tapaccimoci and it's tributaries give tribute in proportion to their proximity to the border with the Lenawe, but they are largely left alone. They are so far the only culture in the New World to make limited use of iron. They are also bison herders, and share with the Lenawe a respect for the animal. South, there is a similar situation along the Mabila river, but these cities are expected to provide a larger tribute being close to both overland trade with the south as well as important sources of gold.

The southern Megalopotamian contains a number of important Algonquian-speaking city-states and kingdoms, most of whom are forced to pay heavy tribute to the Lenawe to the north. Their cultural influence extends up the Copper [Arkansas] and the Cate [Red] rivers. These cultures make a far more extensive use of corn compared to the tame cultures of the north, meaning that there is an obvious cultural divergance between the cultures of the northern Megalopotamian and those of the south. Around the Gulf coast extends the trade cities of the Muskogee, who have extended their influence to Sacaguay [Cuba] and trade extensively with the Nahua city-states of the Purapeccan [Mexican] coast and through them with the Tzintzuntzan Empire of the central Purapeccan plateau. They continue to penetrate inland in Temegua [Florida], confronting the Temecua there.

The Maya are divided between cities that have accepted northern trade through Muskogee middlemen or those who have attempted to circumvent it. They have expanded throughout the Gulf, trading extensively in regions the Muskogee have little presence or interest. Their colonies exist as far east as Qualental [Puerto Rico] and they have some trade presence along the northern Brasilian [South American] coastline. Their furthest flung colony is the city of Saamal on the coast of New Spain [Georgia], founded to circumvent the Muskogee. The Saamalians have expanded their trade presence up the coastline as well as into the interior, and their formidible navy has managed to ward of Muskogee attacks on their trade routes through the Liquintas Islands (Bahamas, taken from the Maya Liqin-tas describing the eastern route of trade around Sacaguay]). They trade up the Baat [Savannah] and Mutsh [Pee Dee] rivers and across the Tzakuitz mountains [Appalachians] with the [Tennessee ] city-states and the Lenawe. Their coastal trade has brought Mesocolombian [Mesoamerican] goods as far north as the Kuuk (Micmac, taken from their Mayan name) polities. Along the Atlantic coast are a number of tribes and polities, politically and culturally isolated from the Lenawe by the Tzakuitz but who have adopted tame to a certain extent, particularly in the north and have begun to make use of maize as well.

In the Purapeccan highlands , the last generation saw a series of wars between the rival cities of Cholula and Tzintzuntzan, leading eventually to the subjugation and destruction of the former and extension of Tzintzuntzan authority all the way to the Nahua trading cities on the eastern coastline. Tzintzuntzan reorganised it's empire along truly territorial lines, and begins a long process of homogenisation in it's empire. The Cholula tribute and flower war system has been dismantled and Tzintzuntzan has embarked on the most extensive program of road-building in the New World to facilitate a reorganisation of their heterogenous empire. However, they have encountered trouble as they have recognised the independence of some Nahua cities in the east while attempting to assimilate others through forced migration west. This has been largely been due to the distant Tzintzuntzan authorities giving responsibility for controlling the region to their Otomi allies, who have managed to alienate many of the other groups.

In the Andes the Chimu have the largest power and influence, trading sporadically with Mixtecs and others in the Oaxaca. The moon-worshipping Chimu have taken to importing a variey of exotic good through the Mixtecs, but this trade is still relatively limited as the Chimu are preoccupied by their gradual military expansion and the inferiority of Mixtec trading vessels compared to the Maya and Muskegee flotillas of the Gulf. To the south, squabbling kingdoms are perpetually locked in warfare, the most powerful being Qosqo, Guapondeleg and the Chachapoyas. So far none have been able to clearly dominate the others. Further south the Aymara people around Lake Titicaca and further south remain organised in states and subtribes based on ethnicity and language.
 
Last edited:
This is very cool - reminds me of Atom's 5500 Years TL, only in this one Columbus shows up. Can't wait to see how things go differently for the intrepid Genoese explorer.
 
0) the font (??Caslon??) and size make this quite hard to read without magnification. Please fix this for future posts, as I want to read this, and futzing with browser magnification is not something I want to have to do on a regular basis.

1) are the Lenawe the OTL Lenape (=Delaware)? if so they were Algonquian speaking, as are, I assume the "Algic" peoples (or did I misinterpret that?). So why do you speak of the Lenawe conquering/displacing the 'Algics'?

2) what language groups are the various Great Lakes names from? They sure look wierd to me. Of course, if the Lenawe are not Algonquian (or maybe northern Iroquoian), the names would look to me, so maybe this is a result of the same confusion as 1)

3) If the Lenawe are *Delaware, what are they doing in the Ohio valley. Let me guess, the assumptions in 1) are biting again.


Hmm... OK. Lenawe must NOT be Delaware, eh? So who are they, and what Language group are they from? Please?
 
Last edited:
Yay, it's back !! :D

Truth to be told, I really liked the concept. While I don't see the necessity the of the Mesoamericas being underdeveloped in the previous version, I still think that would still be interesting. Still nice to see Mesoamericas doesn't bear that in this new version ! XD Though no matter what, the Aztecs would've been butterflied anyway... ;):D

I have only one thing for you. While butterflies can indirectly cause a fall of an empire, they don't seem to be able to do it by their own, especially to the one who is at least around the peak of it's power. I hope to not see Ottoman Empire, or for that matter, any nation, to be treated like it's only good for destruction, and it can be destroyed at anytime and by however way desirable without taking enough(not seldom means "many") considerations, in this newer version. I just want you to be more considerate when doing those sorts of things, that's all, I guess :)
 
Last edited:
0) the font (??Caslon??) and size make this quite hard to read without magnification. Please fix this for future posts, as I want to read this, and futzing with browser magnification is not something I want to have to do on a regular basis.

Yeah, I'm going to have to fix that. I didn't notice to be honest, I posted originally on some huge-ass screen and then subsequently viewing it on other screens I've noticed it looks difficult to read. I should have kept it simple.

1) are the Lenawe the OTL Lenape (=Delaware)? if so they were Algonquian speaking, as are, I assume the "Algic" peoples (or did I misinterpret that?). So why do you speak of the Lenawe conquering/displacing the 'Algics'?

They're Shawnee, who refer to themselves as Lenawe OTL. When I mentioned Algic peoples, it was just a shorthand to be able to refer to a large linguistic group without being specific. The Lenawe are Algonquian speaking, but there has been a lot of drift from OTL.

2) what language groups are the various Great Lakes names from? They sure look wierd to me. Of course, if the Lenawe are not Algonquian (or maybe northern Iroquoian), the names would look to me, so maybe this is a result of the same confusion as 1)

3) If the Lenawe are *Delaware, what are they doing in the Ohio valley. Let me guess, the assumptions in 1) are biting again.

Hmm... OK. Lenawe must NOT be Delaware, eh? So who are they, and what Language group are they from? Please?

Names are going to be a bit funky. I don't want to use OTL names that simply wouldn't exist IITL, but I don't want to completely pull it out of the air. Then again, the deep PoD means enough linguistic drift I can justify pretty much anything. So I'll be drawing from Shawnee and Maya vocabulary to name a few cultures (the former mostly in the interior, the latter due to the trade routes).

I kind of put some of the names through a wringer, in terms of they were originally taken from native words, then modified for linguisic drift, then I deliberately tried to misinterpret them as a 16th century Spaniard. Names like "Citoni" and "Otojel" came out at the end. They don't represent the original names very well, and aren't meant to, but they will be the names that these cities will be popularly known as ITTL.
 
Yay, it's back !! :D

Truth to be told, I really liked the concept. While I don't see the necessity the of the Mesoamericas being underdeveloped in the previous version, I still think that would still be interesting. Still nice to see Mesoamericas doesn't bear that in this new version ! XD Though no matter what, the Aztecs would've been butterflied anyway... ;):D

I have an old, old love for the Tarascans, however. And to tell the truth, while the Aztecs are butterflied away, their cross-time linguistic cousins will be somewhat instrumental in the Spanish conquest of *Mexico, so don't count them out yet.

"Undeveloped Mexico" is a concept I'd like to run with elsewhere, so I don't really need to play with it in this timeline.

I have only one thing for you. While butterflies can indirectly cause a fall of an empire, they don't seem to be able to do it by their own, especially to the one who is at least around the peak of it's power. I hope to not see Ottoman Empire, or for that matter, any nation, to be treated like it's only good for destruction, and it can be destroyed at anytime and by however way desirable without taking enough(not seldom means "many") considerations, in this newer version. I just want you to be more considerate when doing those sorts of things, that's all, I guess :)
This is seriously something that is weighing down upon me, hey. I'm trying not to be overly informed by the previous version of the timeline, but I overthought a whole bunch of things, so now I'm trying to repair the plausibility while salvaging some of the ideas. I am going to have to be more serious when dealing with the Ottomans, though. I think they're going to have some short term pathos, but they're not going to just randomly collapse as I had them in the original timeline.
 
A Letter from the Admiral of the Oceans to the Catholic Monarchs

Sir, as I know that you will be pleased at the great victory with which Our Lord has crowned out voyage, I write this to you, from which you will learn how in thirty two days, I passed from the Canary Islands to the Indies with the fleet which the most illustrious king and queen, our sovereigns, gave to me. And there I found a great city filled with people innumerable, civilised and savage, as well as a multitude of treasures and goods, and of them I have proclaimed the domination of their highnesses, by proclamation made and with the royal standard unfurled. To the first island we found, we named San Salvador, in remembrance of the Divine Majesty, Who has marvellously bestowed all this; the Indians call the island Hupeten, and their seaside town they call Tela.[1]

At San Salvador, the Indians seemed well-prepared for naval visitors, though they were initially shocked by our arrival. Some of the Indians were sophisticated, dressed in elaborate costumes of cloth and gold, while their servants donned a ruder set of adornments, and spoke a different tongue. We remained here, as a guest of the local ruler, for several days until there arrived at the port a vast fleet of Indian vessels bearing a wonderful multitude of trade goods, including a large supply of mastic. We discovered they were heading north, to a large city which they called Saamal, a doubtless local variation on the name of the great Eastern city Guisay. [2]

Accompanying the Indian ships, we passed a number of islands, some of which were inhabited by similarly cultured Indians, others of which were seemingly inhabited by tribal peoples. We eventually came upon what we soon realised to be the mainland, the province of Catayo[3]. The Indians referred to this land as Temegua and indicated that our journey was not yet complete. I observed a trade meeting between the Indian shipmasters and a group of fierce barbarians on the coast, where a number of mysterious goods were exchanged for a number of young maidens and certain supplies. The Temegua Indians appeared well-armed, bearing large bows and spears, but the Indian traders appeared mostly unconcerned. I understood sufficiently from Indians I had already taken from Tela that the Temegua Indians and the traders were old allies against another group. [4] This land, though possessing a unique beauty, is primitive and backwater. We passed other small hamlets and seaside villages, but the flotilla did not make any further pauses in its northern journey.

We eventually neared the city of Guisay, moving along an endlessly fertile coast. We first noticed the large stone tower, built outside the city, where a fire burned to attract ships. As we closed, we saw a great multitude of ships, some large vessels but many more small canoes, like rowing fustas. They followed us and waved to us, enthusiastic at our arrival. The city was a marvel, comparable with the great cities of Europe or perhaps the great cities of ancient Rome. Hundreds of bridges arched over a wide river, and the port bustled with trade. The city itself was dominated by a large silvery-white pyramid of a style unknown to me, which rose majestically over a central plaza where merchants in their hundreds made a brisk trade. While clearly the worshippers of idols of a beastly countenance, they have a keen knowledge of art and architecture. It is likely that the Christian faith will do well here, though the temporal appetites of the traders will have to be overcome.

The Guisay Indians were strongly interested in our weapons and tools, particularly those of iron. It is apparent that many of the weapons and tools are made of bronze in this part of the world, and they had never seen an iron blade nor a crossbow. They were swift in determining the function of these items, and offered a variety of goods, from exotic spices to gold, in exchange for them. I forbade the trading away of any weaponry, though many small items began to vanish from the ships as the men made commerce with the Indians. These people used a kind of edible bean [5] as currency, and gold was commonplace, they were unimpressed when confronted with even castellanos or an arroba of cotton as they possessed ample supplies of both gold and cotton. They knew the value of trade, however, and were often very devious in their dealings with my men. They traded for a bewildering variety of exotic goods: fine cotton, jewellery and objects of gold, copper, silver and jade, unique and unfamiliar spices, brilliant tropical birds and feathers, a strange herb they would burn and drink the smoke, a number of local teas, and many other marvels. And I traded a thousand handsome good things, which I had brought, in order that we might build a rapport, and more than that, might become Christians and be inclined to the love and service of their highnesses and to the whole Castilian nation, and strive to aid us and deal well with us of the things they have in abundance and which are necessary to us.

In the city I saw a great diversity in the appearance of people as well as their manners and customs. Difficult to place at first, it became later obvious that people came to this city from a great many places for trade. I saw no human monstrosities, as many expected, but on the contrary the whole population is very well-formed, nor are they negroes as in Guinea, but their hair is flowing and they are not born where there is intense force in the rays of the sun, though it is true that some possessed skin of a much darker hue than others. Some, inhabitants of the north, dress very differently from the southerners. A great number of tongues are spoken, though most commonly use the language of the city itself, which I believe to be in common use throughout the Indies. [6] I invited a number of Indians aboard the ship, though the largest group of Indians were from the city itself, seeking to come to Europe to learn of Christianity and to make mutually beneficial trade with their highnesses.

As I have found no monsters, so I have had no report of any, except in the western lands where a race of pirates are believed to rule, and certain islands in the south were the inhabitants are fierce and eat human flesh. These people, in league with the pirates, have many canoes which they range through all the islands of India and pillage and take as much as they can. It is to avoid these people that the Guisay Indians settled the islands around San Salvador, and this explained their initial fear upon seeing our vessels. It may also explain the eagerness on the part of the Indians to purchase our weapons, in order to defend against raiders.

In the mountains of the interior, I am told there can be found vast mines of gold, and beyond the mountains are kingdoms rich in valuable commodities. They speak of an empire to the northeast which has wealth incalculable: I am convinced they speak of the territories of the Great Khan, with which they trade overland. This is a very large land, perhaps larger than France and Spain together, and there is a vast interior which is unknown to me. The Indians, of a very acute intelligence and being men who navigate the seas, give an amazingly good account of everything, from the islands to the south, to the empires of the centre and the tribes and villages of the north. It is a land to be desired and, seen, it is never to be left. And in this land, although of all I have seen on behalf of their highnesses and all are more richly endowed than I know how, or am able, to say, and to achieve a situation most convenient for all intercourse with the Indians of the mainland as well as those lands belonging to the Great Khan, where there will be great gain and trade, as well as in the best position for the gold mines of the interior.

North of the city of Guisay, at the end of another river where some trade travels [7], we have taken a large town in possession with the permission of the rulers of Guisay, to which I gave the name La Fernandina, and in it I have made fortifications and a fort, which now will by this time be entirely finished with the help of the local Indians, and I have left in it sufficient men for such a purpose with arms and artillery and provisions for more than a year, and access to local slaves and boats, and great friendship with the lords of that land, so much so, that I was accepted as a brother by them. And even if they were to change their attitude to one of hostility towards these men, they have a direct understanding of the power of our arms and the wrath that would fall upon them should those men come to harm.

In conclusion, to speak only of that which has been accomplished on this voyage, which was so hasty, their highnesses can see that I can provide them as much gold and silver as they may need, if their highnesses will render me very slight assistance; moreover, spice and cotton, as much as their highnesses shall command; and mastic, as much as they shall order to be shipped and which, up to now, has been found only in Greece, in the island of Chios, and the Indian traders will sell for a much lesser price than the Seignory [8]; and aloe wood, as much as they shall order to be shipped, and slaves, as many as they shall order to be shipped, and who will be from the idolators who reject the word of Our Lord. And I believe that I have found rhubarb and cinnamon and a thousand other things of value, which they Indians will trade for iron tools and weapons at a rate highly favourable to their highnesses. For I have not delayed at any point, except in the city of Guisay and the town of La Fernandina, where I have left some men as a embassy for trade with their highnesses and the spreading of the Christian faith among the Indians, and I truth I should have done much more, if the ships had served me, as reason demanded.

This is enough… and the eternal God, our Lord, Who gives to all those who walk in His way triumph over things which appear to be impossible, and this was notably one; for, although men have talked or have written of these lands, all was conjectural, without suggestion of ocular evidence, but amounted only to this, that those who have heard for the most part listened and judged it to be rather a fable than as having any vestige of truth. So that, since Our Redeemer, has given this victory to our most illustrious king and queen, and to their renowned kingdoms, in so great a matter, for this all of Christendom ought to feel delight and make great feasts and give solemn thanks to the Holy Trinity with many solemn prayers for the great exaltation which they shall have, in the turning of so many people to our holy faith, and afterwards for temporal benefits, for not only Spain but all Christians will hence refreshment and gain.

This in accordance with that which has been accomplished, thus briefly.
Done in the caravel, at the port of Oporto, on the fourteenth of February, in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety three. [9]
At your orders. El Almirante.

[1] A distant Mayan port, not very big, meant to serve as a waystation for long eastern journeys around the Muskogee trade lines.

[2] Columbus already suspected he was stretching at this point. Unlike OTL, it is going to be much more quickly realised that the new lands were something other than the Indies, and the whole of the Americas will later be referred to as the Antilles ITTL.

[3] Cathay.

[4] The Temecua, pushed west by the expanding Muskogee cities for centuries, trade with the Mayans and they have a very good relationship in an enemy-of-your-enemy way.

[5] Cocoa beans.

[6] Mayan is the lingua franca, but there are people here from all over North America.

[7] That’s the Pee Wee river of South Carolina, known as the Mutsh to the local Mayans.

[8] He’s talking about rubber here. The flotilla they tagged along with was bringing a shipment of rubber to the Lenape in the north, who have taken up certain Mesoamerican ball games. The Seignory are the dudes in charge of the Genoan mastic trade.

[9] He returned two days earlier compared to OTL, partially out of fear Martin Pinzon would try to make a run with the Nina and try to beat him back. Riding the Gulf Stream back to Europe he missed the Canary islands entirely and arrived straight in Oporto, Portugal. He’s going to sail down to coast and have a fateful meeting with John II before returning to Spain.
 
Great! Love the olde fashioned writing style and the Spaniard's-eye view of the setting. Nice intro to the new world. So far the reboot is going very well.
 
Columbus' Discovery and the Papal Demarcation Line (1492-1494

landing_columbus.jpg


In the early dawn of August 3, 1492, the people of the little town of Palos, in western Andalusia, must have watched with strange feelings the departure of three small ships for unknown waters. Less than three months had elapsed since the royal order came to provide two vessels for twelve months and wages for the crews for four months, as a penalty for some offence against the crown. At first the hardy sailors of Palos shrank from the mysterious voyage, and only the criminals in the jail were ready for the venture, relying on the promise that all who volunteered were to be exempt from criminal prosecution until two months after their return. But, thanks to the powerful influences of the Pinzon family, there was no need to depend upon the jail-birds, and capable crews were secured from Palos and the surrounding towns.

The full list of sailors and landsmen was ninety, according to Las Casas, and one hundred and twenty, according to Oviedo. Among them were the three Pinzon brothers, Juan de la Cosa, a maker of the famous map of 1500, and Luis de Torres, a converted Jew, who was taken as an interpreter by reason of his knowledge of Arabic. Besides the Spaniards there were two representatives of that race which was later in no small measure to enter into rivalry with Spain for the New World. William Ires [Harris?] of Galway, Ireland, and Tallarte de Lajes [Allard?]. Neither returned from the voyage. It is not a little strange, in view of the religious spirit of the age and of the enterprise, that no priest joined the company. This absence would be more than rectified in the second voyage in late 1493.

Of the three vessels only the Santa Maria was fully decked and large enough to be styled a ship. Her tonnage has been variously estimated at one hundred tons, and at two hundred and eighty tons. The other two, the Pinta and the Niña, of the low-built, swifter type called caravels, are supposed to have measured fifty and forty; or one hundred and forty and one hundred tons.

The admiral directed his course towards the Canaries, Spain's only pre-Colombian colonial dependency, and today almost the only remnant of her oceanic empire. There he tarried for about a month refitting the Pinta. The final start was made on Thursday, September 6.

The voyage was not imperilled by storms, yet as the waves rolled by day after day, as the little vessels followed the setting sun, the strain proved too great for the common minds of the crew. First there was secret grumbling, then plotting to put the admiral out of the way or to throw him overboard. At last, on the tenth day of October, they could stand it no longer; but the admiral soothed them and reminded them of the advantages which would come from success; "and he added that it was useless to complain, as he had come to go to the Indies and he would keep on till he found them with the aid of our Lord."

Fortunately, the strain was soon relaxed. The next afternoon a flickering light was seen on the horizon, and by evening they came into view of a foreign seaside town where stood a burning tower [1], and by Friday they found themselves near a small coral island in the Liquintas, called by the natives Hupeten, which Columbus renamed San Salvador (Holy Saviour). The town was Tela[2], a small port meant to serve as a stop-off point for flotillas and individual ships taking the journey east and north outside of Muskogee waters. That he had reached the Indies, Columbus had no doubt, and in his first mention of the natives he calls them "Indians," still even today used to describe many aborigines of the New World.

When on October 14 a vast rubber flotilla arrived at Tela en route to the city of Saamal, Columbus believed their destination to be Cipango, and planned to go on "to the main-land and to the city of Guisay, and to give the letters of your highness to the Gran Can." This belief soon became a fixed idea, immovable in the face of the most telling evidence. The very qualities that had insured Columbus's success contributed to his failure to realize just what he had achieved. Gazing at the vast fleet of Mayan ships and the local canoes that ferried between them and the island, he could write, "It is certain that the main-land is near, and that I am in front of Zayto and Guinsay, a hundred leagues — a little more or less — distant the one from the other" — Guinsay with its Oriental splendor and twelve thousand stone bridges, and Zaitun with its hundred pepper ships a year!

From the smaller Liquintas his course was directed north to the Temegua, of which he explored the coast of that peninsula, observing a trade meeting between a local Temecuan tribe and several ships of the flotilla. During this voyage north, Europeans first learned from Mayan sailors the habit of drawing the smoke from the leaves of a plant which were rolled in the form of a tube and lighted at one end. These tubes they learned were called cimaccos (a misinterpretation of the Mayan word for happiness, presumably due to one of the Mayan sailors describing his emotions toward the drug and a Spaniard taking that to be the name of the drug itself).

Continuing up the coast, they eventually came to that land referred to first as New Spain but much later eastern Colombia, and the grand city of Saamal. Here Columbus encountered the Mayan king and some of the powerful trading houses, while his men were welcome to explore the city, discovering the raucous plaza with its markets and being immediately surrounded by hundreds of shouting merchants. Believing that he was upon main-land not far from the realm of the Great Khan, on November 2 he despatched his Jewish interpreter, Luis de Torres, to that monarch by accompanying a trade caravan north along the Baat river destined for the city of Maccachanela. He did not return by the time of Columbus' return voyage to Spain, and his story is one of it's own[3].

As he spent time in Saamal, Columbus noticed that some of his crew, particularly those avoiding criminal prosecution in Spain, were beginning to vanish, along with a number of tools and weapons from all three ships. Realising the need to separate the crew from the city and it's merchants, he received permission from the king of Saamal to build a settlement to the north at the end of the river Mutsh, close enough for friendly commerce and support from the Mayans but not too close to cause problems. To prepare a way for Spanish commerce by learning a more complete knowledge of the resources of the land and the languages of the natives, Columbus decided to leave such as were willing to stay, some in the new colony of La Fernandina and others in the city itself (though many of the Spaniards who remained in Saamal were there without the Admiral's permission). Near La Fernandina, there was a small town and regular traffic up the river so there was a great deal of contact to be had.

Every provision was made for a safe sojourn and the successful establishment of the first white settlement in the New World. He left bread and wine for a year, seed for sowing, tools, and arms. Among the thirty-eight who remained were skilled artisans, a good gunner, a physician, and a tailor [4]. Las Casas reports for us, presumably from the unabridged journal, the solemn injunctions which Columbus bestowed upon them before he left: that they should obey their captain implicitly, cultivate friendly relations with the natives, to not enter into agreements with the Indians without their captain's express permission, and scrupulously avoid injuring man or woman, and that they should keep together in La Fernandina.

The return was far from the peaceful progress of the outward voyage, for a violent storm was encountered on February 14, in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean out of sight of any land. It was safely weathered, and the ships reached the Portugeuse port of Oporto on March 2, 1493. Another violent storm on the night of March 4 kept them in the port, but the next day they began sailing south down the coast toward Lisbon. For half a century from time to time little fleets had started southward in the hope of eventually reaching the Indies. Four years before Columbus's voyage Africa had been rounded, and the fruition of so many efforts seemed within reach. Now the news spread that the stranger in the caravel had returned from "the Indies," and soon the "crowd that swarmed to see the Indians and to hear the story of the voyage overran the little vessel; nor could the surrounding water be seen, so full was it of the boats and skiffs of the Portuguese."

Two days later, on March 6, the admiral received a letter from the king of Portugal, inviting him to visit him at Valparaiso, some thirty miles from Lisbon. About nine years earlier the two had met, when the petition of the visionary sailor was rejected as mere prattle of the island of Cipango, an echo of Marco Polo. Now, the admiral of the Ocean Sea proudly announces that he has returned from the discovery of the islands of Cipango and of Antilia, and shows his Indians, gold, and other trophies, and reminds King John of his failure to accept the opportunity offered to him. The king initially suspected the discoveries were embraced in his dominion of Guinea, however after the presentation of the Mayan emissaries and seeing their appearance he did not mention it again.

The contemporary chronicler, Ruy de Pina, who describes the interview, says that the said admiral went beyond the bounds of truth, and made out the affair as regards gold and silver and riches much greater than it was. By‑standing courtiers suggested, upon hearing of the desire of the traders of Saamal to exchange guns and swords for gold, proposed sending a expedition of Portugal's own to the New World, the beginnings of a policy which would cause untold grief for Spain.

On Friday, in the early afternoon of March 14, 1493, Columbus cast anchor in the harbor of Palos. The joy and pride of the villagers may be imagined. The whole population turned out to receive Columbus with a procession and to give "thanks to our Lord for so great favor and victory."He did not notice the disappearance of one of the Mayans, by the name <>, who had left the fleet to make his own contact with the King of Portugal.[5]

The earliest European potentate to be informed of the discoveries was naturally the head of the church. Ferdinand and Isabella seem to have lost no time in announcing to Pope Alexander VI, himself a Spaniard, that some time since they had purposed to explore and discover islands and remote main-lands, but had been detained by the war in Granada; that having successfully completed that conquest, they had despatched Christopher Colon, at much labor and expense, to make search for such lands; and that with God's help, by sailing in the west in search of the Indies, he had discovered a remote continent not hitherto found; that gold, silver, and spices were produced in these islands, and that their inhabitants seemed fitted for Christianity.

Two things in this announcement attract our attention: the assertion that the monarchs had planned such an exploration before 1492; and that the royal purposes of Columbus' voyage were as stated in their patent, discovery, and the extension of the Christian religion, and not a new route to the Indies. Apparently Ferdinand and Isabella did not believe that Columbus had reached the Indies of Marco Polo, and make no point of that in their communication. If this be true, they were not alone in such scepticism, for Peter Martyr entertained strong doubts whether Columbus had reached the Orient; for on October 1, 1493, after having had abundant opportunity to talk with Columbus and with the emissaries from Saamal, he wrote the archbishop of Braga that Columbus believed that he had reached the Indies; but from the descriptions of the Mayan emissaries and their complete lack of knowledge when questioned about Cathay, the Great Khan or India he believed them to come from an intermediate continent located between Europe and the East, which would reflect previous knowledge about the size of the Earth.

Portuguese lordship of Guinea rested upon a long series of discoveries, reinforced by papal bulls granting to the king of Portugal all that had been or should be discovered south of Cape Bojador towards Guinea and the southern shores; and since Spain had by the treaty of 1480 conceded to Portugal all the islands discovered or to be discovered from the Canaries southward in the region off Guinea. Eager for similar treatment, the Spanish requested the pope to issue a bull declaring the rights of Spain in these new lands to the West.

For such a function of umpire the pope from his international position was well fitted. Alexander responded with equal promptness, and in his famous bulls of May 3 and 4 he recognized the existing rights of Portugal and established those of Spain, by drawing an imaginary line from north to south, one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verd Islands.East and south of this line Portugal was to retain the rights already assigned to her; and north and west of it the Spanish monarchs were to have the same exclusive rights of exploration, trade, and colonization over all the lands that should be discovered that were not occupied by any Christian prince[6].This award delimited, in modern phrase, two spheres of influence. It did not divide the world between Spain and Portugal, but rather marked out the regions in which the right of discovery would give unquestioned and final title.

Still the phrasing was not altogether satisfactory to Ferdinand and Isabella, apparently for the reason, possibly urged by Columbus, that nothing was said of the Indies. Hence, in September, 1493, Alexander issued another bull granting the Spanish monarchs full rights to hold such lands as they could discover to the north and west "and eastern regions and to India." Thus if the Spaniards by going west should eventually reach the East Indies, their right, by prior discovery and occupation, would hold against the Portuguese, who might feel that India was preempted to them by the earlier bulls.

John II was not satisfied with the location of the demarcation line, and he was still less satisfied with this amplification of the Spanish rights. It was in this environment that the first Portugeuse expedition to the west, a voyage not of discovery but of trade, left for the city of Saamal. Though secret, it used as justification the fact that Columbus reported the Mayan king had seemingly agreed to accept Christianity[7] and as such was to be classified as a Christian prince. In general, the papal bull would later discouraged to an extent exploration to the southern regions, preserving a large portion of the Brasilian continent from Spanish presence, and later leaving them open to exploitation by other powers. The policy of selling arms to Saamal was never a major one for Portugal, rather a secret program to extract easy gold and make life difficult for the Spanish, but would have effects that would reverberate for centuries.[8]

---

[1] Mayan settlements in the Liquitas islands build decorated standing stones to mark the number of years it has been occupied. Typically a new stone is built every 20 years in permanently occupied regions, and though in temporary stations they build a single one and make additions to the stela to reflect the passage of time. These settlements, built to support the trade routes, are almost always temporary due to the threat of Muskogee attack. The marker stones have the additional function of serving as signal lights as a fire is kindled above them. As the town of Tela was expecting a large rubber shipment from the Yucatan, they were burning a signal fire to announce their presence. They were at arms in case of Muskogee attack, but luckily for Columbus they decided not to attack.

[2] I use a Mayan dictionary to make up names for things, though its a little cheeky as I'm not sure how I'm doing it is how they named things. Basically it works to keep the flavor of the names, and I hide behind linguistic drift and butterflies.

[3] More on him later.

[4] Less than were left behind in OTL La Navidad, the discrepancy is due to some sailors already disappearing while in Saamal. These men, often poor and some facing criminal prosecution in Spain, were being offered gold, bountiful food, exotic luxuries and the favours of slave girls in return for prestigious positions guarded local Mayan trade lords.

[5] A representative from one of the smaller trading houses, he had picked up the least Spanish out of all the Mayans who had come aboard. He thought Oporto, Lisbon, Portugal and Spain were the names of four city-states, and seeing the others were continuing onwards, decided to leave and pursue his own relations with the king of this city. He paid of one of the sailors and they both absconded, meeting with John II after Columbus had left.

[6] The wording of this only slightly differs from OTL, by the addition of the word 'north' into the rights of Spain. This will have some effects, particularly after the discovery of what we call South America.

[7] Well, he smiled and nodded in incomprehension, and he didn't throw the Bible on the ground or anything so Columbus read into that something to make him look good, and John II read into it something he could use as an excuse if he needed to.

[8] A few Portuguese ended up in Mayan employ too, which would cause issues later.

I should mention that this piece is a modified version of Chapter 2 of Spain in America, by Edward Gaylord Bourne, which is in the public domain.
 
Good, keep it up!

Thanks for fixing the font.

Oh, and thanks for straightening me out on the Lenawe/Lenape thing. I'm slowly picking up what people called themselves, but so often stuff still uses the traditional 'European'/'our enemies that the Europeans met first' names.
 
Interesting. I liked the interactions and butterflies and want to see where this goes. By the way:

He did not notice the disappearance of one of the Mayans, by the name <>, who had left the fleet to make his own contact with the King of Portugal.[5]

Not too familiar with the name "<>". Derived from the ancient Mayan "><" perhaps? ;)
 
Damn, I should have removed that entirely.

Sorry, I was going to update much sooner but I left my MP3 with a vast update somewhere in Australia :( I have to rebuild. I'm hoping to post a detailed 1492 North America map soon though.
 
Here is a map of the basic situation when Columbus arrives. Major butterflies mean the names of most major Indian nations are different. As in OTL, many tribes will be called a variety of names by different people at different times for different reasons. I have chosen to keep it consistent, so many of the tribes are called by their original names suitably mangled by European discoverers. The names are meant to be the popular or most common academic nomen for those people ITTL's academic writing.

Probably may be revised later, but I was getting map malaise so I think it's pretty clear. In some cases, borders are nominal, but thats the case OTL as well with maps of this time period. I might add some more cities, or I might not.

What do you think?

missricemapsmall.png
 
1493, a year of changes

The city of La Fernandina was founded primarily as a trading colony, similar to the Portugeuse practice in Africa. The disappearance of so many weapons, tools and men from the three ships while docked near Saamal had made it necessary to create some geographical distance between the Spanish settlers and that polity. There was regular trade going up the Mutsh river and along the coast, which was to be both a blessing and a curse for the fledgling colony.

That same geographical difference was a major cause behind the Spanish failing to intercept the first Portuguese traders to arrive in Saamal, seeking gold for firearms and steel swords. It is believed the first vessel was the Sao Michael commanded by Vasco de Gama, which arrived in July 1493. It was the Sao Michael that first introduced smallpox to the Mayan world, which was soon to spread through the Mayan trade routes throughout the New World. The immediate effect, however, was the introduction of Portuguese guns and swords, which were traded for quantities of gold. Though there were Spanish in the city, they were largely estranged from the colony at La Fernandina, and the news of the Portuguese incursion would not reach there until months later.

However, the introduction of smallpox, for all that it would become one of the most important influences on the subsequent development of the New World, was overshadowed by the arrival of a Muskogean army to Saamal in September of that year. The reason for the existence of the city of Saamal was to dodge the Muskogean trade routes across the Gulf, and trade via land with the cultures of the Mabila river and through them with the Lenawe. For some time this had worked, but the Muskogean city of Cetto, which was heavily invested in trade with the Mabila cities, disliked the Saamalian presence there. They sent an army to capture, destroy or at least cripple the city. The army was composed of a small contingent of Cettoan soldiers, a larger contingent of Mabila mercenaries, and a host of Hitiqi allies.

News of the approach reached the Saamalians first from the Guale people, whose western territory stood in the path of the Muskogean army's approach. The city of Saamal, in the early throes of a smallpox epidemic, reacted largely with panic. The central authorities of the city were essentially rubber stamps for the decisions of the powerful trading families, and in this time of crisis did not know how to positively react to these changing circumstances. Several prominent families simply fled en masse, which has been identified as the primary reason for the early transmission of smallpox to Boxtun and the Yucatan peninsula.

The city, which was not designed to resist siege, was attacked by a confident host that had however weakened somewhat due to hostile attention from the Guale and a long and arduous march. Similar to the attackers, the defenders of Saamal were almost entirely mercenaries, of a variety of backgrounds but especially Chalaques. It is clear that absent the support of the Chalaque chiefdoms, the city should surely have fallen to Cettoan aggression. It is, however, the contribution of a very different group of mercenaries that has captured the historical imagination.

The number of Spanish and Portuguese among the defenders is unknown, and a point debated by scholars. Some believe the numbers to be less than ten, the highest estimates are close to 50. Regardless, Spaniards from La Fernandina and Portugeuse from Sao Michael were involved in the repulsion of the Cettoan mercenary army. Firearms in the hands of both Iberians and Mayans shocked and confused the Cettoans, and led to a temporary retreat which allowed a contingent of Chalaques to arrive and turn that retreat into a rout.

The effects of this victory were mixed with the ongoing smallpox epidemic, which spread rapidly after this date. The Guale and Chalaques were particularly affected, with whole villages in some areas depopulated. The trading networks ensured the most geographically wide transmission, however. Through Mayan trade, the disease reached the Mabila cities, the Liquintas islands, the island of Yaxekmal [Jamaica], the coast of Brasil [South America] and the Yucatan peninsula, all before the return of Columbus. The extensive trade routes were to ensure that Eurasian disease outpaced the European explorters in the New World, causing chaos and death across a vast geographic area.

In Saamal, the epidemic was a huge shock to the city, as it directly affected trade. The status of the Iberian sailors, already high, was ever more elevated by their contribution to the defense of the city and their immunity to the disease. As prominent leaders died, their place was often taken by Iberians. Some of the families, now under the control of Portuguese or Spanish sailors, turned against each other as the central authorities collapsed. In the vast marketplace described by Columbus, where traders from dozens of nations quarrelled, a sortie was fought between two of the largest trading families. Both sides employed Iberian mercenaries and used purchased or stolen firearms, and the main effect was to cause a collapse in the commercial power of the city.

The colony of La Fernandina in the period barely struggled to survive. They maintained relatively good relations with the local Chalaques, and had purchased a large number of slaves from the markets in Saamal. The largest problem, however, was the constant disappearance of the Spanish themselves, particularly earlier in the year. Trade boats regularly passed the Spanish colony, and the experience of building a Spanish footprint in the New World paled compared to the joys of Saamal, where Spanish could live a life of relative luxury as a guard for one of the trading families. Other Spaniards went up the river in search of gold in the mountains, which they found, but also encountered hostile attention from the Dudela people in that region. The colony was largely dependant on trade contacts with the Saamalians and Chalaques, and when the city of Saamal began to decline into chaos late in the year the Spanish colony also suffered.

When Columbus arrived again on his second voyage in November of 1493, he first noticed problems when he discovered an abandoned trading port in the Liquintas that the previous year had been alive, albeit sleepy. Columbus had come with a massive colonisation fleet of seventeen ships and over 1000 men, designed to build a stable port with which to trade with the local peoples and spread Christianity amongst them. They arrived in Saamal itself in early December, to find the city in chaos and essential civil war, with the central authorities collapsed and the central marketplace filled with corpses of those killed both by disease and by musket-balls.

The Spanish soldiers of the second fleet intervened quickly, and took control of the city. Soon, Columbus began to introduce a European bureaucracy to the city, while he maintained elements of the Mayan one. Those who resisted, and all Portuguese, were killed or fled the city. Some of the Spanish who had become local big men were given official titles, others were arrested and sent back to Spain in chains. The temples of the city were converted into Christian churches, and the largest contingent of priests who accompanied him began the task of converting the city to the Christian faith.

Columbus would be later decried by some historians as a looter, as he took vast quantities of gold and valuables from the city in order to pay his investors in Spain. Ships filled with gold, as promised, made their way to Spain, but as trade began to collapse due to the spread of smallpox it became necessary to find the sources of gold themselves. There was also the issue of the Muskogean attack, which Columbus became quickly aware of. As the slave markets of Saamal emptied and disease casualties mounted, the need for labour grew. There were soon calls for an expedition against the city of Cetto, for attacking Spain's new friends and allies in Saamal, which was soon to be led by the conquistador Alonso de Ojeda.
 
Top