Misfire: A Dystopia

Prologue:

William McKinley, like most Presidents of his time, were not "fans," to say the least, of the concept of personal protection. Even thought he was not one to campaign on a whistle stop tour, he enjoyed greeting supporters personally when the opportunity arose. Such was the scourge of his protection detail.

In September, he decided to visit the Pan-American Exposition at the Temple of Music in Buffalo, New York state. On the sixth, he was shaking hands with some of the fair-attendees when one of his bodyguards noticed a shiny, metallic shine beneath the napkin of someone trying to shake his hand.

He pulled the President aside, literally seconds before a shot was fired. The perpetrator was apprehended by three of the bodyguards, though he resisted. The President, while unscathed, was rushed from the scene.
 
Well, without a Roosevelt, meat might still be contaminated! Noooo!

Anways, interested in a "McKinley doesn't get killed" TL.
 
Please don't let America turn Red or has some big Civil War. While it is true the Progressive will take a big hit, Monopolies will stay big and large, and a lot of reform won't take place, a Communist America won't be born from this.
 
Please don't let America turn Red or has some big Civil War. While it is true the Progressive will take a big hit, Monopolies will stay big and large, and a lot of reform won't take place, a Communist America won't be born from this.

I can assure you, that is not the direction I am taking
 
Chapter One: Guns and Coal

McKinley's already relatively high approval rating spiked by seventeen points after his attempted assassination. The perpetrator, a steel worker and anarchist by the name of Leon Czolgosz, was indicted by grand jury on the Sixteenth of September, convicted on the twenty-fourth, and two days later they recommended the death sentence. He was executed at Auburn Prison by electric chair on the twenty-ninth of October.

Overall, however, business remained as normal for the next months at the White House. As one of the President aides' told a reporter, "tariffs, gold, and nothing more" was the undertone of procedure.

That all changed the following year. Strikes were common in that era. The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) held three coal strikes in 1897, 1899, and 1900, although they were all relatively minor.

However, in May of 1902, hostilities between the Pennsylvania coal miners and the coal mines' management erupted once again. The union wanted recognition, and some control over the industry. The more than 100,000 workers demanded their weekly pay envelopes. Efforts by the President of the UMWA, John Mitchell, to settle the dispute through the Civic Federation and other channels fell on deaf ears. On May 12th, the miners gathered in Scranton and voted to strike.

While it did not devolve into rioting, fears of it sure arose. Threats were made back and forth between the strikers and the strikebreakers. McKinley, meanwhile, worried about the effect on the market. Tens of millions of city dwellers required coal for heating. His concerns were not shared as much with his Vice President, Theodore Roosevelt.

In late May, McKinley authorized the Commissioner of Labor to meet with representatives of both sides, but while there was no brawling, the negotiations effectively fell through.

On June 8, as the situation was growing dire, with reports of small but related fights breaking out, McKinley considered the possibility of military intervention with members of his Cabinet. Roosevelt was not present. However, when he got word of him being left out of such important discussion, he went to the White House and demanded that the President explain himself.

On June 12, exactly one month after the strike begun, a riot did, indeed, break out. Hired security managed to quell it within fifteen minutes, but later that day a much larger fight broke out as UMWA members from other states (though without the authorization of Mitchell or his subordinates) marched to where the strike was being held, to the point that even the local police could not break it up.

On the morning of June 13, McKinley made the final decision. He federalized the Pennsylvania reserve, authorizing them to use force to quell the rioting, and the strike in general.

Overall, about thirty five were killed during the "battle," and hundreds wounded, but McKinley noted that order was restored, and the miners were back at work and paid. But organized labor, as well as Roosevelt, would never trust him again.
 
I was going to do this. It wasn't going to be a dystopia, though. Damn it! :p

Sadly, Presidents Bryan and Hearst will have to wait...
 
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Oh good. I was worried for a second since most of the time with McKinley not getting killed is a USSA, or something like it.

This is rare and I really like it. Do carry on.
There was a long Shared World's game with that PoD, although successful right wing authoritarian and socialist factions emerged in the Democrats and gained power for some time.
 
There was a long Shared World's game with that PoD, although successful right wing authoritarian and socialist factions emerged in the Democrats and gained power for some time.

Yeah, too bad John Galt hasn't been on in months.
 
Chapter Two: Debt, Debt, and Unpaid Debt
Discussions of building a canal, through Nicaragua or the Panamanian region, were brought up since the election of 1896. McKinley would support the idea in some aspects, but it was not a priority.

In December of 1902, a crisis emerged in South America. The fleets of Germany, Britain, and Italy were deployed to blockade Venezuela. President Castro refused to pay foreign debt, and hoped that the Monroe Doctrine would urge the US to intervene. However, the interpretation by McKinley, and Congress, was that the Doctrine only referred to the seizure of land, not a blockade.

McKinley sent his Secretary of State, John Hay, to Caracas, to convince Castro to back down in some respect. However, the President refused, and the respective European leaders made it clear to America's ambassadors that neither will they.

Roosevelt urged the President to display force, in the form of deploying a fleet of their own to Venezuela and confronting their European counterparts. McKinley, while an imperialist, did not wish to escalate a crisis which was hardly theirs.

So, the blockade lasted into 1903. One of the President's aides told a reporter, "those sailors are going to have to return home eventually." many in Congress, who originally gave little thought to the matter, joined in calls to deploy a fleet to Venezuela and exercise the Doctrine.

McKinley decided to hold a conference between official representatives of the European and Venezuelan leaders. They met at a hotel in Annapolis, but results were slow to come in the first week. and even Hay begun to see the whole process as futile.

Finally, on the eleventh day, McKinley hinted that military force, in defense of Venezuela, was a "viable option." the Germans were furious, the Italians confused, and the British were not in the room, but the message was clear.

Caracas agreed to commit 23 percent of Venezuelan customs to European claims, and the Europeans withdrew their fleets by late February. McKinley regarded it as a success, as did a large portion of the American public, but the hawks were still hungry.

The same thing happened in the Dominican Republic, when France, Germany, Italy, and the Dutch sent warships to Hispaniola. Roosevelt, again, urged the President to assume the Republic's debt or force the Europeans to back down.

One of the problems in that regard was that McKinley simply refused to expand the Navy. Roosevelt and his hawks imagined a "big white fleet," asserting American power. McKinley did not see an urgent need, and did not involve himself in that project.

When the Panamanians revolted against Colombia in 1903, Roosevelt again urged McKinley to take action. He refused, despite the prospect of low fees in the construction of a Canal. It appeared that McKinley was abandoning the ideologies when he liberated Cuba and the Philippines from Spanish despotism, that he was allowing the European, or any hostile power, to threaten American interests in the Hemisphere as they pleased.
 
Chapter Three: The Firebrand from the Midwest

It was clear that since the defeat of William Bryan in 1900, the conservative allies of Grover Cleveland would re-take the Democratic Party, and almost re-make it to their image. As a progressive columnist lamented, "It seemed that, once again, there was no more room for the unionist, the suffragette, the bimetallic, or the slightest hint of dissent from the pro-business factions."

Bryan felt similarly, but there was nothing to be done. He thought about running again for his old Congressional seat from Nebraska, but put aside the notion. For the time being, he understood, he would have to sit on the sidelines and control his temperament.

He was in Washington, DC, in March of 1904, visiting some of his former colleagues. He spent most of the time, however, with his personal friend, James R Williams of Illinois. The two discussed the modern state of the working man, of the workings of Congress and of the Party, of the tensions in Europe and in Latin America.

On the day before he was to board the train home, Bryan asked Williams about any presidential aspirations he held. "No," he bluntly responded. Bryan quietly resigned, and later returned home. But to his delight, he would receive a telegram in less than a week, telling him "fine."

Williams' intention to run for president sent shock-waves through the political world, but for the most part he was a non issue for the conservatives. He was a small-time congressman from Illinois, but he would soon raise his national profile by traveling by rail through the country, delivering exhilarating speeches (many of which were written by Bryan).

But at that point in time, all that mattered was the Convention. The conservatives would form relations with the delegation chairs, see that they have any advantage before they would arrive at St Louis.

But they were all still afraid of Williams, who was now seen as ill-tempered as was Bryan. Indeed, he wouldn't have sought the presidency in the first place had it not been for Bryan. His supporters and detractors alike could agree on one thing: he was Bryan's revenge.
 
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