Miranda's Dream. ¡Por una Latino América fuerte!.- A Gran Colombia TL

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Chapter 37: Mexican-American War Part 5
"No Gringo shall set foot on Agustin the First Plaza!"

-General Marco Antonio Salazar, during the Battle of Veracruz.


Following a cool down period during which Louisiana remained under Mexican occupation, the American War Department started to draw plans for its next big attack around July. With their main objective in the western theater of capturing California and its gold deposits accomplished, they decided to focus on the main Texas theater, and more importantly, on an ambitious landing in Veracruz, Mexico’s main Caribbean port through which most of its supplies and commerce entered. Taking the port would cut Mexico off other countries, but also it would give a launching pad from which the American could then attack Mexico City itself.

Commodore Matthew Perry, the leader of the American Home Squadron, was selected as the leader of the naval forces, while Major General Robert Patterson was selected as the commander of the ground forces which would land. Most of these forces had originally been destined for the Texas theater, to be put under Scott’s command, but the War Department believed that the prospect of a quick victory at Veracruz was more appealing than a long, drawn out war in Texas’ deserts. There was also an underlining political motive – Scott, a prominent Liberal politician and friend of Senator Henry Clay, had a bad relationship with the Democrat President Polk, who wanted a fellow Democrat as commander of this operation. Besides, he hoped that employing the Irish born Patterson would help calm tensions in New England, where, even though outright riots had been mostly stopped, violence continued some way or another.

These troops were part of the new 100,000 volunteers Congress had requested as a response to the humiliating defeat at New Orleans. The great majority of them were green troops who hailed from the South, but, Patterson judged, what they lacked in experience they had in ferocity, for they were eager to destroy Mexico and avenge their honor. American intelligence had concluded that there was one Mexican army defending the city, with the only other nearby army being in Mexico City. There was another force further south in Guatemala, the Army of Central America, but it was dismissed on account of distance. Though the War Department didn’t know how many men were in Veracruz, they estimated around 8,000 men, going by the size of Mexican armies they had already gone up against.

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City of Veracruz.

To ensure a quick, crushing victory, the War Department assigned 15,000 men to the Operation, and decided to spend several months whipping them into an effective fighting force that would come to be known as the “Frog Army”, since it would take part in an amphibious assault. The preparation of the landing and the training of the Frog Army would take until November.

In the meantime, no major attacks could be conducted on Louisiana. Marshal Ruiz, realizing that this hiatus could only mean the buildup of American forces to retake New Orleans, decided to create a series of fortifications around the Mississippi river. His forces had been yet again bolstered by a new army, the Second Reserve. He had around 30,000 men in total. All Mexican forces now constituted a unified command under his control, known as the Grand Army of the North (Gran Ejército del Norte).

Though Ruiz controlled the cities bordered by the river, he didn’t control the river itself. Thus, American warships could freely roam up and down. Ruiz put some of his artillery at strategic points around the river, the biggest concentration of which was placed around Baton Rouge. Though the Americans still shelled cities and camps occasionally, Ruiz’s system ensured that no river ship could get close enough to New Orleans, his center of operations, and that no American troops could land without him noticing and immediately rallying his men to crush them. This was tested in the Battle of Monroe

Due to increasing criticism of his administration inability to liberate Louisiana, President Polk demanded Scott attacked. Even when Scott clearly told Polk that he wasn’t ready to make such an attack, he was forced to launch it anyway. Some say that President Polk hoped Scott would fail, so that he could use it as an excuse to dismiss him later. After sending some riverboats to shell Valencia’s positions north of Baton Rouge, some American brigades numbering around 3,000 landed in the small city. Valencia then used his artillery to destroy or incapacitate some of the gunboats, before rallying the around 7,000 troops of that zone to repulse the attack. The Americans had to evacuate, taking 300 casualties beforehand. The Mexicans lost less than a hundred men, plus a couple of artillery batteries.

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Scott's forces retreat.

Nonetheless, Ruiz realized that his defenses couldn’t really hold for much longer. He confessed to Prime Minister Castillo that he feared his Louisiana invasion would end up becoming only an extended raid. Guerrilla warfare and agitation in Texas meant that supplies couldn’t be always brought, and Ruiz and his men had to resort to living off Louisiana, using the dockyard facilities as sources of iron and artillery and plundering New Orleans, other nearby cities and farms to get food. Guerrilla Warfare was very frequent. At first not willing to loot, Ruiz ultimately decided to resort to this. At first merciful, Ruiz later resorted to destruction of infrastructure and repression to keep the guerrillas down. He demanded strict discipline from his men though, executing three men accused of raping for example. Still, Ruiz could not be everywhere. Unsuspectedly, Ruiz’s tactics ended up inspiring a man who would become as notorious as him in the future, the then Colonel Nathan S. Faulkner.

Even then, a certain sense of dread and fatalism suddenly invaded the Marshall. While many, including Castillo himself considered it paranoid and senseless, Ruiz insisted on the construction of a second line of defense along the Colorado river in the Duchy of Texas. This river was the frontier between the Mexican majority provinces, closer to the Empire proper, and the American majority border provinces. It was also the place of Mexico’s last railway station. Hindsight would prove “Ruiz’s folly” a justified action, but for the moment the construction of what the Marshall called “The Southern Defense” seemed nothing but a waste of resources.

On the other side of the Mississippi, Major General Winfield Scott suffered a similar crisis of indecision. The Battle of Monroe had proven that, unless he attacked with equal or major strength, Ruiz would be able to withstand his attacks. The destruction and capture of Taylor’s Army was disastrous to Scott, who was left with only a meager force of around 8,000 men. He demanded reinforcements and supplies from the War Department, but since it was too preoccupied with training and outfitting the Frog Army, Scott was relegated to a distant second place when it came to this. Ruiz couldn’t attack again due to his supply lines chaotic status, so Scott had time, but every week and month that passed increased not only the effectiveness of Ruiz’s defenses, but also public outrage for what they saw as a “terrible, almost treasonous lack of action” as Colonel Jefferson Davis, a Mississippi senator who had resigned to go and fight at the front lines under Taylor, put it. Davis had barely escaped Ruiz encirclement and fled with Scott. They had a terrible relationship, but, truth to be told, Scott’s relationship with President Polk was even worse.

From July on, Scott had literally pleaded with Polk for reinforcements to start what he called “the Piton Plan”, a series of attacks along the Mississippi that would hopefully dislodge Ruiz and disperse the troops that had been preventing them from reaching New Orleans. Scott’s pleads quickly evolved into open demands. Criticism of the Polk Administration soared when these demands were published, and some Liberals even dared to talk about impeachment. Furious, Polk dismissed Scott as commander of American forces in Texas, appointing his fellow Democrat William O. Butler as his replacement.

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William O. Butler.

Butler had previously served as Cass’ vice-president, and after Cass was murdered, the Liberal Congress refused to accept him as President. Though the Supreme Court initially ruled in “Butler v. United States” that Butler would become the President, they later overruled it and made him merely the acting president instead. Butler hated Scott and the Liberals as much as Polk, who, having promised to only serve one term, hoped Butler could become a hero and win the White House in the next election in 1855. Yet, Butler had no combat experience whatsoever.

Scott, upon receiving the order, is said to have been just as furious as the President, but unlike him he kept his cool, only declaring that he’s glad he won’t receive fire anymore, neither from Washington in his ear, nor from the Mexicans in his face.

In the West, McLain and Lombardini were both forced into inactivity. McLain couldn’t attack due to lack of manpower, Lombardini due to lack of supplies. The Mexican War Department believed that, even though California’s gold deposits were important, they could always negotiate the return of those territories in exchange of Louisiana. Due to this, most supplies went to Marshall Ruiz. Still, Lombardini was able to somewhat increase his forces to around 6,000 men, and he was planning an offensive for August. This offensive ultimately failed, with Sterling being able to hold his ground. Deciding to prepare for an even larger offensive, Lombardini asked for at least 4,000 men more, who wouldn’t arrive until November at least.

At sea, the French Navy continued patrolling the seas of the Gulf, now using New Orleans as a base of operations too. Since the Frog Army was not ready yet, Commodore Perry had abundant time to ponder possible strategies to defeat the French and get close enough to Veracruz to land his troops there.

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Commodore Matthew C. Perry.​

The preparations for the landing were finally complete around early November. Except for occasional raids into Mexican controlled Louisiana, the lines hadn’t changed at all. Butler’s force had soared from Scott’s 8,000 to around 40,000. Ruiz’s force had also increased to 45,000 thousand thanks to yet another Reserve Army. However, Butler’s artillery was far superior, and he had a better logistical system. Consequently, Butler judged that he could now attack Ruiz and finally liberate Louisiana. The War Department decided that it would be best if he waited until just before Patterson landed, so that he would tie the Grand Army of the North and prevent it, and most importantly, Ruiz, from going south to aid in Veracruz’s defense.

Perry sailed in November 9th, launching a surprise attack on the French Fleet, still led by de la Fontaine. De la Fontaine, after six months during which the Americans didn’t launch any attacks, was shocked by this sudden jump to activity. The Third Battle of the Gulf, also called the Second Battle of Veracruz, thus started. However, tragedy quickly struck the French Fleet, after a cannon hit de la Fontaine’s cabin, killing him.

Disorganized, demoralized and now leaderless, the French Navy was left to face a Navy twice its size – the Americans having mustered all their ships in the Caribbean and Atlantic for what they saw as the most important battle in the war yet. Though the French managed to put up a valiant effort against the Americans, they were utterly outclassed and had to retreat to Hispaniola to avoid complete defeat. With the Gulf under American control for the moment, the War Department ordered the Frog Army to storm the beaches of Veracruz. At the same time, Butler was ordered to move into Louisiana, in order to tie down the Grand Army of the North.

Both Ruiz and Butler had been amassing their forces from July on, but better logistics meant that the “Army of the Mississippi” the name given to Butler’s army, could build up much quicker than Ruiz’ Army. Ruiz went from 20,000 in May, to 30,000 in July, and had around 45,000 men in November. The Army of the Mississippi grew from 7,000 in May, to 20,000 in July and sat at 40,000 soldiers by November.

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Army of Mississippi.

Completely disregarding Scott’s Piton Plan, Butler decided to launch two attacks. The first was to be conducted by the “I Corps”, which would land near Baton Rouge and, with the support of gunboats, face Valencia’s forces. The II Corps would go the south of the city and dig in there, to prevent Ruiz’s main force from reinforcing Valencia. The III Corps would then land north of Baton Rouge and dive straight into the city, taking it. Once Baton Rouge fell into American control. Butler planned to use it as a launching pad from which he could launch naval expeditions to New Orleans. Each corps had around 12,000 men, plus 4,000 reserves.

Butler’s plan was very flawed. His inexperience in combat meant that, unlike Scott or Ruiz, he didn’t plan what he would do exactly after landing, aside from vague orders. Second, while Scott failed at Monroe due to not having enough ships to go up against the Mexican artillery, Butler failed because he wasn’t able to coordinate the ships and artillery he had, leading to several ships positioning themselves too close to the Mexican defenses, and as a result while the Mexicans could fire on them they couldn’t counterattack. Thirdly, he underestimated how many Mexican soldiers were there exactly.

Butler’s Offensive, also known as the First Battle of the Mississippi, was the first taste of just how devastating battles between dozens of thousands of men could be. This battle was a preamble to the bloody battles of the Civil War that would come years later, and it was the first battle of the Mexican-American War to see such huge forces participate. At the war’s start Ruiz’s and Taylor’s armies had about 4,000 men each. Now, armies ten times that size were about to clash.

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Butler's initial attack.

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Just as Butler planned, the I Corps was landed by gunboats near to Baton Rouge. Thinking it was just a repetition of Monroe, Valencia went to engage them with only 7,000 men. He was shocked to discover that Butler had actually 13,000. Forced to fall back to Baton Rouge, he called for his other 7,000 troops to reinforce him. Meanwhile, further South, the II Corps landed too. Marshall Ruiz had already been alerted by Valencia, and thus he went North to reinforce him, encountering the II Corps there. Ruiz had around 10,000 men with him - he had left 8,000 men in New Orleans to protect the city should the Americans attack it. The II Corps stood at 12,000 men.

Valencia was able to continuously outflank the I Corps, which was commanded by Donald D. Upshaw. Upshaw was supposed to encircle Valencia, trapping him between the entrenched II Corps and his own forces, but the opposite happened instead, with Upshaw and his forces ending up trapped between the II Corps, which was currently engaged by Ruiz, and Valencia’s forces. Butler, panicked by this, ordered the III Corps to attack Port Hudson, hoping to regain the initiative. However, the III Corps and their commander, Brent G. Skelton, were engaged by General Arista’s Northern Group.

At the same time, Ruiz received reports that the American fleet in the gulf was not heading to New Orleans as expected, but was rather going to the south. The Fleet was carrying the Frog Army to Veracruz. The Mexican War Department didn’t know this – if they did, they would have panicked. For the time being, this was a relief. Now that New Orleans could only be threatened from the north, Ruiz moved called the men there in to his battle with the II Corps. These men were the finest soldiers Ruiz had, and included both veterans of the Eagle’s Offensive and the French Foreign Legion.

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A more skilled commander would have realized that landing men and immediately entrenching them was impossible, and would have focused his attack on Arista’s greener and less experienced troops, to gain a launching pad from which he could take Baton Rouge. Butler was no such commander. He couldn’t protect his artillery, use his gunboats or coordinate his infantry, launching full frontal assaults that the experienced Ruiz could easily deflect. Though Ruiz was cautious at first, he soon realized that Butler was not a fitting replacement for Scott and decided to attack fiercely. The II Corps fell apart as Butler’s forces retreated without control or organization. In their retreat, they ran into Upshaw’s I Corps and a friendly fire incident took place. Both Corps were now trapped between Marshall Ruiz and General Valencia, they didn’t even come close to Baton Rouge.

In the North, Skelton was actually defeating Arista, but Butler desperate call for help forced him to drop the battle and attack Valencia in an attempt to break the encirclement. When that failed, the entire Army of the Mississippi was forced to retreat to the state of the same name again, being shelled by the Grand Army of the North’s artillery the whole time. The retreat soon became a rout.

The First Battle of Mississippi lasted around 2 weeks before Butler’s forces collapsed and had to retreat. The Battle was simply disastrous for the Americans, who had around 2,000 wounded, 500 killed or missing and 1,200 captured, for a total of 4,000 casualties. The Mexicans had far lower casualties at only 1,700 wounded and 300 killed. When counting casualties on both sides, there were at least 6,000 casualties in the entire battle. Butler the Butcher, as he was now called in the northern press was dismissed from command, and much to Polk chagrin’s, Scott had to be called back in.

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Congress then approved a bill that promoted Scott to Lieutenant General, and could now wear three gold stars. At the same time, Washington was posthumously promoted to a full four-star General. The most important part of the bill, however, was that it now pledged to support Scott with the however men and supplies he judged necessary for his next attack. With this, Scott became the Commanding General of the United States Army again. President Polk tried to veto the bill, but he was overridden by a Liberal-Southern Democratic coalition. When Scott returned to the battlefield and assumed formal command of the Army of the Mississippi, he was welcomed by cheers and celebration, several men crying “Scott’s back boys!” in joy.

Upon returning, Scott inspected his army, and reportedly said “It took me 5 months to build this army, Butler destroyed it in five days”. He estimated that he could only launch another attack in March.

The First Battle of Mississippi had a major psychological effect on the United States and its people. It was one of the bloodiest battles the US had ever taken part in up to that point. Though there would be even bigger and bloodier battles in the Civil War, the level of violence and casualties shocked the Americans. Polk was convinced that unless he managed a great victory, he would be voted out of office. Already, it seemed like the 1853 mid-terms (Congress having been dissolved and new Congressional elections been called as part of the 1851 special election after Cass’ assassination) would yield an even bigger Liberal majority. For Polk, this great victory he should strive for laid in Veracruz, where the Frog Army had already landed.

Mississippi had a great effect on the American psyche, but Veracruz was, without a doubt, one of the most important events for Mexico and its people. Veracruz’ defenses were considered the strongest in North America at the time. Defended by General Antonio Zapatero 2,100 strong Army of Veracruz, plus a garrison of other 2,000 men, there were three major forts around the area. Forts Santiago, Concepción and San Juan de Ulúa.

On December 2nd, Perry’s Fleet approached Veracruz and started to shell the city, before landing one of the corps of the Frog Army, nicknamed the I Tadpole. Zapatero realized that this was an all-out assault and called for help from Mexico City. Prime Minister Castillo immediately ordered Vinicio Veintimilla’s 2,000 men; the 4,000 strong Fourth Reserve, originally destined for Lombardini’s Army of the West; and, perhaps more importantly, Marco Antonio Salazar’s 2,000 strong Army of Central America to relieve Zapatero. Yet, even when taking this forces into account, Zapatero was still outnumbered by more than 6,000 men. Castillo desperately called for more men. A new Reserve Army started to be built, while in the North Ruiz sent some 5,000 men, fact which would later have important consequences.

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The Americans land.

Patterson landed near to Fort Santiago, which was armed with 200 guns. The Mexican infantry had been driven back by Perry’s fleet shelling, but the men inside the Fort were unharmed. They started to shell the I Tadpole. Simultaneously, the II and III Tadpoles landed, each one on one side of the I. The II Tadpole. A First tentative assault by these combined forces was repelled by Zapatero. Still, within a week, the Americans managed to build a line from Playa Vergara to Collado. Colonel Robert E. Lee, Captain Joseph Johnston, and Lieutenant George McClellan started to work on the construction of artillery batteries.

Veracruz was somewhat unusual in that one of Mexico’s few railroad lines connected it directly with Mexico City. Due to this, both the Fourth Reserve and Veintimilla’s force managed to arrive relatively fast to relieve Zapatero. Patterson quickly realized that he needed to cut Veracruz off the railroad if he wanted to win, so he attacked again, only to be repulsed. By now everybody realized that Veracruz’s defenses were, indeed, the strongest of Mexico. To minimize civilian casualties, Prime Minister Castillo ordered all women and children evacuated from the city, and drafted all the men into the Second Army of Veracruz. Patterson organized an attack that prevented his evacuation from taking place. Then, he shifted his attention to Fort Santiago.

Now that Veracruz was a battlefield, the Mexicans could no longer receive French supplies through the city. The French instead sent the supplies to Barranquilla, in the Colombian state of Magdalena. From there, the Colombians sent them through railway to their pacific ports in the state of Choco. Finally, ships would carry them to Acapulco, which was also connected with Mexico City and Veracruz through railway. This worked reasonably well, yet it took much longer. Matters were not helped by the Colombia’s economy great crash that started the “Decade of Sorrow”.

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A request for help was sent to the French vessels docking in Hispaniola, which were not in shape to engage Perry. French Emperor Napoleon III decided to send further help, including the experimental design of a ship reinforced with iron. Four years later, in 1857, the concept would be developed and become the world’s first Ironclad. Armand Joseph Bruat was chosen as the deceased de la Fontaine’s replacement, to whom Napoleon III awarded the Legion of Honor for his services. This was taken as an insult by the Americans, and another bill to declare war on France was drafted, yet ultimately defeated when cooler heads reasoned that that would allow the French Emperor to send actual army units.

Just like the first time, it’d take a few weeks at best for the French fleet to be ready to engage Perry. For the time being, he controlled the Gulf, and this allowed him to freely supply the Frog Army and shell the forts.

The siege of Fort Santiago lasted for another couple of weeks. By Christmas, the Fort had to be evacuated and the Mexican troops there retreated to Fort Concepción and formed a defensive line to prevent an assault of the city, which Patterson started the next day. Patterson’s charge was once again repulsed, so he decided to start siege again. Still, the Americans were winning for the time being, Patterson characterizing his taking of Fort Santiago as a Christmas present for President Polk. By that time Marco Antonio Salazar had reached Chiapas and its railway station.

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Robert Patterson.

1852 had ended, and 1853 started. The Mexican-American War was now nearly two years long. Patterson continued sieging Fort Concepción. He still didn’t dare go near Fort Ulúa. A Mexican counterattack was organized to take pressure off Fort Concepción. On January 9th, Zapatero launched it and drove back the Americans, but not as much as he’d hoped. Nonetheless, he did manage to open the closed roads again and evacuation of the city started. On the 17th, Patterson attacked, but Zapatero stood his ground.

The evacuation was completed on February 1st. The following day, Salazar and his army arrived, then the Fifth Reserve. On the 5th Patterson bombarded Fort Concepción. The Battle of Veracruz had been raging for about two months now. Patterson demanded surrender. Zapatero refused. On the 7th, Fort Concepción was evacuated. On the 15th, Patterson attacked the city, but failed again. On the 16th, the French Navy arrived and drove Perry back. On the 18th, Zapatero launched a counter-attack and took Fort Concepción back, and with it the railway station. On the 19th, Zapatero died when an artillery barrage impacted him. Veintimilla assumed command of the Mexican forces. On the 23rd, Patterson shelled Veracruz. The next day he entered the city. Veintimilla managed to force him back out. On the 27th, Patterson attacked again. Veintimilla’s counter offensive fails and Patterson forms a line just outside of Agustin the First Plaza. Outside the city, Fort Ulúa resist an American assault, and the American forces who attacked trying to cut Veracruz’s water supply and railway line are driven back. Next week, Fort Concepción resists an attack too, and a new line defensive line is formed, running from Agustin the First’s Plaza inside the city to the sandy hills outside of it. The railroad station and water supply are behind Mexican lines, but can be reached through the Plaza. The Americans and their artillery is entrenched between this line and the coast.

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Bombardement of Veracruz.

On March 2nd, Patterson starts to plan a new attack to take the Plaza. If he succeeds, he can cut Vientimilla off supplies and water. Then Vientimilla’s would have to surrender. On the 5th, Patterson launches his attack. Vientimilla’s left flank collapses, but the right flank holds up and Patterson is unable to take the plaza. Vientimilla suffers a nervous breakdown after being informed that Patterson would attack again on the 7th. Marco Antonio Salazar assumes emergency command of the Mexican forces.

The great and terrible battle of the Mississippi had been fought and was now over. The new Battle of Veracruz was just starting. Patterson already called it a great victory, and sent letters stating that the Mexican forces would shatter and he would take Veracruz within March. To many, it seemed as if Mexico needed a miracle to win at Veracruz. This prayer would be answered in the form of an unlikely hero, who would make an appearance the following day when Patterson launched his offensive. Rallying his troops under the cry "No gringo shall set foot on Agustin I's Plaza!", he drove back Patterson and secured the line around the Plaza. Many ardous weeks of hardship still lay ahead, yet just like Ruiz's legend was born in San Jacinto, the legend of that hero was born in that day. His name, Marco Antonio Salazar.

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Marco Antonio Salazar.
 
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Oww Oww Oww...

Veracruz sounds like a slaughterfest, and I could only imagine how most U.S citizens view the carnage of Louisiana. Were there any foreign journalists from Colombia and Europe documenting the conflict?
 
Oww Oww Oww...

Veracruz sounds like a slaughterfest, and I could only imagine how most U.S citizens view the carnage of Louisiana. Were there any foreign journalists from Colombia and Europe documenting the conflict?

Veracruz is indeed a bloody battle. Besides guns and artillery, disease is also killing tons of soldiers. The US is positively shocked. It'll have important consequences in the future. As for journalists, the most important ones are French (on the Mexican side) and British (on the American one). There are some Latin Americans, but I'll talk about them in a future appendix.

Welp... color me mindblown.

This was epic!

Thank you!

I. Regret. Nothing.

Haha :v I forgot he existed for a moment, so I simply looked Matthew Perry up. When he appeared, I literally said "Not that one!".

What does everybody else think of the update? Next is Europe!
 
Chapter 38: 1850, Year of Revolution.
Once rioting started in Milan around January 1850, the Austrian Garrison there, led by Joseph Radetzky, moved in to crush the rebellion, jailing several leaders, wounding dozens and killing at least eight people. Several Italian nobles spoke out against this. They weren’t revolutionaries, they were trying to make their voices heard through legal means instead. But Metternich still jailed them. He also didn’t listen to Radetzky’s pleads for more soldiers, thinking the garrison would be enough.

In Sicily, another revolution started. The people of Sicily, long neglected by the Bourbon Monarchy, rose up, unfurling Italian flags (green, white and red) and proclaiming “Long Live Italy! Long Live Gregory XVII!”. Royal armies were forced to withdraw from the island following several days of terror in the countryside and continuous attacks in the cities. A general committee, presided by Ruggero Settimo took over and called for elections, but their control of the anarchic countryside wasn’t complete. Mobs rose up in Naples as well. City revolutionaries found a figure around which they could rally in Carlo Poerio, released by King Ferdinand in an attempt to quell the masses. It backfired, as Poerio led them into an open protest in the city’s plaza. Troops were sent to crush them, but they ended up joining the revolutionaries. Desperate, Ferdinand announced that he would adopt a constitution, but that didn’t seem to be enough as the people started to chant “Long Live Italy! Long Live Gregory XVIII!” too.

The Pope was scared by how quickly everything developed. He was a supporter of peaceful, slow reformation, not of quick, violent revolution. Yet, he didn’t release any statement. His cold silence was interpreted as warm support by several revolutionaries, who now believed that the ideal of an Italian nation centered around the Pope was within their reach. Demonstration in Rome itself took place. Soldiers who served Austria defiantly tore down their black and white hats and insignias, wearing tricolor ones. Both Liberals and Moderates pleaded with Gregory, asking him to raise an army to either defend from Austria, who, most revolutionaries believed, was heading down; or to defend from the revolutionaries themselves.

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Italian Revolutions.

The British ambassador commented that the revolutionaries wanted either constitutional law or anarchical revolution. Yielding to the pressure, Gregory announced a Constitution, with a People’s Parliament (Parlamento del Popolo), where both cardinals and politicians would serve, being formed; and an army raised. Formed of revolutionaries, rogue soldiers from Naples and the Papal States Guardia Civil, this army was officially called the First Army of the Papal States, yet would go down in history as the First Italian Army.

The monarch of Tuscany adopted a constitution before unrest turned into revolution. Piedmont already had one, thus the unrest there focused more on the ideal of Italian unification. Modena and Parma resisted due to Austrian protection.

The wildfire of revolution quickly spread to the German states. Radicals, laborists and liberals took to the streets of several German duchies and kingdoms. The revolutionary Black, Red, and Gold tricolor was flown in the streets and petitions asking for freedom of the press, suffrage, trial by jury and a united German state. One by one, several German monarchs and rulers were forced to yield to revolutionary demands, adopting constitutions and appointing liberal governments. Baden, Württemberg, Nassau adopted constitutions. In Hesse-Darmstadt the Grand Duke abdicated, letting his son take over and start reforms. In Bavaria King Ludwig, whose reputation had been recently smeared due to an affair, abdicated in favor of his son Maxmilian.

With more and more German states liberalizing themselves and adopting constitutions, the liberals and laborists of Germany decided that the time had come for calling into session a new parliament that would draft a constitution for a German unified state. This German parliament was to meet in Frankfurt.

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Frankfurt.

This revolutionary wave had only hit the smaller German states between Austria and Prussia. A demonstration in the Rhineland favoring the Frankfurt Parliament was crushed by the Prussian Army. Yet Austria wasn’t as lucky.

Metternich received the news of the formation of both the People’s Parliament in Italy and the Frankfurt Parliament in Germany with dismay. At first, though, if seemed that Austria itself was untouched, with the exception of its Italian provinces. That changed when Lajos Kossuth gave a speech in the Hungarian Parliament, calling for complete independence for Hungary from Austria. In Vienna, a petition asking for freedom of speech, press, and religion; and state representation within a united Germany was signed by many young liberals, who then carried it to the Landhaus, where the Austrian Lower States were holding a session. The State Council, dominated by hardline reactionaries, decided that they couldn’t show any weakness by conceding to either group’s demands.

The Viennese students took the Landhaus and, after seeing that their demands paled when compared with the Hungarian ones, demanded a constitution as well. Workers and middle-class men joined then. Army units under Archduke Albert blocked off the workers, keeping them outside the Landhaus. Rioting broke out outside. After much provocation, Albert ordered his troops to fire. After the ensuing chaos calmed down, the State Council decided to yield to the student’s demands, forcing Metternich to resign and allowing the students to form their own militia, the Academic Legion. Metternich fled Austria, going to Rotterdam, where he stopped for almost a fortnight because he feared a revolution was starting in Britain as well.

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Lajos Kossuth.

The Chartists, a movement that demanded universal suffrage, voting rights, and, after laborism appeared, welfare and social help for the workers, decided to organize a mass meeting near Westminster around March. They were led by William Cuffey and the egoistical Feargus O'Connor. They claimed that 400,000 people were reunited there to give a petition signed by 6 million to the House of Commons. The government claimed there were only 50,000 thousand and that the petition had been signed by only a million. Modern estimates say there were around 150,000 chartists there. Some 100,000 police men and special constables were there to watch over them, warming the chartists that, if they tried to cross the Thames, they would open fire.

Prime Minister Lord Russell recognized that, if not handled carefully, the chartists could turn violent. The leader of the Whigs and Robert Peel’s successor, Russell is generally considered a failure. Though British military commanders managed to scare most chartists into inaction with their artillery maneuvers, some took this as provocation. When the petition was refused by the House of Commons, some started to talk openly about rebellion. One such man ended up starting a fist-fight with a police officer, which led to rioting, and that led to disaster and bloodshed. “The Second Peterloo”, as it was dubbed by the press, left more than 50 dead and hundreds of wounded. Furious chartists started to march to Westminster. Within the House of Commons, a new coalition of pro-reform Byronite Whigs, Free Trade Peelites and Radicals started to favor compromise. Russell conceded, ignoring fierce opposition from the rest of the House. Thomas Roberts emerged as the leader of this coalition, known as the National Liberals.

Chartist leaders reunited with Roberts and his cabinet. After tense discussion, during which several thought a revolution would start (the Royal Family was even evacuated as a precaution), Roberts reached an agreement with O’Connor. The full Charter was not adopted, but a watered-down version more palatable to Whigs who refused to join the National Liberals. Similar to the Reform Act of 1832, the Reform Act of 1850 expanded suffrage, reformed the workshops and electoral constituencies, and finally set that Parliamentary elections would take place every 6 years after the dissolution of the last parliament, though it could still be dissolved before those six years had passed.

As a part of the compromise, Parliament would be dissolved as soon as the reforms were completed. Though a revolution had been avoided, several Chartists weren’t satisfied yet. Furthermore, the Irish famine was still going on and the Whig Party seemed ready to collapse. Still, for the moment Britain was safe.

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The Chartists.

In Vienna, tensions continued, until finally, the government decided to surrender to the petitioner’s requests, lest should it turn into revolutionary demands. Delegates were to be sent to a new convention that would draft a constitution for Austria. The people took to the streets, not to riot, but to celebrate. Celebration also took place in Hungary. There the Hungarian Parliament with the support of the Viceroy of Hungary, Stephen, agreed to present a petition for the formation of a separate Hungarian state, that would also control Transylvania. Kossuth was hailed as a hero. He, using his newfound fame, proposed the liberal Lajos Batthyány as the first Prime Minister of an independent Hungary. The Magyars then went to Vienna, arriving there triumphantly. Hailed as a Liberal Hero, the Academic Legion cheered and celebrated him.

The Staatskonferenz rejected Stephen and Batthyány’s demands, so Stephen decided to just bypass them and ask Emperor Ferdinand directly, convincing him to not only grant Hungary its independence, but also make Stephen his plenipotentiary with the power to form a government. Stephen immediately appointed Batthyány as prime minister. In Budapest, the Hungarian wing of Young Europe took to the streets while these negotiations were going on, expulsing the German officials and forming their own militia.

The flames of revolution further extended to another part of the collapsing Hapsburg Empire, now to the very industrial heart of it. In Bohemia, laborists and liberals drafted a petition asking for equality with the Germans, social welfare and the reunion of historically Bohemian lands, including Silesia. There was some underlining Czech nationalism, but the men that presented the petition were hesitant to make this nationalism outward. Thanks to this, Vienna managed to make only minor concessions when compared with Hungary – Czech would be used alongside German, and no separate Czech parliament would be established. Bohemia would be given some parliamentary seats, but franchise was still limited to the middle classes and the rich. The laborists and many liberals felt betrayed, so they reunited to draft another, more severe petition.

Not even Prussia, the other great German power was safe from the springtime of nations. In Berlin, students and workers drafted a petition as well, asking for freedom of speech and the press, and for the Landtag, the closest body Prussia had to a parliament, to reunite every four years. However, King Frederick William was more concerned with another issue, or rather, country, so he dismissed the Landtag. The country that so preoccupied the monarch was France, whose policy towards Prussia and especially the Rhineland had been becoming more and more violent, especially since Adolphe Thiers became Prime Minister.

Thiers had infamously asserted that the Rhineland constituted the natural border of France, leading to a French scare. The Prussian king hoped to unify their subjects under him, thus lessening revolutionary questions. At first, it seemed that it worked, but the resulting surge on nationalism was not Prussian, it was German. Calls for German unity had been strong ever since Thiers’ 1849 declaration. Using the French as a scapegoat again might make the push for German unification, and thus the threat of revolution more imminent. Even without this the Berliners still pushed for German unity as black, red and gold flags unfurled through the city. Army troops were sent to Berlin and violence and riots broke out. King Frederick, even over the protest of the majority of his cabinet, was willing to concede to limited demands at first, but when the revolutionaries also demanded the army was retired from the city, the King turned to extreme anti-revolutionary views. The army was, after all, the pillar upon which Prussia and thus Frederick’s authority was built, a state within a state.

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Berlin, 1850.

Thus, he refused and the troops remained in the city. Surprisingly, the riots didn’t start again. Instead, the leaders of the original petition met in the fashion store d’Heureuse, defiantly close to the royal palace. These liberal and laborist leaders, mostly university students, decided to join and form a militia, in imitation of the Italian, Hungarian and Viennese Militias. Calling themselves the Federal Constitutional Party (Bundesverfassungs Partei) and nicknamed the Buvers, they started to organize what they called, in imitation of Italy, the First Young German Brigade. To arm themselves they contacted Young Europe, and through them the French officer Philippe Lambert.

Though Italy, Austria and Prussia were engulfed in the flames of revolution, France was in a relatively peaceful, albeit tense state. Republicans and Bonapartists were strengthened by these revolutions, especially the republicans. They decided to march in protest of the July Monarchy. A new party, a fusion of laborists and republican liberals was formed – the Social Republicans (Les Républicains Sociaux). Prime Minister Thiers, who had by now served as such by several years, suggested yielding to their demands. The Social Republican march went without a hitch, and after it ended a resolution passed Parliament, allowing an extension of the electorate for the following elections. Yet some Republicans weren’t pleased.

The foremost issue occupying the mind of the French government was not them however. It was Germany. French foreign policy, Thiers claimed, should be engineered towards keeping Germany weak and disunited. Allowing it to unify would be a disaster for France. Thiers and other members of his cabinet, after extended deliberation, decided that French direct intervention or meddling would probably strengthen the faction pushing for German unity. Instead, arming the German militias would probably weaken Prussia and Austria without being enough to unify the country. Lambert was dispatched with some capital and arms for this purpose. The French leaders fully expected that King Frederick would ultimately triumph, yet a more prolonged battle in Berlin would align to French interests.

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Prominent Social Republican leaders.

The First Young German Brigade was thus armed by Lambert. The tense two weeks that passed with relative calm in Berlin proved to just be the prelude to the storm. They rose up, quickly erecting barricades. The Prussian commanders attacked with artillery and assaults. Nine hundred died in the first day of fighting, six hundred of whom were revolutionaries. The army’s iron discipline assured that they wouldn’t join the revolutionaries, yet they were demoralized. The only option seemed to be besieging Berlin. King Frederik was conflicted. He didn’t want to acquiesce to the Buvers’ demands, yet spilling his own people’s blood was out of the question. He finally decided to surrender, ignoring his son and his generals’ open disgust.

Wearing a hat with a feather colored like the German revolutionary tricolor, the King called for peace, making vague declarations about how Prussia was now part of Germany. The Buvers weren’t convinced, unless he accepted to become the next German Emperor. Violence resumed and the king was forced to flee. Once he reached safety in Postdam, he consulted with several ministers and his son, all ultra-conservative hardliners. Some newcomers were among the reunited too, most prominently a nobleman named Otto von Bismarck, who had impressed Frederick William's advisors with his fiery and eloquent speeches against democracy and in favor of the monarchy. To deal with the revolution, they all said, there was only one option: counterrevolution.

While all this went on in Germany, other developments took place in the other nation struggling for unification, Italy. The People’s Parliament adopted a constitution for a united Italian nation. A parliament, with a chamber of deputies and senate would reunite and rule Italy, with universal elections taking place every four years. Any party leader who commanded the trust of a majority of both houses would become Prime Minister. Individual rights were guaranteed. Now, the issue was, who should be the king of Italy? The hated King of Naples couldn’t. The Pope refused. Though many Italians supported a Republic, others had their hopes on Piedmont. And they weren’t the only ones. The Italians in Milan also waited for the king of Piedmont to come and liberate them with one hundred thousand bayonets.

Lombardy Venetia had been under martial law since the riot that started it all. The liberals had not acted, even as the revolutions spread to Italy, Hungary and Germany. Now that Metternich was gone and Emperor Ferdinand had promised a constitution, they were emboldened. Yet, their heads were cooler than those of the Hungarian or Berliner leaders. They couldn’t possibly defeat Marshal Radetzky’s garrison, unless they were helped by external forces. They sent an envoy to Piedmont, asking for intervention.

The King of Piedmont, Charles Albert, was inclined to help his fellow Italians, yet he didn’t know who he should help. The Southern Italians or the Milanese? The Republicans within South Italy were as strong as ever. So, ultimately Charles Albert decided to help the Milanese, and order 20,000 troops to Milan, to combat Radetzky’s 15,000. The Milanese rose up when the troops from Piedmont were close enough. Radetzky crushed them initially, but this gave Charles Albert the perfect excuse for intervention, never mind that his troops were suspiciously close. After days of intense fighting, Radetzky was forced out of the city. This finally tipped the scales on favor of the Milanese monarchists, who supported a united Italy under the House of Savoy. At the same time, the Republicans in Southern Italy were strengthened.

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Charles Albert.

Rural uprisings, city uprisings, the constant attack of Charles Albert’s army, all demoralized Radetzky’s men. They tried to siege Milan, and failed. The navy and the workers joined the revolution. Just like in Rome and Naples “Long Live Italy!” was heard. But instead of being followed by “Long live Gregory XVII!”, they were followed by cries of “Long live Charles Albert!”. Venice, which had been the center of republican support, fell to an internal revolution later, the governor resigning and the military commander surrendering the city rather than pounding it into dust. Though some republicans tried to declare a Venetian Republic, the troops from Piedmont moved into the city to wide cheers and celebrations. The Venetian republic was short lives – it asked for annexation to Piedmont a week later.
Other parts of Europe weren’t as affected by the revolutions though. Spain and Portugal were peaceful during them, something ironic when the agitation of the previous years is considered. The Carlist Wars in Spain and the Liberal Wars in Portugal had ended for now in liberal victories. The Spanish general elections gave the main liberal party, the Progressive Alliance (Alianza Progresiva) a majority. Unlike what some people had hoped their victory wasn’t followed by sweeping reforms. Something similar happened in Portugal. Aside from some unrest in Catalonia and Madrid, stability and peace reined in both Kingdoms while the rest of Europe went up in flames. The Netherlands and most Scandinavian nations were unaffected by this revolutionary tide as well, aside from some reforms.

In Britain, the threat of revolution was held back by the robust British civil system, though it raised enough alarms to evacuate the Royal Family and start a debate in Commons, which ended with the passing of the Reform Act of 1850 by Roberts’ National Liberals. There would be important consequences in the future, but for the moment Britain also seemed unaffected and most chartists were happy with the minor concessions they got – nobody had wanted to overthrow the social order and create a republic after all. The Irish weren’t as lucky. Already devastated by famine, protest and revolutionary threats especially from “Young Ireland” only led to repression.

The exception among the Scandinavians was Sweden, which cracked down on revolutionary demonstration without compromising at all. In Russia, Tsar Constantin and his Decembrist decided to sit back and watch. They had already been implementing reforms to education, administration and serf liberation, and thus not many Russians were pushing for revolution. After all, most believed reforms would simply continue as they had before. Russia, the Tsar told his cabinet, would not intervene in other countries’ revolutions, but it would watch the developments in Austria with interest. There was unrest in Poland though. Constantin generally had a soft spot for the Poles. He had refused a post in Poland to become the Tsar instead, but he still decided to implement reforms in Russian Poland. Constantin answered to demonstrations in Warsaw with vague words and promises, which staved off a revolution for the moment, yet most Polish liberals were not satisfied at all.

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Unrest in Poland.

France also seemed untouched, but seemed is the key word here. Many, both liberals and conservatives, watched the developments in France anxiously. The cradle of European revolutions and the leader of the constitutional liberal regimes, France had thus far supported the revolutionaries in Italy and Germany. Yet many feared or hoped a revolution would happen in France. Those who hoped for one thought that a Second French Republic would finally do what the First couldn’t – spread liberty and constitutionalism to the entire continent. Those who feared a new French revolution thought that a Second French Empire would do what the First couldn’t – conquer Europe and hold it under her heel.

Ironically, it was one of the battlegrounds of the Revolutionary Wars that most hoped for a French Revolution – Southern Germany. Many feared that King Frederick of Prussia would invade and destroy their new-found liberties. Aligning themselves with the French was their only hope of keeping them. A new solution started to appear as a reaction to Prussian hostility to revolution and German unity – Süddeutschland, a German nation formed by the Constitutional German states. Most of the proposers of this insisted that Prussia would eventually join, but only after the tyrant Frederick was overthrown and a constitution adopted. For the moment, this was only supported by fringe radicals.

The French government didn’t want to interfere in South Germany, though some said that a friendly South German Confederation could be a faithful ally against Prussia. They were more enthusiastic towards Italian intervention, supplying Piedmont and recognizing the People’s Parliament. They were also sympathetic towards the Poles, yet couldn’t really help them, much to the dismay of the loud Polish expat community in Paris. France had to face problems at home too. The march in Paris by the Social Republicans had been a success in theory, but no tangible results had come out of it. There was social strife and riots in Brussels and cities near Italy.

In Frankfurt, the Parliament finally met around May. Two men quickly rose up in prominence, the Saxon Robert Blum and the Hessian Heinrich von Gagern. Radicals who wanted a republic and nothing more were sidelined, while Gagern and Blum, after lengthy discussion, agreed that unity was needed if the dream of a German state was to be reached. Appealing to the liberal monarchist majority which wanted constitutional monarchies, they passed a resolution that called for a German Confederation where both Republics and Monarchies could coexist. The German Emperor would be elected by the parliament, but he was to be merely the first among equals within a constitutional federal nation.

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Heinrich von Gagern.

The Frankfurt’s Parliament test of fire took place in Baden, the stronghold of German republicanism. Powerful landlords held enormous extensions of land there and many turned to republicanism as a result. Friedrich Hecker, a member of the Frankfurt Parliament and an uncompromising republican, decided to call for the formation of a convention. Several republicans, friends of Hecker, supported this, boasting about how they could raise armies to enforce the will of the people of Baden if it were necessary. A second revolution seemed to be taking place in Baden. The Frankfurt Parliament, headed by a committee of 50 (among whom were Blum and Gagern) decided to allow it, so that they wouldn’t fracture the radical left.

The Committee of 50 decided to amend their earlier resolution, explicitly stating that every German state would have its own parliament within the Confederation and that the will of the people of each state was law. In other words, Baden would be allowed to be a republic within an Imperial Confederation if the convention so desired. Blum and other pro-compromise liberals convinced Gagern to accept this. Another factor was fear of Hecker’s republican armies – he had boasted he could call on 20,000 men to defend the people of Baden.

The Baden convention finally decided against overthrowing the monarchy. Hecker and other republicans were disappointed, yet they accepted the result, hoping for a future opportunity. The Army of Baden, professional and loyal to its Duke, was too powerful to attempt a revolution anyway. It would later form the backbone of the Frankfurt Army.

Reactionaries, outraged by this second revolution, asked the German Confederation for military intervention. Quite weakened by the almost collapse of Austria, the German Confederation nonetheless still existed. The Diet accepted Baden’s requests. Alarmed by this, the Committee called for soldiers to defend itself. When Hecker’s 20,000 didn’t materialize, they started to raise an army on their own. Imitating the People’s Parliament “First Italian Army”, this new army would be known as the “First German Army”.

The Frankfurt Army first saw action when a crisis started in Holstein. The duchies of Schleswig Holstein were under the Danish king, yet Holstein had a German majority. The Committee insisted that both duchies should be part of their united Germany, but the Danish government wanted to keep Schleswig, with a Danish majority, not really caring that much for Holstein. The Danish government began arming itself, and as a response, German nobles declared independence and their intention to join a unified German state. They asked for intervention from Prussia and Frankfurt. Both the Prussian Army and the Frankfurt Army worked together, though they ended up sparking an international crisis when they crossed into Denmark proper. Seeing the revolutionary army of Frankfurt and the reactionary army of Prussia working together was a sign to behold that impressed many. Finally, both retreated due to international pressure, yet it showed that the Frankfurt Parliament did have some power, though almost all of it came from the monarchs within it.

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The Schleswig-Holstein Question.

The Frankfurt Parliament was strengthened even more by the support of the Viennese revolutionaries, who unfurled the German tricolor and sent their own representatives to Frankfurt. Even Ferdinand was seen waving the German flag. The Süddeutschland proposers gained momentum and started to push for Ferdinand to become the new German Emperor. They had the cultural similarity of the Catholic Southern Germans as an advantage, especially when contrasted with the Protestant Northern Germans. This would require the total dismantlement of the Hapsburg Empire, with the possible exception of the Czech lands, which only sought autonomy but not independence.

The Austrian constitution was finally granted by the Emperor, fulfilling most revolutionary demands such as a parliament (over which a Prime Minister would preside) and suffrage that, although not universal, allowed many to vote, including the workers. The Emperor retained a veto and was the one that would appoint the ministers, including the Prime Minister. The Academic Legion protested, yet they calmed down and accepted the constitution when Ferdinand pleaded with them, saying that he would be forced to flee if the revolution continued. Most Viennese didn’t want to go that far, they still loved their Emperor after all. They decided to, as Ferdinand suggested, make their complaints heard according to the rule of the law in the upcoming parliament. The Academic Legion thus organized into the Liberal Constitution Party in order to participate in the elections.

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The Austrian parliament.

In Galicia, Polish revolutionaries, acting from the Free State of Krakow, asked for an autonomous province within Austria. Organizing themselves in the National Committee, they hoped Austria would lead the effort for an independent Poland. Declaring all serfs liberated, the Polish landlords found that they couldn’t command respect or authority among the Ukrainian (or, as they were called back then, Ruthenian) serfs. Accusing them of treason against their good emperor, the Ruthenians forcibly disbanded the National Committee. Austrian authorities had seemingly managed to put down a revolution without doing anything. To further divide the Poles, they authorized the Ruthenians to form a Supreme Committee.

Another national movement continued in Hungary. Vienna finally accepted the revolutionaries’ program: Hungary would be independent within Austria, but Ferdinand would still be its king, civil rights were guaranteed, suffrage was given to half of the male adult population, neither language nor culture would be infringed upon, and a new Hungarian National Assembly would meet. Though many Hungarians, including Kossuth himself wanted a purely Magyar state that wouldn’t recognize any other nationality, finally compromise won and limited autonomy was granted to other nationalities within the new Magyar state. They, for example, accepted Slovak demands for recognition of their language and joint display of flags. However, the Magyars weren’t willing to consider the demands of other peoples, notably the Romanians.

Half a year had passed since the first revolutionary outbreak in Milan, and for the moment if seemed like the liberals were going to fulfill their dreams of liberty and of a new dawn for Europe after all. Whether the reactionaries were going to strike back or not remained to be seen.
 
Republican Italy! A (mostly) free Hungary! A Frankfurt Parliament that actually does stuff! :D

Kinda odd to have Ferdinand a pro-unification supporter, but I'll let it slide. What happened to Romania, though?
 
Revolutions everywhere! I love it!

Thank you!

Viva la Revolution!

Viva!

Republican Italy! A (mostly) free Hungary! A Frankfurt Parliament that actually does stuff! :D

Kinda odd to have Ferdinand a pro-unification supporter, but I'll let it slide. What happened to Romania, though?

I assume you mean Ferdinand of Austria. Him waving the German flag was mentioned in Mike Rapport's "1848: Year of Revolution", my main source for this chapter. He doesn't provide any further context, but taking into account Ferdinand's mental problems, we can probably assume he just got caught on the excitement of the moment and decided he wanted to wave flags like the revolutionaries. As for Romania, we'll see what happens in the next chapter, which is almost ready. This was supposed to be just one big chapter in fact. I split it up because it was too long and not detailed enough as well.
 
Chapter 39: The Springtime of Nations
"In politics evils should be remedied not revenged".
-Napoleon III, Emperor of the French.

2,5 million Romanians lived in Transylvania, a region that had enjoyed its own special status within the Hapsburg Empire. Though some Romanians had supported union with Hungary, the Magyar’s refusal to acquiesce to their demands turned them against this and towards a dream of a Romanian state, created by union with the duchies of Moldovia and Wallachia, nominally under Ottoman control but actually under Russian dominance. Tsar Constantin himself was quite receptive to the idea of a Romanian state – under Russian control, of course. Liberals and nationalists decided to meet in a Romanian national assembly in Blaj. They once again demanded recognition and autonomy within Hungary. In the Adriatic, Serbians and Croats started to push for autonomy, not within Hungary, but as an independent Illyrian Kingdom of Southern Slavs. Vienna obliged and gave limited autonomy to the Southern Slavs, including control over the military frontier in Serbia and its own diet. Vienna would still appoint its governor or Ban. Baron Josip Jelačić was selected for this. He wanted autonomy and order, defense against the Magyars and their excesses and loyalty to Ferdinand and the Hapsburgs.

To balance this, the military frontier with Russia was given to Hungary. The Serbians claimed that their provinces had to be part of the new autonomous Southern Slav region and, although they didn’t manage to install an Orthodox Cristian patriarch, a part of Serbia was given to the Southern Slavs, preventing rebellion against the Magyars. No side was happy, but Austria had more problems, in Italy.

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Josip Jelačić

The People’s Parliament finally voted to join the war against Austria together with Piedmont and Tuscany towards the end of May. Many were still troubled by the division between the Northern monarchists and the Southern republicans, yet for the moment they agreed to work together to overthrow the Austrian shackle. This was a defensive league, an Italian confederation of sort. Many still believed in an Italian republic centered around faith and nation. The republicans suffered a seatback when King Ferdinand abdicated due to them and the patriotic and beloved Princess Cristina di Belgiojoso took over as queen of Naples. She went to Rome in a train, wearing the green, white and red of Italy.

The First Italian Army and the Army of Charles Albert pushed the Austrians to the Piave, while Neapolitan warships broke the Austrian blockade. Charles Albert wanted to create a northern Italian kingdom under the House of Savoy. French support had weakened him though, since it didn’t seem like a purely Italian struggle anymore. Practically all the funds for the war and the supplies for the men came from France. Republicans like Mazzini were troubled by Charles Albert’s aspirations, yet willing to forgive their differences for the moment. Finally, the Italians triumphed and the Austrians were expelled from Lombardy Venetia. Charles Albert signed a constitution that proclaimed the Kingdom of Italy, under the House of Savoy. However, the southern republicans and monarchists (who favored Queen Cristina) didn’t accept this unless Charles Albert went to Rome and proclaimed complete unity. Modena, Parma and Milan seemed to disagree with them however: in a referendum, they all voted to join this new northern kingdom. The Venetian republicans accepted this only because they considered Austria, which was mounting a counterattack, a greater threat. They, like the Baden republicans, hoped that Venetia could exist as a republic within a united Italy.

The conflict between northern and southern Italians was seized by Ferdinand. He went back to Naples and tried to take back power by force and dissolve Settimo’s provisional parliament. The backbone of the royal army was fighting in Lombardy, but Ferdinand still had some brigades with him. He attacked Naples, with only liberal militias holding him back. Mazzini and other Republicans pleaded with Gregory XVII for help. Whether he should help troubled the Pope, but he ultimately decided to order The First Italian Army there, after Ferdinand’s armies massacred around twenty liberal leaders. Arguing that Ferdinand turning his weapons on his people was shameful and proved that he wasn’t fit to be king, the Army, led by republicans, marched to the city. They defeated him, immediately taking him prisoner. When the elections for the parliament took place, radicals and liberals had a majority. They abolished the monarchy, sentenced Ferdinand to exile but allowed Cristina to remain in Naples if so she desired. Both would flee to Spain.

With this, the People’s parliament finally approved the creation of a republic. The Roman Republic, declared in June 18th and with its capital in the eponymous city and enormous Papal influence, was the dream of faith and nation accomplished. Not totally of course – Charles Albert, King of Italy, protested this and refused to accept total unity unless they accepted a king, not Ferdinand, but himself. The Roman Republic refused. They were bolstered by the return of Garibaldi from service in the Triple War. This is where nationalism show its darker side: upon taking control, the Republicans invaded Sicily and after a week of bloody battles and executions, retook the island.

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Proclamation of the Italian Republic.

Meanwhile, the Italian war effort was running out of steam. Most of Ferdinand’s troops simply deserted in masse upon the overthrowal of their king. Roman refusal to continue cooperating and Radetzky’s relentless counterattack led to Austrian success. Though the Italians kept control of Milan and Venice, they failed to negotiate peace, with Radetzky convincing several ministers in Vienna that he could beat them back – if he had the men and resources, of course. The men he talked about were Croatians, and so Vienna asked for soldiers and resources from the recently created autonomous state. One of the poorest areas of the empire, this order finally managed to do what some believed impossible: it started to turn the Slavs against Austria.

In Berlin, the First Young German Brigade overwhelmed royal troops and took the armory. They had rose up in the middle of May, and almost a month later they still controlled the city. The support they had got from both France and Frankfurt had allowed them to stand their ground, but finally taking the armory gave them actual offensive capacity. Frederick William finally conceded a parliament. In exchange of receiving seats there without the need of votes, the Buvers surrendered their arms. The Parliament met in July, with a conservative majority granted by votes from the countryside.

The Buvers demanded a constitution that not only recognized the liberties they had pushed for, but also granted them a pardon and recognized them as soldiers that had rendered a great service for the fatherland. Their conservative opponents opposed this. They argued that under revolutionary rule the people of Berlin had suffered, and if the Buvers weren’t stopped Berlin would be destroyed. However, the Buvers had actually managed to maintain some measure of order and peace, at least when compared with the earlier days of fighting. In fact, since Berlin became much more peaceful following the withdrawal of most royal troops, it seemed as if the disorder was actually the monarchy’s fault.

Meanwhile, the Frankfurt parliament declared null the armistice signed by Prussia and Denmark that would put Schleswig Holstein under joint administration. Gagern declared that it was shameful, and that everybody who agreed to it was a traitor. The Buvers couldn’t force Prussia’s hand, but the Frankfurt Army was still in Denmark. This provoked Russia and Britain to offer mediation in June. Prussia had to accept. This was declared as a legitimizing victory for Frankfurt. Prussian troops finally moved to take the city. A second Frankfurt Army was quickly put together from the Bavarian armies and managed to repel the attack. However, this victory had made clear that Frankfurt had no real authority except for that granted by the monarchs of the several states, namely Baden and Bavaria.

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The Frankfurt Army.

In Austria, the conservatives knew they had their days numbered. For the moment, the pre-parliament had a conservative majority, but the elections set for November would most probably turn a Constitutional Liberal majority, and even though the Emperor could in theory refuse to appoint one of them as Prime Minister, the feeble-minded Ferdinand would probably be convinced to do so, like had happened with Stephen and his Magyar petition. Vienna had been mostly peaceful. The Academic Legion organized a National Guard made with workers and middle-class men that maintained order, also supplying food and welfare. However, a schism seemed to be taking place between some people fully committed to German unity and some who feared domination by the hated Prussians and reducing their Emperor to a mere governor of a province.

The conservatives decided to make their move. They had already triumphed in suppressing the Polish in Galicia, so they turned their attention to Bohemia and the Czech. After the failure of their first petition, Czech leaders drafted another in July, that was also promptly refused. Many took to the streets. A worker’s demonstration there ended in tragedy with dozens being murdered by royal troops who retook the city after some fighting. This alarmed the Academic Legion. Then, the conservatives turned to Hungary and Croatia, deciding to let Radetzky continue fighting in Italy, almost without support.

They had ordered Croatian troops to move into Italy. Several Croat companies were already fighting there, but progress was slow. Furthermore, the Hungarians had thus far refused to send troops to support the oppression of other peoples. When Jelačić tried to execute the orders from Vienna, he met fierce resistance and was, ultimately, deposed by the Illyrian Diet. Vienna considered this another revolution and sent in the troops that had put down the Bohemian uprising. The new Illyrian government called back the troops in Italy. Charles Albert took this opportunity and started an attack against Radetzky on the first days of August.

The Hungarians had actually voted to send troops to Italy in order to soothe Vienna, but an uprising took place in Transylvania, recently declared part of Hungary with no special status. Several liberals turned their hopes to union with Wallachia and Moldovia, which seemed possible due to two revolutions there, which installed parliaments and started reforms. The Romanians there also supported union with Transylvania. With Russian tacit support of this union, the Romanians of Transylvania rose up. Budapest immediately ordered troops there to quell the rebellion. At the same time, the Serbians of Vojvodina also asked for annexation to the Illyrian state. The Magyars refused and sent troops there too. In response, the Croats sent troops as well.

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Hungarian Revolution.

A Romanian constitution that asked for Russian protection was drafted in Islaz on August 21st. Tsar Constantin, who had decided to focus on the Balkans, accepted to protect the new Romanian state, sending 25,000 troops there. The Ottoman Sultan, who had only prevented the collapse of his Empire thanks to Russia, accepted this, as long as the new Romania was still under nominal Ottoman suzerainty. The Romanian Principality was proclaimed. A prince from Constantinople would be the de jure head of state, but the head of government would be a president elected every 5 years. This new state was to be under Russian protection.

In Hungary, Kossuth and other leaders decided they had to put down the revolt in Transylvania quickly. If Russia got involved they would be forced to let the region go. Thus, reluctantly, they accepted the demands of the Croatian parliament, Sabor, and ceded Vojvodina. War had been averted between Croatia and Hungary, but Vienna wasn’t satisfied. Hoping, perhaps foolishly, for Russian intervention in their favor, they ordered Croatian troops into Hungary on September, declaring that an independent Hungary was not possible. The Croats refused, and it was declared that they were also in rebellion. Vienna however had not enough troops, so they were forced to withdraw Radetzky and his men from Italy, signing a treaty with Charles Albert that recognized Italian control of Lombardy Venetia. He was formally crowned as the King of Italy on September 9th.

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Proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy.

While the liberals at Sabor didn’t want to obey Vienna and go to war, the loyalist, still rallying behind Jelačić, wanted to. Jelačić crossed the frontier, but he was pushed back, not by the Magyars, but by liberal Croatians and Serbians. A week later the parliament at Sabor declared Croatia independent from Austria, and the formation of the South Slavic Illyrian Republic on September 29th. Russia, the self-proclaimed protector of Slavs, recognized them but offered no further support. However, the only thing the liberals managed was plunging Croatia into Civil War – many still loved Emperor Ferdinand and the monarchy and thus decided to fight together with Jelačić against them. The backbone of the new Illyrian army was Serbian troops and the men that had fought in Italy and were disillusioned with the Hapsburgs due to the lack of support they showed. They only effectively controlled some cities, with the countryside and most of the peasants rallying behind Jelačić. In order to deal with the Austrian threat, they effectively allied with the Magyars. Some opposed this, seeing the Hungarians as not trustworthy, due to their ambitions over Illyrian lands.

In Vienna, the conservatives and royal officers decided to bypass the parliament to deal with the crisis, suspending the elections on October 2nd. The declaration of war in Hungary prompted the liberals and laborists to protest this. Riots broke out once more. Army captains, royalists and ministers were lynched and murdered. The Academic Legion and the National Guard took over the armory and several artillery pieces. On October 31st, the rest of the conservative government and their troops fled to Bohemia, including Emperor Ferdinand. The Parliament, now without most Czech and Conservative members, took over Vienna, declaring that they were still loyal to Ferdinand and inviting him to come back. He refused.

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Revolution in Vienna.

Jelačić was ordered to move and retake Vienna. He, however, was slowed down by Illyrian troops in the Battle of Ptuj, and then in several further skirmishes. At the same time, the Viennese revolutionaries realized that their only hope was the Magyars. They appealed to them and their army on November 4th. The Hungarians, now fully committed to total independence, accepted and an army marched to the city led by Kossuth himself. Jelačić managed to defeat the Illyrians, but it was too late – the Hungarians had reached Vienna. The Frankfurt Parliament tried to mediate between both sides, with Blum himself going to the city on the 21st. Jelačić attacked the city, but the Hungarians and revolutionaries stood their ground. The Illyrians then attacked Jelačić, and together with the Hungarians pushed him back. The Viennese Revolutionaries then demanded first, full Hungarian and Illyrian Independence, the adoption of a liberal constitution and finally German unification. However, the royalists were mustering their power outside of the city. Kossuth, the Hungarian commander, declared that he couldn’t really hold the city against another attack, especially if Jelačić, who had recovered quickly from his defeat, attacked as well. Then, Russia intervened.

Tsar Constantin knew an opportunity when he saw it. The Hungarians and the Liberals were desperate. He could take advantage of that desperation to, in one swift stroke, eliminate the only empire that stood between him and total Russian domination of the Balkans. He and his State Conference had heavily debated and weighted their options. At the end, they decided to intervene. The result would either be a rump Austrian state that would pose no threat to Russia, or a unified Southern Germany that would most probably not focus on the Balkans but in Prussia. The threat of unification of Greater Germany was in their minds, yet when Prussia’s commander von Gerlach, a known absolutist and opponent of German unification, retook Berlin, the threat seemed to disappear. Either way, Hungary, Romania and perhaps Galicia would be under either indirect or direct Russian control.

Russian troops moved to Galicia and occupied the land on December 2nd. They then offered mediation. Tsar Constantin delimited his plan: Transylvania was to go to Romania, Hungary would be independent and given just a portion of the Dalmatian coast. In exchange, Russia would enforce moderation in Vienna and give Austria carte blanche to act against the Illyrian Republic. The Austrians tried to resist at first, but the Russian juggernaut struck first. Archduke Albert’s army, the other main Austrian force around Vienna, went to Galicia to repulse the Russians. Jelačić stopped his attack since the Magyars now outnumbered him. However, the Russians defeated the Austrians decisively at Lemberg, followed by another crushing defeat at Sanok. The Russians found some Polish support (Poland, after all, enjoyed certain autonomy within the Empire), but the Ruthenians were resisting them.

Russia’s armies, under General Nikolay Andreev, then marched through Slovakia, before starting their offensive on Vienna. The Austrian decided to surrender on January 15th. The Tsar then dictated the terms for peace in the Prague Conference.

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Nikolay Andreev.

As usual, no one was happy. Hungary still had Slovakia, but it had lost most of Croatia, Transylvania and some land near Galicia. While on the other hand, the Austrian empire as it was collapsed. Jelačić’s troops moved down and restored order in Croatia, executing most members of the Sabor, the Illyrian armies, now with support, being unable to hold him back anymore. In Vienna, Emperor Ferdinand returned to the city to wide cheers. The Radical Parliament was dissolved and most extreme radicals arrested, with some executed. The Academic Legion stood down together with the National Guard, and royal troops were withdrawn. A tense peace descended upon the city as moderates tried to pick up the pieces. New elections were called and a Moderate Constitutional Liberal majority took their seats on April. Alexander Bach, a radical turned moderate due to the violence, became Prime Minister. Emperor Ferdinand then abdicated in favor of his nephew, Franz Joseph. A month later the new Parliament started to work on a constitution. Another month later, in June, Franz Joseph was offered the crown of the German Confederation by Frankfurt.

The moderate victory in Austria happened at the same time as a conservative one in Prussia. Tensions in the parliament led to its dissolution in September and a new Buver uprising. Von Gerlach, one of the most prominent reactionaries of Prussia counterattacked in August. Executions followed, yet most civilians, tired of war and disorder, decided that peace and law was more valuable than rights and freedom. They received their King back with great applauses on September 11th. At the end, the conservative order of Prussia had never been defeated – only forced back temporally. However, Frederick William still granted a constitution that, nonetheless, allowed him to retain Great Power. He signed it on October 25th. However, there was still a problem – the tried revolutionaries confessed they had received French help.

France still seemed relatively peaceful. For their help to Piedmont, they forced Charles Albert “at bayonet-point” to give up some border lands and Corsica. Most of Charles Albert’s army was still in Lombardy Venetia, since he didn’t trust the Austrians to uphold the truce. This widened the gap between the Roman Republic and the Italian Kingdom, and made, to the despair of many, total unification impossible for the moment.

The revolutionary fire would finally engulf France. Prussia officially protested the help France had given to their revolutionaries. A diplomatic crisis ensued, not helped by Thiers’ saber-ratting, especially for the Rhineland, where new uprisings were taking place. As war seemed imminent, the French government started talks with Frankfurt for a possible alliance against reactionary Prussia. The Frankfurt Parliament was obviously troubled; however, Frederick Willian and his cabinet had turned against them. Still, they decided to offer him the crown of a unified Germany as a last resort. Frederick William, calling it a crown from the gutter, refused and moved south to put down “the revolts” there. This forced the Frankfurt Parliament’s hand. The Grand Duke of Baden and the King of Bavaria urged action against this threat, even when they themselves didn’t want war. They accepted the French offer. On December 26th, as Franco-Prussian relations collapsed after German revolutionaries crossed into France and murdered some Frenchmen. While this took place, the Prussian army attacked Frankfurt, but it was repulsed by forces from Bavaria and Baden, now named the Confederation Army.

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The Broter's War

On January 5th, France declared war and its army moved into the Rhineland. Most of the Prussian army was near Berlin in East Prussia. The troops in West Prussia held their ground against the French, yet they also faced an attack by the First German Army from the South that finally dislodged them. A second attack towards Frankfurt was repelled by a combination of French and South German troops. The Frankfurt parliament had been forced to fight to survive.

It was in the middle of this fighting that the new constitution for a united Germany was being drafted. The already drafted version, modeled with Prussia in mind, was discharged after Frederick William refused the crown. Another, leftist version was refused for being too liberal on March 19th. Gagern and Blum started to work on another version in April. A final, more conservative version of the constitution was accepted, not only by the parliament, but by Bavaria, Baden, Hessen, Nassau, Wurttemberg, Saxony, and other minor states in June.

The German Confederation would have a Staatenhaus for an upper house and a Volkshaus as a lower house. It would be a constitutional monarchy with a Prime Minister, or Reichsverweser. It would be a federation of relatively independent states, each with its own parliament and monarch, with a German Emperor. Since Frederick William refused the crown, they offered it to Franz Joseph, who accepted it after long deliberation. The Frankfurt Parliament then moved to Vienna, the new capital of the German Confederation. He was crowned as Franz Joseph, German Emperor on July 20th.

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Gott Erhalte Franz den Kaiser.

Meanwhile, the French continued their attack. By February most of the Saar was in French hands, with the Prussians being defeated decisively in the battle of Saarbrücken. They continued their advance into the Rhineland. By then, the French scare had made most revolutionaries there put down their arms. This was not enough – France defeated the Prussians again in Trier, but their advance ran out of steam there. Troops from East Prussia were finally arriving and a counterattack mounted but repelled. The commander of the 4th corps of the Prussian army there, Helmuth von Moltke, noted that the French commanders had conserved Napoleonic doctrine of trusting their subordinates and giving them leeway to act; while the Prussian army was rigid. He achieved some success against the French invaders, led by Lambert, pushing the out of Trier in April, but his superiors failed to capitalize on his success.

The French retook Trier in April 25th and then launched another attack in May 2nd. The French enjoyed superior numbers. Their peacetime army sat at about 600,000 men, while another 300,000 could be raised on short notice. The Chief of Staff was Adolphe Niel, who had implemented several reforms in response to the fallings of the army on France’s international interventions. He rose to prominence as the leader of the Foreign Legion in Spain, where he observed how many of his subordinates didn’t think for themselves, leading to them being paralyzed with indecision.

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Adolphe Niel.

France’s industry was also bigger, especially when it came to arms and steel production and railroad construction. Also, and even though France’s population growth was smaller, its population of 39 million people was more than twice Prussia’s 16 million. Prussian industry was focused on similar sectors as France, but the railroads weren’t as developed. In an attempt to remedy this, Frederick William started talks with Northern German states for the formation of a Federation to fight together against France. In May 23rd, Hannover, Oldenburg, Bremen, Mecklenburg, and some minor border states joined this New North German Confederation.

With the union of Austria to the new German state, troops headed north to defend Saxony. Some Czechs even hoped they could take Silesia. Now that Croatia was in peace, the unrest at Vienna ended and a truce was in place with Hungary, the Austrians were able to muster a decent force, yet it wasn’t enough. They asked for Russia’s help. In exchange for this, Russia would take Galicia. The Austrians accepted reluctantly. Thus, the bear moved to East Prussia.

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Helmuth von Moltke.

Prussia found failure in Saxony, where Russian forces under Andreev and Austrian forces pushed them back, and disaster in the Rhineland, with an army being encircled by the French and the South Germans after Niel’s second offensive got going. Some little German states were being annexed by force of arms to either Prussia or South Germany. Russian forces took Konigsberg on June 29th.

Britain was extremely worried about all this and its meaning for their dear balance of power. The fall of Austria meant that there now was a vacuum south of Prussia, that could possibly be filled by the new German Confederation, commonly known as South Germany. The Southern German states had 10.5 million people, plus 8 million Germans in Austria, 6 million Czechs and around 3 million people of other nationalities. The Czech were granted a separate parliament and certain autonomy. South Germany had thus a total of 27 million people. North Germany had 23 million people. By comparison, the populations of other countries in 1850 were (in millions):
  • Russia 68.5
  • North Italy 12
  • The Roman Republic 11.7
  • The United States 20.6
  • Colombia 12.5
  • Mexico 11.6 (with Central America and Texas)
  • France 39
  • Britain 27.5
Britain offered mediation in July. They would have been probably ignored by France if domestic unrest and revolution didn’t force them out of the war.

The Social Republicans held an anti-war demonstration after three months of the war’s start. They accused it of being just a distraction from the problems France was facing. And in certain way it was. Riots and unrest had continued both at Paris and industrial Wallonia, and the shadow of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte seemed to hover over the nation. Like most other revolutionary events of those two years, the Third French Revolution started by accident. A Social Republican demonstration turned awry when shots were fired and rioting started. The contained anger against the July Monarch exploded. To avoid bloodshed, Louis Phillipe ordered the national guard to not attack. The Parliament held a session and when the people demanded Thiers’ dismissal, they forced him to resign. The elections were coming as mobs took control of Paris.

Finally, Louis Phillipe himself abdicated the throne and fled Paris. Since elections for the parliament were so close, the Social Republicans favored its dissolution and immediate election of a new parliament for the proclamation of a republic. The conservatives, arguing that elections in the middle of a war were reckless, wanted to postpone them. This was when Louis Napoleon Bonaparte made his apparition.

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Louis Napoleon Bonaparte.

Much has been said about the nephew of Napoleon, but what can’t be denied is that he was able to rally people behind him and take advantage of the opportunities offered to him. The Bonapartists were often as loud as the Republicans, organizing marches and more. In fact, during the revolution that overthrew Charles X, many people clamored for Louis Napoleon instead of Louis Phillippe. Now that the Citizen King was gone, most conservatives and monarchists switched their allegiance to Louis Napoleon, though some still supported either Bourbons or Orleanists. Either way, Louis Napoleon entered Paris triumphantly on June 8th, being received by huge demonstration. Social Republican leaders despaired.

Organizing the anti-Republicans into his own party, Le Parti de l’Ordre (Order Party), Louis Napoleon presented himself as a champion of the principles for which France stood: patriotism, order, law and equality. On June 17th, he was selected as new Prime Minister of France by the still standing parliament. On June 28th, he dissolved it and called for elections, in which the French people would vote for one of two choices: An Empire, under him, or a Republic. Universal male suffrage was instituted for the election, which took place in August. The result was predictable – most of the farmers and workers of the countryside regarded the Social Republicans as chaotic revolutionaries, while when they saw Louis Napoleon they saw order and stability. It’s said that many even thought they were voting for his uncle. In the cities, many also valued order more, and were also drawn to the Parti de l’Ordre by Louis Napoleon’s promise of peace and moderate reform. Either way, Louis Napoleon won in a landslide, with 73% voting for him against 27% for a Republic.

There were rural uprisings in response, though Paris remained quiet. The Social Republicans struck a deal with the new Emperor – he had to fulfill his vague promises of economic reform and in exchange they would support him. On October a constitution convention met in Paris to draft a new constitution for the Second French Empire. This convention was divided between Social Republicans and Bonapartists. On November, the coronation of Napoleon III, Emperor of the French took place.

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Napoleon III, Emperor of the French.

While this took place, the French army continued the war. French army tradition dictated that it served the French nation, not the French government. As such, Niel recused himself from political matters and continued his attack. He ultimately failed to take Koblenz as he’d hoped, due to von Moltke. In Saxony, the Prussians took Leipzig, but lost Gorlitz and many cities in Silesia, while the Russian steamroller continued its advance and took Elbing. It was clear that even mighty Prussia couldn’t take on three states at the same time. South Germany had 200,000 men, Russia had another 200,000 and France had 600,000. Prussia, even after most of Northern Germany joined them, only had 500,000. So, they accepted the British offer as well.

The Treaty of Frankfurt, signed in the city where (in the opinion of many) it all started on November 17th, 1851, ended the war. Prussia ceded some land in the Rhineland to France, up to Trier, while they ceded Wetzlar and Hohenzollern to South Germany. In exchange, most of the minor states were given to them. They were also forced to give reparations to Saxony and Russia. It was a humiliating defeat for Frederick William, who decided to abdicate in favor of his son, Wilhelm I. Though he was an extreme reactionary, Wilhelm followed his father’s constitution and elections for an elected landtag were held.
With this, after almost a year of war and two of revolutions, peace descended upon Europe. The political face of the continent was forever changed. Romania, Hungary, South Germany, the Kingdom of Italy and the Roman Republic were all new nations born out of the revolutionary flames. Prussia was forced to accept a constitution and a humiliating defeat. France was an Empire again, and it had proved its military might. Britain finally decided that splendid isolation was no more and decided to take a more hands-on approach. The Springtime of Nations finally ended. Many liberals were cheerful. They had won! Or had they?

7ia3gi7.png


The Revolutions of 1850 would forever change the face of Europe, not only politically, but ideologically as well, for many laborists felt betrayed. Social change didn’t follow political change. An extremist faction of laborists was formed – the syndicalists, who argued that, since union with politicians had failed, only the workers should work together.

Still, as 1852 started, many hoped for a new dawn for Europe.
 
Last edited:

sxeron10

Banned
"Dawn is fruitless if the labors of war is ever present."

This is what I think of Europe in a nutshell, especially with this update; this basically proves my quote.
 
That was great!!! I love your TL! Why is Turin the capital of the Italian Kingdom? I would have thought Milan out of history, or Florence, like IOTL before they took Rome. Also, what is the current status of the Pope in the Roman Republic? Does he holds official territorial or political power like in the Papal States? And Finally, I bet we are going to have a Conservative Northern/ Progressive South split in the future in Europe, maybe until the World War(s).
 
Oh wow, that is one funky map of Europe.

I find it amusing that San Marino is still there, chugging along as if nothing important has happened. XD
 
"Dawn is fruitless if the labors of war is ever present."

This is what I think of Europe in a nutshell, especially with this update; this basically proves my quote.

Exactly.

That was great!!! I love your TL! Why is Turin the capital of the Italian Kingdom? I would have thought Milan out of history, or Florence, like IOTL before they took Rome. Also, what is the current status of the Pope in the Roman Republic? Does he holds official territorial or political power like in the Papal States? And Finally, I bet we are going to have a Conservative Northern/ Progressive South split in the future in Europe, maybe until the World War(s).

Thank you! Turin is the capital of the Italian kingdom (which I'll be calling North Italy from now on) because it was the capital of Piedmont. King Charles Albert wanted to centralize his new kingom around his old one. Since the constitution is practically the already existing Piedmontese constitution with "Italy" replacing every instance of "Sardinia-Piedmont". So they may adopt a new constitution in the future and a new capital.

The Pope is something of a monarch in the Roman Republic. A Britain style monarch, that's it. The constitution names him head of state and grants him a veto over bills, but overriding his authority is easier than in the USA. He also gets to appoint the senate, though the lower house has all the power. However, he does hold effective power over Rome. Also, since the Roman Republic is very catholic he is able to exert influence through his position as head of the Church.

You're right when it comes to that split.

Oh wow, that is one funky map of Europe.

I find it amusing that San Marino is still there, chugging along as if nothing important has happened. XD

Yeah... My sources didn't actually even mention San Marino, so let's all just assume they were chilling there.


Does anyone else have any questions, opinions or anything? I must admit that I was somewhat disappointed by the lukewarm response to these two chapters, which are game changers as far as the TL is concerned. I don't like to write about Europe since this a Latin America-centered TL, yet it's neccesary and I still put a lot of effort into the updates. Next comes the constitution question in Chile about the role of the Church and how it is affected by the new Roman Republic and laborism; and also a liberal revolution in Peru.
 
Exactly.



Thank you! Turin is the capital of the Italian kingdom (which I'll be calling North Italy from now on) because it was the capital of Piedmont. King Charles Albert wanted to centralize his new kingom around his old one. Since the constitution is practically the already existing Piedmontese constitution with "Italy" replacing every instance of "Sardinia-Piedmont". So they may adopt a new constitution in the future and a new capital.

The Pope is something of a monarch in the Roman Republic. A Britain style monarch, that's it. The constitution names him head of state and grants him a veto over bills, but overriding his authority is easier than in the USA. He also gets to appoint the senate, though the lower house has all the power. However, he does hold effective power over Rome. Also, since the Roman Republic is very catholic he is able to exert influence through his position as head of the Church.

You're right when it comes to that split.



Yeah... My sources didn't actually even mention San Marino, so let's all just assume they were chilling there.


Does anyone else have any questions, opinions or anything? I must admit that I was somewhat disappointed by the lukewarm response to these two chapters, which are game changers as far as the TL is concerned. I don't like to write about Europe since this a Latin America-centered TL, yet it's neccesary and I still put a lot of effort into the updates. Next comes the constitution question in Chile about the role of the Church and how it is affected by the new Roman Republic and laborism; and also a liberal revolution in Peru.

Man, I do enjoy a lot when you write about the rest of the world and I was particulallary excited while waiting for the conclusion of the 1850's revooulutions arch. but I also have been very busy these days, so I didn't express my enthousiasm properly. I do have a question. It's not clear to me who ended up in charge of Hungary or Serbia-Croatia? Is Garibaldi going to see action soon? He must be getting bored ITTL! About the Roman Republic, I think the position of the Pope will backfire very soon but that's just my opinion.
 
Man, I do enjoy a lot when you write about the rest of the world and I was particulallary excited while waiting for the conclusion of the 1850's revooulutions arch. but I also have been very busy these days, so I didn't express my enthousiasm properly. I do have a question. It's not clear to me who ended up in charge of Hungary or Serbia-Croatia? Is Garibaldi going to see action soon? He must be getting bored ITTL! About the Roman Republic, I think the position of the Pope will backfire very soon but that's just my opinion.

Thank you! In Hungary Kossuth and other revolutionaries are in charge. Most of Serbia is under the Magyars as well. Croatia is under Austria. As for Garibaldi, he must be kicking himself for arriving to late to take part on the revolutions. He's also really angry with Charles Albert for giving "selling" his home to the French and for preventing complete unification. He will see some action in the future, but I'd like to see him in the Mexican-American War. The position of the Pope will backfire probably, but Gregory XVII is smart enough to realize he's better off not really doing anything.

Also, it will be interesting to have a world map of this new mid-XIX century

I think I'll make a world map after the Mexican-American war ends.
 
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