Marche Consulaire: A Napoleonic Timeline

My lifetime accumulated perspective is that I observe conservatives place tremendous stock on the idea of influence. For an example my late grandmother was quite grateful my sister did not get admitted to UCLA because "the lesbians would get at her there." Which is profoundly humorous as my sister was always a tomboy, very much the son my father would wish I was. Not that I myself had the least suspicion she'd be coming out as a lesbian pretty quick, at the time...but I can be quite clueless, when she did within 18 months or so of this fear of my grandmother's being uttered to me, it was pretty much a "scales fall from my eyes and I see it makes perfect sense of everything." (Well almost everything). As a general thing though, it is an endless conservative theme that disharmony and disobedience to the powers that be hangs on agitators, on serpents entering the garden to whisper dissension and sin. Were it not for outside interference, their social systems would roll on invincibly, is their perspective; the obvious corollary is to control information, to control the format of contacts between persons of different classes, and then all will be well.

Versus this, it is a hallmark of progressive persons that people are expected to intelligently judge their circumstances and rationally choose and refine their values and agenda accordingly. This implies a society with perfect reactionary control over information flow will still be at risk of instability and revolution, should numerous persons within it judge their circumstances less than ideal and see straightforward fixes--that would almost certainly be prejudicial to the most powerful and privileged of course, though in this one-dimensional simplistic metric of left to right, the arrogance of the revolutionary is often one of perceiving the stability of conservative institutions as being a mere matter of force and stupidity, meaning progressives can also often see win-wins, at least mitigating and offsetting the catastrophe for the most privileged, and offer what they see as reasonable compromise as an olive branch in negotiation.

The deeper fact I think is that human social organization forms a "machine" if you will, a template of expected behaviors and roles. This evolves in a semi-conscious way; being intelligent individuals, actors at all levels of society form ideologies that make sense of the system they live in, but they do so in context of this system being a given. Different social formations then have different strengths and weaknesses and in the general quasi-Darwinian struggle between different state formations, some suffer reverses, or collapse completely and get conquered, wholesale or piecemeal. This teaches lessons intelligent humans grasp in various ways and shapes the conscious element, while a kind of Darwinism shakes out the more viable formations these maxims and reasonings can be applied to, realistically.

I'm leaning strongly on what I call a "progressive" mentality of course. The idea being that we evolved in a specific kind of society, as gatherer-hunter peoples for whom no social reinforcement of a hierarchal internal system existed, and no opportunity for a grander organization of many societies into some overarching political system existed either. GH peoples are hand to mouth (which is not at all to say they tend to be starving, all evidence points to a reasonably easy kind of life where resources are more than abundant enough to make starvation rare--the key here being low population density of course). They cannot accumulate material wealth, and they can readily replicate all the technology they depend on by skill and available materials. They can be killed off, if there is some other kind of society to do the deed, but they are difficult to enslave and tend to die rather than survive such abuse. In the sorts of societies humans spent almost all our evolutionary history in, social values turned toward encouraging cooperation and sharing, and no basis existed for internal stratification.

Therefore we heirs of this era inherently resent and find dissonant societies based on stratification, but against that, once agriculture became a thing, the objective basis for exploitation developed with it (in parallel with a bunch of other discontents relating to shifting from a mobile lifestyle to one that fixed people into a specific place). The Greek myth of Pandora's Box relates largely to miseries that relate actually to this transformation in social reality.

Thus I think the authoritarian, hierarchal model of human society that has become "natural" to post-agricultural peoples is and always has been challenged by a usually vague, sometimes sharply focused longing for a more egalitarian order. Ideology has to get ahead of this somehow, has to attempt to square this circle.

In this framework, there is actually no choice but to try to shape and fashion society somehow or other. Conservatives and progressive revolutionaries alike have an agenda to make it other than what it is, currently and exactly, as neither can be entirely comfortable with things as they are.

The conservative has the advantage of committing to try and stabilize things as they are by hunting down and eliminating the dissident elements. Societies that exist have generally been through the quasi-Darwinian mill of being challenged and more or less surviving, on some terms or other, and alongside that have shaken down some kind of ideological framework to more or less justify it--this element is why the "Darwinism" is "quasi;" people are capable of intelligently thinking about the desirability of modifying this or that rule or practice, looking to the example of neighboring societies all around them they must interact with to some extent. A people facing a systematic military threat must seek allies and seek to adapt their own means toward the end of defense, or they don't last long independently.

The progressive must consider that the many and sweeping modifications they must seek to make, particularly if they are trying to build a mass movement powerful enough to overthrow an established order and therefore must make a very broad appeal, will in fact work well if they can have their way.
Current politics belongs in the chat forum. It violates one of the rules on the board here. I suggest amending your post before the mods come cracking down.

Plus by 19th Century standards, things such as the "Liberal Empire" of Napoleon III would come off as highly reactionary today. Different political labels mean different things depending on the time period. A conservative of the 19th Century is VERY different from a Conservative in the modern day. I'm not sure how exactly this really relates to the topic of this tl/thread either.

OTL this probably had a lot to do with the infamous stagnation in French population as the peasants controlled their birthrate to prevent this subdivision below viability, and I gather France in the ATL is "suffering" this limitation to some extent. Against it, the Empire's success is opening up opportunities so the peasants perhaps are not quite so restrained, and their surplus children are in somewhat greater numbers either urbanizing and showing up as proletarian factory workers (the Code Napoleon of OTL retained a few measures to regulate workplace extremes carried over from Revolutionary days, versus the more abject "freedom" of workers to find their level on the edge of starvation and massive overwork in British and Belgian factories--Belgium is not a thing here, it is the northern march of France) or as emigrants to places like that town taking Corpus Christi's place in Texas (now a US territory presumably being granted statehood almost immediately).
The Napoleonic code's limit towards primogeniture had a negligible effect if anything on the French birth rate slowing down. This was a problem before the Revolution and a result of the famine during the late 18th Century in addition to mismanagement by the Royal government that exacerbated the food shortage. France also poorly industrialized during the early 19th Century with large parts of it being rural.

. Against that of course we have the remaining reservations of sex and race undermining the egalitarian logic; it would not be inconceivable for events to check the general surge toward total democracy and reverse it.
The rise of Parliamentary Republicanism or the modern version of "Crowned Republics" as could be seen in the UK, Belgium, Spain, etc where the monarch is a figurehead to an elected government was far from inevitable, but rather a series of events and circumstances that snowballed into what became the modern political system. France for example kept oscillating between Republicanism and monarchism. The Third French Republic nearly collapsed under its own weight numerous times, being saved largely by the disorganization of its opponents more than anything else. Figures like Boulanger was positioned to pull a coup, but he failed to take initiative. After the Second French Empire fell, the Orleanists and Legitimists joined forces winning an overwhelming majority in the Chamber of Deputies. That only failed because Henri V refused to compromise over a flag. Had a few things changed in history, the ripple effects would be huge.

Napoleonic France emerging victorious though has huge political consequences in terms of the future of Europe, as this derails a lot of what happened in otl. The ideals of the Revolution are carried through the vehicle of Napoleonic France much in the same way how Imperial Rome styled itself as the legal continuation of the Republic. Napoleon despite having a Constitution, was in practice, and by design a more absolute monarch than the Sun King could ever hope to be. Thanks to the strong institutional framework he setup for his empire, he also has a clear legal basis for his rule, as opposed to the Ancien Regime which operated on arbitrary and vague feudal principles. While Louis XIV had a de-facto (rather than de jure) absolute monarchy, the nobility still had power, but were forced into Louis' cult of personality at Versailles. But as soon as his body was cold, the nobility reasserted itself with a vengeance which led to problems during Louis XV's and Louis XVI's reigns preventing France from passing critical reforms in order to survive.
 
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The Third French Republic nearly collapsed under its own weight numerous times, being saved largely by the disorganization of its opponents more than anything else. Figures like Boulanger was positioned to pull a coup, but he failed to take initiative. After the Second French Empire fell, the Orleanists and Legitimists joined forces winning an overwhelming majority in the Chamber of Deputies. That only failed because Henri V refused to compromise over a flag.
This is a take which is rather overdone on this site.

The whole story of the monarchists winning a majority in the Chamber of Deputies in 1871 ignores that this was temporary thing, caused largely by a counterreaction to the Paris Commune. Their massive majority was dramatically reversed in 1876, when Republicans won an overwhelming majority. When the monarchist President of France tried to ignore this clear verdict and select his own ministers without the confidence of Parliament, it caused the major Seize Mai constitutional crisis which ended with him being forced to resign. If the monarchy had been restored in the 1870s, republicans would win large numbers of seats in the next election and the monarchy likely would have collapsed within the decade - the intransigent nature of the Count of Chambord (as seen in the flag thing) would have only added to all this.

On Boulanger - his very rise represents the desperation of anti-republican elements. There may have been a small window for him to do a coup in 1889, but the 1889 elections did away with that. Furthermore, he proved a pretty awful leader, and he was already pissing off radical republicans like Clemenceau even at the zenith of his popularity - even if he had taken over, his government likely would have collapsed as the disparate nature of his coalition would be difficult to manage, especially for an awful leader like him. The very fact that monarchists decided to support a wannabe military dictator shows the dire straits they were in. Beyond that, his failure ultimately led the Moderate Republicans to win a period of political dominance for a fairly lengthy period.

Also, note that both of these events occurred when the Third Republic was not a well-established regime.

The Third Republic's parliamentary instability was caused less by people hating the republic, and more because people were divided on what the republic should look like. The Moderate Republicans, the Radical Republicans, those weirdo Catholic republicans, &c. Beyond that, I would also argue that its instability was exaggerated - within the cabinet, there was a broad continuity if ministers. The "collapse" of a government, more often than not, meant a cabinet reshuffle of ministers (including the PM).

The Third Republic was way more complex than this site often portrays it as. I suppose part of it may be Pre-1900's strong pro-monarchist bias. But the idea that it was perpetually about to collapse is one which has no bearing on reality.
 
Chapter Forty-Eight: Just When I Thought I Was Out…
I need to stop telling myself I can get a chapter done by a certain date. Well, at least we haven't hit the two-month mark yet, so I'm improving. Of course, Latin America being as big and complicated as it is, I haven't resolved this entirely yet, so the next chapter will also center on Spain and its colonies, so stay tuned for that. In the meantime, enjoy my belated 3-year anniversary chapter!

Chapter Forty-Eight: Just When I Thought I Was Out…

Excerpted from The Road to War: 1830-1852 by Alexander Peterson, 1971.​

Although its architects pretended otherwise, the Ordinance of 1820 was not intended to resolve the differences that had arisen between the Spanish metropole and its American colonies over three centuries of Bourbon rule. The Ordinance was designed to evade the thorny questions of representation, of transitioning away from colonial mercantilism, and most importantly, how the territory of Spanish America should be governed, in the absence of direct control from Madrid. [1] By delegating so much authority to the new colonial Viceroys, the Palafox government effectively foisted these dilemmas onto the very rebels who had initially drew attention to them. Not all of the new governors were equipped to meet such challenges.

The difficulties New Spain faced in attempting to retain control of a sprawling, heterogenous territory have already been addressed, but many of the same struggles faced by the Morelos, Guerrero and Bustmante governments plagued their sister Kingdoms as well. In New Grenada, Viceroy Jorge Tadeo Lozano adopted a federalist approach, with the country split between northern and southern districts, which themselves consisted of five and three smaller departments, respectively. The two districts would each elect their own legislature and president, with Lozano serving as head of state in both regions.

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Viceroy Lozano was ill-prepared for the challenges he would face governing New Grenada.

This arrangement provided for regional autonomy, but as we have seen previously, this came with its own challenges, and New Grenada, itself less developed economically than its northern neighbour, proved even more susceptible to external influence as a result of its regional divisions. Industrialisation was a pipe dream given the resources, education and infrastructure the Spanish had left behind, and the Criollo elites were uninterested in the sacrifices necessary to develop domestic manufacturing, preferring to keep tariffs low and to instead rely on sales tax and government-monopolised tobacco and alcohol production for revenues.

These choices locked the country into an economy centred around farming, ranching and mining, and even these industries fared poorly over the 1820’s. As a result, the New Grenadine economy grew sluggishly during this period, which exacerbated regional discontent. And just like in New Spain, regional leaders began inviting agents of foreign capital, desperate for any means to bolster prosperity. Unfortunately, this would not be the succor the country needed.

The indefatigable Periere brothers, ever determined to corner the lucrative coffee trade, agreed to finance the enhancement of port facilities in Cartagena and Guayaquil in 1828, pocketing a sizable share of the country’s subsequent export profits. Meanwhile, Barings Brothers & Co., the great British merchant bank, had lost a great deal of its domestic influence in the fallout from the Canal Bubble of the 1810’s, with the Rothschild family usurping their position as the premiere financial institution in London. [2]

In response to these setbacks, Barings Partners Thomas Barings and Joshua Bates decided to shift the bank’s operations to the Americas, opening a new office in Liverpool for that purpose in 1821. Their initial focus was on North American investments, but following the example of their French rivals, Barings took an interest in Spanish America, becoming one of the United Kingdom’s primary importers of maize.

But in addition to the expected British and French players, an Italian bank also entered the New Grenadine market starting in 1832. The Neapolitan Camorra Bank took its name from the crime syndicate that informally controlled it, and was pivotal in helping the group transcend its ignoble roots.

The Camorras rose to prominence during the Napoleonic Wars, when southern Italy was thrown into turmoil, first by the short-lived Parthenopean Republic, then by a restoration of the Bourbons, and then finally by the installation of Joseph Bonaparte as king. This chaos enabled the Camorra to escalate from a simple protection racket for street gamblers in the poorer neighbourhoods of Naples into a larger and more sophisticated organisation. Of course, with increased success came greater scrutiny from the authorities.

The calmer political atmosphere following the Treaty of Madrid, along with improvements in the effectiveness of the Neapolitan constabulary, which took its cues from the French Sûreté national, narrowed the syndicate’s ability to operate. By 1820, the Camorra were on the brink of collapse, and, desperate to save themselves, made the crown an offer. In exchange for the freedom of the group’s leaders, the Camorra would halt their racketeering and other illegal operations, and employ their knowledge of and influence in Naples to help the police enforce order in the city.

The Neapolitan government accepted this proposal, which was sealed with the sacrifice of numerous low and mid-level Camorra members as scapegoats for the activities of their leaders. The Camorra would continue by reorganising themselves in the form of a community and merchant bank, funding the industrial development King Joseph was hoping to draw into his kingdom.

For several years, Camorra Bank prospered, serving as an important middleman for businessmen attempting to establish themselves in southern Italy. But by 1825, the Camorra once again came under pressure, this time as a result of competition from French banks, the Perrieres’ Crédit Mobilier among them. The influx of foreign capital broke Camorra’s dominance in Naples, forcing them to reduce their interest rates to compete.

But again, the Camorra refused to let foreign encroachment spell the end of their activities. Liborio Romano, the capintesta of the organisation, realised that there were prime opportunities to be had in the Americas. [3] But with their old competitors already established in New Spain and New Grenada, they would need an advantage to carve out their own niche in Spanish American markets.

True to their roots in organised crime, the Camorra resolved to set themselves apart from other bankers with a complete lack of scruples or standards, in ethics or in conventional financial judgment. They would happily finance disreputable or even illegal projects, exacting heavy interest premiums from customers who would be turned away by more respectable institutions. In New Grenada, this initially resulted in the Camorra bankrolling unsanctioned breweries and tobacco smuggling. The notorious transition towards opium production came later, as demand for the narcotic exploded following the War of the Five Cousins. [4]

And so the traditional problem of New Grenadine political economy becomes apparent. Even when foreign capital made itself available to fill the void left by national governments, financiers had the bargaining power to ensure they would capture the lion’s share of any economic growth. And instead of re-investing their proceeds into the economy, as a domestic investor likely would, they opted to bring their money back to Europe to finance projects closer to home. As a result, New Grenada’s economy continued to advance at a dead man’s pace.

Under these conditions, the true surprise is that Viceroy Lozano persisted for so long without being displaced. The death in 1825 of his Centralist nemesis, Antonio Nariño, divided the country’s opposition, as did the chaotic rise and fall of New Grenadine newspapers that could otherwise have become focal points of dissent. [5] As a result, it was not until 1834, when Camorra-financed rum-runners began to undermine the government’s alcohol monopoly, that Lozano’s position became untenable. A group of fellow Federalists led by Francisco de Paula Santander, President of the Northern District, confronted the Viceroy and flatly informed him that they no longer had faith in his ability to maintain order and prosperity in the country.

Faced with this pressure, and having failed to bring about the grand vision of New Grenada he had nursed for decades, Lozano resigned. In his letter to King Francisco, he recommended that Santander be chosen as his replacement before retiring in Bogota. The Spanish crown accepted this request, but before their reply appointing Santander as the new Viceroy could cross the Atlantic, the previously lethargic Bogota erupted into chaos.

The resignation of Lozano removed the last fixture of stability in New Grenada’s government. Without him, both foreign and domestic opportunists rushed into the breach, eager to pre-empt Santander’s succession. On 15 July, the Centralists staged a coup in Bogota. Led by Vice President Domingo de Caycedo, the conservatives of New Grenada believed that the Federalist model for national governance had failed, and the time had come to consolidate power. Only a strong central government would have the authority to make the hard choices needed to drag the country out of its malaise.

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Domingo de Caycedo hoped to succeed where Bustamante had failed, by forging a centralised state strong enough to repel foreign threats.

Caycedo’s allies captured Santander, forcing him to release an affidavit stating that he would refuse to serve as Viceroy even if appointed by the crown. The Centralists gambled that this development would stymie Madrid long enough for them to secure their position in the country without rupturing their relations with Spain as irrevocably as the Bustamante government had.

But for Caycedo’s government to centralise New Grenada, they would also have to contend with the rebellious Southern District. Quito had been on the verge of formal separation for years, but once news of the coup in Bogota reached them, the legislature of the Southern District responded with a declaration of independence. The self-proclaimed Kingdom of Quito and Guayaquil sent a petition to Madrid requesting recognition as a separate polity from New Grenada, with José de Villamil appointing himself provisional Viceroy.

Villamil hastily assembled an army, fully expecting a retaliation from the government in Bogota. Instead of that, Quito would find itself invaded from the south. The borders between New Grenada and Peru had long been ambiguous, and since the start of the century, that confusion had grown increasingly heated. [6] And with the declaration of independence by Quito, the Peruvians saw an opportunity to resolve the dispute in their favour. On 5 August, Viceroy de la Serna declared that the secession of Quito and Guayaquil from New Grenada voided the protection afforded by the Ordinance of 1820. As a result, they were fair game for an invasion by the Peruvian army.

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The Quiteño army confronting the invading Peruvians in Maynas.

In Spain, King Francisco and his court were gripped by mounting horror at the confused and frenetic news reaching them from South America. The Bustamante coup had strained the consensus around the Ordinance of 1820, but the disintegration of New Grenada tore it apart. Clearly, the time had come to once again reorganise the relationship between Spain and its wayward colonies. Leading from behind had ended in disaster. It now fell to the Spanish to correct this error, and pray that it was not too late to arrest a full-blown continental war.

[1] The main challenge for me writing Latin American material has always been the way that the region’s history has been so thoroughly shaped by the Napoleonic invasion of Spain and the chaos that resulted from that. Without a really thorough grounding in Latin American history to model exactly how things might change without that, I’ve fallen back on a qualified convergence, with the reasoning that even without some of the immediate stimuli that caused the wars of independence, a lot of the underlying tensions already existed, and that logic carries through past de facto independence, as the old colonial administration leaves countries like New Grenada in a poor position to develop as fast as the United States or even Mexico. Some issues are hard to fix.

[2] Barings had these issues and this response IOTL as well. The fact that a big investment bank like them would naturally get bound up in Canal Mania just accelerates the timetable by about half a decade.

[3] IOTL, Romano was a liberal police chief who cut a deal with the Camorra to get their support for a revolution in 1848. ITTL, he wound up joining them outright instead.

[4] My inspiration for this is actually the history (and present) of Deutsche Bank, which has also spent a lot of its history playing catch-up with more established financial institutions, and has developed a pretty notorious reputation for cutting deals with literally anyone to get ahead, as well as making iffy financial decisions, like being the last major bank willing to lend to Donald Trump. As part of my ambitions to bring 20th century craziness to the 19th century, I decided to introduce an analogue that has strong cultural reasons to cut corners as well as just being a bit desperate to compete with bigger and stronger banks.

[5] Newspapers in Colombia changed like the seasons IOTL. There was one that sprang up in 1836 that told its readers in its very first issue that it would only be open until the next president took office, which was less than a year later. And another one in the 1850’s admitted its situation was so precarious it couldn’t even promise to deliver issues on a fixed date. Although I suppose I can relate to that sentiment by now, can’t I.

[6] One such issue being an 1802 transfer of ecclesiastical and military authority over one territory from Peru to Gran Colombia, where it wasn’t clear if physical territory would be handed over as well. Peru also claimed sovereignty over Guayaquil following an 1803 decree from the crown, which is the real sticking point here.
 
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And to respond to some of the reader feedback that I'll admit got about as daunting as writing new chapters itself lately.

Very interesting timeline and a fun read.

One random question, but what was the fate of Haiti/Saint-Domingue? I know here Napoleon ended up abolishing it again after discussions with the British after effectively reimposing it on Haiti (which ended up costing a lot of blood). I wonder what ended up happening to the administration of the colony. I get the sense it didn't become independent. I can see from maps that the island is split between the Spanish and French, but shoudln't the whole island be under French control (though I will admit is it unclear)?

Edit: Though now that I read the POD closer, it seems it is in 1805, which means Haiti's victory in 1804 has already occurred.

As you say, the 1805 POD means the success of the Haitian war of independence is baked in. I didn't realize the world maps imply otherwise, but with Kikkoman's help I can see about remedying that. As for what's happening, I actually have been thinking for a while that the history of Haiti is so complex and so turbulent that it might warrant its own chapter. I also considered including it in this most recent update, with a Haitian invasion of Santo Domingo just adding to Spain's current colonial difficulties, but decided against it.

@Shevek23 I'll table the philosophical discussion of conservatism for now, since that was just a stray observation of mine and I don't want to expend too much energy ruminating over abstractions like that. As for Poland specifically, I think you may be weighing the concern of Russia losing Poland entirely too heavily. The Poles themselves don't have the strength to expel them, and the French have no reason to give it a try either. So the only real benefit of giving the Polish concessions would be to make policing them easier, but unfortunately, after the experiences of the 1820's, the conservatives are coming to the conclusion that they won't achieve meaningful reductions in unrest without offering more concessions than they're willing to part with. Hence the change in strategy towards hardline Russification, in the hopes that eventually that may solve the problem.

Good update and I like the direction you taking here, I wonder what are your plans for Brazil though?

I decided to include them in a separate update along with Argentina and Chile, since all three are not party to the Ordinance of 1819. They have similar problems with regional separatism as Mexico and New Grenada, but they don't have to fear Big Coffee or Italian mafiosos turned bankers, so they've got that, at least.

So for a general gameplan, I'll cover Spain and its response to the ongoing South American emergency in the next chapter, which might include a small bit about Hispaniola. After that, the other half of South America. Then I'll return to Poland, and after that, advance or possibly wrap up the long-deferred Lille storyline. Then a chapter on China, and I believe I'll call it good for the 1830's. I just realized I've spent most of this story's lifespan and almost half of its chapters on this accursed decade, and even though I have the justification that there have been big political transitions pretty much everywhere this decade, that still tells me this timeline has probably gotten bloated.

I'll go into the 1840's with an actual outline, so that it doesn't take another two and a half years to complete. I've come to terms with the fact that I can't devote the same time and energy to Marche Consulaire that I used to, but having acknowledged that, I'll need to re-think the way I approach this, because what I expected to be a 10-year project could take me 30 years at this rate, and I do want to be able to say I've completed this eventually. I might enlist a beta, because right now, the only other person who knows about the general thrust of the plot for this story is my brother, and we don't talk about the big picture all that much. I'll give that some thought over the holidays as well.
 
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Looking forward to whatever you come up with regarding Hispaniola, Haiti has a super interesting history that is fairly glossed over in most AH. Also, if you need help, I'd be happy to try and lend a hand.
 
I'll go into the 1840's with an actual outline, so that it doesn't take another two and a half years to complete. I've come to terms with the fact that I can't devote the same time and energy to Marche Consulaire that I used to, but having acknowledged that, I'll need to re-think the way I approach this, because what I expected to be a 10-year project
Damn.....

I haven't even though that far ahead with my own timelines. But Ten Years is a long time. How far do you intend for your tl to go? The modern day perhaps?
 
Damn.....

I haven't even though that far ahead with my own timelines. But Ten Years is a long time. How far do you intend for your tl to go? The modern day perhaps?

Well, never let it be said I lack ambition. The plan is to progress until about the 1950's, and then rapid-fire through the next half-century towards the distant 2006 epilogue. I began this wanting to make something that would live up to the incredible stories that really got me into this genre. Union and Liberty, Fight and Be Right, Story of a Party. Dare I even say it, Decades of Darkness.

And although I've expressed insecurity about the pacing before, I should add that part of the reason I'm upset at how long I've been stuck in the 1830's is because my plans for upcoming decades are a lot more ambitious. Half of the material I've included since Napoleon I's death has been improvised, often while I was writing the chapter itself. The 1850's and especially the 1870's are a lot more clearly defined. And because I've been influenced by reading dozens of timelines either centered around the World Wars or else covering analogues after a 19th Century start, I've spent a frankly excessive amount of time thinking about how that'll shake out rather than what's right in front of me. Combine that with the fact that I've actually got next to no notes and no written outline for this story, and it's been like this from the beginning, and you see why I'm reaching the conclusion that my own disorganization is another contributing factor to my dropoff in productivity.

Also, the textbook format I've been relying on has limitations in what I can convey, and that's another thing I've been aware of from early on. Part of the reason I've done digressions on serial killers, Gothic literature and alternate history written in-universe is because discussing those things gives me the opportunity to branch out and experiment with different narrative styles. I didn't just want to give you book reviews of gothic novels, I wanted to include excerpts of me trying to emulate Washington Irving doing a Jersey Devil story. But because I get delayed repeatedly and can only think of the need to write something when I get to work, I chicken out, and default to the style I know I can get together quickly in a pinch. I won't accept continuing to do that once we reach the time of the Second Terror. Totalitarian regimes are everywhere in alternate history, so if I just lay out what's happening as I've been doing so far, the horror will be muted. To do it justice, I need to capture the human element and the tragedy as it affects individual people. And to set it up beforehand on the macro level, I'll need to show, not tell you guys about the richness and vibrancy of the culture of Napoleonic France, so you'll be able to grasp and understand what's lost once the government of Napoleon III tries to corrupt and destroy it. So to match the goals I've set for myself, it's essential that I get smarter about this whole project. Call that my early New Year's resolution.
 
Well, never let it be said I lack ambition. The plan is to progress until about the 1950's, and then rapid-fire through the next half-century towards the distant 2006 epilogue. I began this wanting to make something that would live up to the incredible stories that really got me into this genre. Union and Liberty, Fight and Be Right, Story of a Party. Dare I even say it, Decades of Darkness.
You know I've never read Decade of Darkness Myself, but they way you describe it makes me want to check it out.

I began this wanting to make something that would live up to the incredible stories that really got me into this genre.
I mean your Napoleonic TL was one of the inspirations for my own tl. I think you're selling yourself pretty short.

And although I've expressed insecurity about the pacing before, I should add that part of the reason I'm upset at how long I've been stuck in the 1830's is because my plans for upcoming decades are a lot more ambitious. Half of the material I've included since Napoleon I's death has been improvised, often while I was writing the chapter itself. The 1850's and especially the 1870's are a lot more clearly defined. And because I've been influenced by reading dozens of timelines either centered around the World Wars or else covering analogues after a 19th Century start, I've spent a frankly excessive amount of time thinking about how that'll shake out rather than what's right in front of me. Combine that with the fact that I've actually got next to no notes and no written outline for this story, and it's been like this from the beginning, and you see why I'm reaching the conclusion that my own disorganization is another contributing factor to my dropoff in productivity.
I'm in the same boat with you in regards to this unstructured writing style. Its honestly both a blessing and a curse. In my case it helps me quickly formulate ideas and topics. Though the lack of structure sometime becomes crippling because I don't really have a means to really organize my own thoughts.

Napoleon being victorious here essentially throws out a lot of AH tropes since this new world would be quite unrecognizable to us. Napoleon after all was the last Great Conqueror in the mold of Alexander or Caesar after all. His giant Empire is also something not seen since the Carolingians well over a thousand Years earlier.

But because I get delayed repeatedly and can only think of the need to write something when I get to work, I chicken out, and default to the style I know I can get together quickly in a pinch. I won't accept continuing to do that once we reach the time of the Second Terror.
Hold up.....
Second Terror? I had to a double take when I read that

nd to set it up beforehand on the macro level, I'll need to show, not tell you guys about the richness and vibrancy of the culture of Napoleonic France, so you'll be able to grasp and understand what's lost once the government of Napoleon III tries to corrupt and destroy it
Woah what the heck causes Napoleon III to go down this unholy path?

I hope the Empire is able to survive despite a tyrannical Emperor as Empires of the past have. Its kinda a trope that Perfidious Albion gets to ride out into the 20th Century while France keeps ganged on by the rest of Europe and beaten into submission.

ot tell you guys about the richness and vibrancy of the culture of Napoleonic France
I think this will extend beyond France itself and into Napoleonic satellite states as well. The Empire can style itself as a Neo-Carolingian Empire co-opting Italian, German, and French nationalism around a shared "Imperial Identity."

Honestly where Napoleon I failed in my opinion with the Continental system was not really doing much work to bind the economies of his allies and client states to the French economy. This would have built an economic bloc that would have been able to challenge the dominance of the UK.
 
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Honestly where Napoleon I failed in my opinion with the Continental system was not really doing much work to bind the economies of his allies and client states to the French economy. This would have built an economic bloc that would have been able to challenge the dominance of the UK.woul
Is that realistic given that the expanded European colonial system produced goods in high demand in Europe that the Coalition (read here, mostly British RN) could blockade and could not be produced in Europe?

To be sure, around 1800, no colonial goods that come readily to mind were actually essential in any industrial sense--they way they would be come 1900 (rubber, rising importance of petroleum, obscure metals for alloying, etc). At this time, colonial goods were mostly luxury goods, albeit much desired, hence the profitability. Cotton is not important yet. Sugar is the main thing that goes into the "necessity" column, and behold, sugar beets are a thing and can be grown in Europe. A total blockade of the Continental system by the Coalition won't starve anyone nor impair the Continental system's ability to produce war materials--except maybe nitrates? Does Europe have ample sources to make all the gunpowder they'd need, bearing in mind how lavishly Napoleonic armies consume it? I would guess there are plenty of mines, accessible enough, to supply top notch forges with whatever alloys are known to make state of the art artillery and guns with?

Naval stores are another colonial good of sorts. That is, the materials that ships of the era needed traditionally could be acquired in Europe, but the great forests with suitably large trees for good timber were largely depleted in the center (good forest management might scrounge quite a lot out of Germany I suppose) and it was such peripheral powers as Denmark, Sweden and Russia supplying them--here Napoleon's policies have handed Finland over to Russia, so it comes down to Denmark holding Norway, and shipping timber in North sea waters the RN can be quite strong in to the Continent. Other naval stores the north American British colonies produced such as turpentine might require more temperate or even semi-tropical cultivation; those were southern Atlantic colony sourced in the pre-ARW British system I believe.

But if the continental imperial system does not strive for naval equality against the RN I suppose naval stores are optional and can be scrounged well enough for limited purposes from Continental sources?

It is tricky for me at any rate to remember that actually the CS was Napoleon's idea, an attempt to starve the British of European markets and goods, and that actually at this early date even good relations between Britain and the USA, plus British North American production such as it was, could not reliably fill all the consumer and industrial demands of the UK itself. Shipping, in an age when hulls were wooden and propelled solely by sail, would not be adequate in volume I suppose for transAtlantic supply even if American production is more than up to it and the RN can pretty well secure it from losses to commerce raiding. Meanwhile relations with the USA are fluctuating, Federalist administrations leaning toward a pro-British policy, Democratic-Republican Jefferson preferring France, serious conflicts regarding both US and British failures to comply with the Treaty of Paris in various matters (notably Yankees not much honoring the obligation to treat British and Loyalists fairly in lawsuits, I believe the pattern was the Federal courts, few as they were and in their rare handling of cases were compliant but state courts generally weren't); trouble on the frontier due to British trading arms to Native persons whether that was an imperial containment/resistance policy or just the private interests of the traders involved not actually mattering, either way Americans settling the frontier area faced well-armed Native hostility blamed on British policy, and of course the whole impressment issue all irritated and alarmed both sides. The author here has indeed noted how the Continental System did in fact create serious problems in Britain.

I would think there must be sources of nitrates suitable for keeping Continental gunpowder stocks adequate, though perhaps it might require organized production from human and animal urine, always a possible but burdensome and either limited or costly approach (depending on the scale needed).

Certainly the French Imperial system providing some kind of strong guidance and organization of System economies and industry would strengthen that System materially and often find substitutes to ease dependency on global sourced imports. But such top-down direction will be resented in client states unless very diplomatically imposed and shown quickly to be locally profitable. Even if plainly beneficial, there will be inherent resentment at following what appear to be orders from Paris.

I actually think it would be a good thing to favor a pan-Imperial political identity over linguistic-nationalist notions. But isn't it rather inevitable that on both sides, the imperial system will be seen as French supremacy? French chauvinists will have nothing stopping them from seeing it that way, and irritating all non-French persons however interested otherwise in supporting the pan-European system; non-French persons will tend to resent French dominance and reflect on how glorious a unified German or Italian state might become on the French model?
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Anyway all talk of the Continental System or Coalition counter-blockades is water under the bridge, it is decades later by now, and Europe has been largely at peace since, with most violence being of the nature of internal coups and civil wars. In settling peace with Britain as major driver of the Coalitions, continental trade with Britain largely resumes, subject to tariffs and other forms of preference (Corn Laws, etc). The difference from OTL is that Napoleon remains the kingpin on the Continent whereas OTL Britain reverted to shifting alliances and preferences with the aim of preventing any such hegemony from arising. This might have a heavy bearing on how world commerce develops, because OTL Britain tended to shift toward free trade in the abstract anyway, meaning that little powers such as the German port cities could aspire to developing civil merchant marines in competition with British flagged shipping. Thus Norway for instance was quite a major shipping nation in 1940. Here Norway is a department of the Danish kingdom in alliance with Napoleon's system. Bremen and Hamburg I suppose are Napoleonic satellites too. Belgium is never created and is split between an integrally French Wallonia (whose people, I suppose, both working class and bourgeois-elite and nobles if any under the Napoleonic system will all come to think of themselves as integrally French) and a Flanders annexed to the Netherlands, under French hegemony too. Spain is a French client.

The author's attention to Latin America also has bearing on differential developments of global commerce and industry. OTL Britain managed to strongarm Spain into agreeing to allow British merchants trading privileges in the Spanish empire. Here, the Spanish Empire is somewhat eroded but largely intact, on paper, though loosely held--but insofar as it is "Spanish," Spain is under French guidance. Perhaps the weakness of Spain's grip and inability or disinclination of the Napoleonic patron to reinforce Spanish control means that the old agreements with Britain are de facto still operating, or I seem to recall that the USA swooped into the vacuum to some extent and ATL Yankee operations are at least somewhat, perhaps entirely, displacing British interest in nominally Spanish flagged American ports.

If so--OTL the British took advantage of the disintegration of Spanish control and formed informal relations with strong men in nominally independent Latin American republics, to promote their interests and under that cover of "whoever claims supreme power in the capital, they will respect our interests or else" made investments. Here on the one hand Britain is economically weaker, with fewer surplus funds to invest. And if it is mainly Yankees (and as discussed, French) investors who find the door more or less open, do they have the investment funds to match or exceed OTL investment? I suspect the answer for Americans is no, they don't; they mainly profit from trade pure and simple, and what Yankee investment capital there is will tend to stay in the USA where ample opportunities exist. French investors on the other hand enjoy a certain degree of protection, but rather rickety---it comes from Paris, as far as the Emperor is interested in pulling their private chestnuts out of the fire, leaning on Madrid, which has weak control over what actually happens in America. I would think the Latin American splinter states around OTL Argentina/Chile and Peru would tend to fall into the British sphere by default, and perhaps the concentration of reduced British venture capital into fewer channels makes British investment in both more intense than OTL. Certainly Britain is in a good position to back up Peru and Chile, and to a degree where greater proximity is offset by greater proximity of European (read, French-system) rivals in Rio del Plata, navally despite ATL setbacks--the RN is still a globally focused entity.

Overall then Britain is somewhat restricted in power and influence versus OTL, depending on what degree the Napoleonic-backed Spanish let them operate in nominally Spanish holdings, and the degree British investors feel any security in doing so. USA is possibly enjoying a windfall in merchant trade versus OTL but this largely siphons off trade profits north mainly to New England and New York city (probably also Baltimore and Charleston, in some proportion, maybe New Orleans and other Gulf ports like Pensacola benefit too).

Can and will the British attempt to recoup some of their setback versus OTL by attempting more aggressively to monopolize world trade? OTL most nations maintained a rather nominal and desultory competition and on terms of RN power plus general market strength, British trade came to dominate on economic competitiveness grounds. If the British lean too much on hostile force they will spur resentment and governmental investment in counter sea power; a soft approach is probably most rational still and could give the British flagged merchants world dominance yet. But might they make that aggressive mistake? And would it be a mistake actually?

In the Indian Ocean region unless I am forgetting some major British concession in India to France, the British seem well poised to dominate among European powers. The Dutch I imagine retain a grip on Indonesia, so Dutch merchant marine and navy are a sort of proxy of French policy in the region; I presume any French naval vessels can anyway rely on DEI ports--if the dearth of them between Europe and there don't effectively limit Continental projection that far. The Dutch navy is going to be pretty much at RN mercy, though no doubt able to make the British pay a hefty price for wiping them out. If France were going to challenge British sea power, they'd best do it by building up a French navy they can rely on for sure, with sidekick powers trailing in their wake. Then they'd need bases in Africa and south Asia--I presume anything Spanish flagged is available to them so no need for the moment to scheme for something in America, and IIRC French Guiana is a thing here as is French holdings of some Caribbean islands. Or Haiti might be under French quasi-protection. So the Americas would not be their focus, and if they cared a lot their easiest course of action is to reinforce Spanish power there. (How much potential there is in a Franco-American alliance is another interesting question, it seems to me though that American interests are already converging with British largely).

Are the British still free as OTL to "open up" China with opium as the pry-bar?

Returning then to the core of world capitalism, Britain as a major driver of 19th century industrialism is somewhat on the back foot, between hangovers of losing the Coalition War and subsequent authoritarianism in the UK itself, the Canal bubble collapsing, and somewhat impeded world trade (and colonial investment) opportunities hand in hand with reduced capital. USA is about as OTL or more so factoring in avoiding the War of 1812 and possible Spanish Empire and rebel republic trading profits, but versus OTL by this late date weaker in not having secured northwest Mexico from New Mexico on west to California. We know from hindsight this Mexican territory, therefore still under the Spanish crown at least on paper, has gold and silver in rich deposits, and if the USA does not have some pretext or opportunity to grab California or Nevada, that mineral wealth is going to benefit someone else. Who? If Spain could keep control after a gold rush gets under way, with a lot of gold rushers being either Yankees or British subjects unless someone foots the bill in a timely manner to get strong Spanish force in control of San Francisco bay, then ultimately California-Nevada mining could be a big help toward stabilizing the whole Spanish system. If Yankees do not grab it, preemptively before discovering this as OTL or after the rush is on, possibly separatist Mexicans can split it off along with much of the New Spain north--but then they'd be a weak brand new untried republic or kingdom caught between a no doubt annoyed Spain with or without French backing, and a greedy USA. Again Britain might be key here despite being weakened versus OTL, especially if RN strength is built up and modernized and based both in British Columbia (not yet legally a thing, this is a geographic expression) and Peruvian ports; in enough force that might be enough to buy an independent California centered or anyway holding Mexican splinter state. This might have to come at the cost of alienating the Spanish and if there is Caribbean/Mexican/Central American and Spanish Main trade to be lost, a greater cost than it is worth to Britain to secure CA, at least in the short run--longer run we know it is worthwhile but this might not be obvious at the time.

If the USA does not grab northern Mexico, we won't be as fiscally strong as OTL, but basically the dollar will still be pretty sound, being more fundamentally based on the credit of the USA as a whole, and surely even without extra infusions of capital from Latin American trade US industry will develop. Perhaps a bit more slowly than OTL due to Britain's retarded development providing a slower trickle of innovation to emulate and a weaker spur of competition, not to mention possible reduction in British capital investment. For a long time to come the major line of US development will be agricultural, as "frontier free land" comes under cultivation. But even if European import markets are weaker, most US development is internal and can be expected to continue on OTL tracks.

Regarding defense of north Mexico from further US incursions, I think there might be some hope if the politics pulls together and some visionary patriotic person high in Spanish/Mexican service realizes that there is potential in the Native American tribal peoples. Spain/Mexico not having any immediate designs on exploiting the vast sweep (beyond what is happening in California already under the mission system and moderate influx of Mexican settlement there, and the string of missions in Arizona plus the eastern anchor of the Santa Fe centered Nuevo Mexico administration, which is largely a tribal confederation regarding the Spanish as the devil they know), can they strengthen and extend the weak hegemony in Nuevo Mexico to reach north along the more or less conceded frontier with the Louisiana Territory that has been the US/Spanish border since the Louisiana Purchase? These tribal peoples, the most formidable but also most threatened, such as the Comanche, Kiowa and Lakota, are actually in occupation of conceded US territory and US policy is under the ATL version of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Spain (assuming this is how it sorts out, instead of Mexican independence) cannot do anything to help or protect these peoples on US soil without very likely starting another war with the USA. But could there be potential to negotiate with them to withdraw out of US claims (remaining only in a manner Spain can plausibly disavow) and take up service in defending Spanish claims against Yankee intrusion?

OTL, the nominally Mexican regime in Nuevo Mexico was de facto compliant with Comanche interests--on paper the Comanche were enemies of Mexico and freely raided south of Nuevo Mexican domains and to some extent within, but at Santa Fe the Comanche enjoyed a truce and SF based Mexican "force," weak as it was, made no moves against them. Going north from western Tejas and into the old (and I suspect, vague) treaty boundary of Louisiana, there is Rocky Mountain front range territory at least arguably on the Spanish side, where these tribes might find some room for partial settlement, and which Spain might send light forces to reinforce them. The aggressive tribes are already remarkably effective light cavalry; supply them, reinforce with some infantry and artillery and heavy cavalry (the Spanish can provide training and advisors to enable selected Native volunteers to largely fill these roles too) under consensual Spanish coordinating command, and while if the USA does mobilize its full potential they can be swept aside, the Spanish might make it somewhat costly and delayed to try it. The Native peoples would be crowded on not very productive land and many would not want to settle down to intensive agriculture anyway--but if it is possible to develop regional resources enough to keep them fed, the offer of a standing role as the standing auxiliary army defending Spain's northeast and northern border might gratify them. Possibly over time Native people in the interior who might not immediately see the point when they are protected with other people's efforts, might have enough political savvy to observe the Yankee threat and recognize some benefit in participating in a manpower tribute system of sorts whereby they either comply with intensifying their agriculture and hunting to help supply the front line tribes, or rotate in as volunteer recruits to reinforce the lines that way.

I wonder as to the potential of the Great Salt Lake region to be developed as an agricultural base to assist in keeping the front line tribes fed and supplied. OTL by this date the Mormons had moved in to annex it, prior to formal US conquest of it. But in this ATL, how likely is it that we have Smith and LDS in recognizable form, or that they or some other US sect resolve on such an exodus? Not too unlikely, the USA has the potential just as OTL clearly to produce such a group--if not LDS as we know it, perhaps some Utopian cult, even an atheistic one or anyway clearly non-Christian.

But with no such thing happening at all, can a Spanish agency recognize the potential of the region and rush up some forces and settlers to develop the zone as a bastion of Spanish control?

I suspect if this concept of a Grande Nuevo Mexico strategy of Native alliance has any potential in terms of logistics and manpower, it is going to be nixed by the apparent flow of events as the latest posts have foreshadowed. The USA has at any rate seized Tejas, not as much as the OTL Texas Republic claimed to be sure, and has force in being in the form of Anglo (and French) settlers and a clear legal claim on the upper western reaches of Mississippi system watersheds, so there is not much time to try to put up this screen. Logistics might make the whole notion impossible, with poor trails and low wealth pretty much requiring every tribe be autonomous and thus in conflict with each other. Meanwhile the likelihood of some Spanish officer hitting on this as a plan and having support and a strongly unified, loyal regime backing it seems pretty far fetched. The geopolitics of another Spanish-American war, bearing in mind no one was able to stop the Yankees from taking Tejas, don't seem to promise strong deterrents to the USA to forbear from poaching on the northern lands either.

But it would be cool I think, and possibly a basis for ongoing Spanish control of the whole sweep of "New Spain" all the way to Oregon and the Rockies allowing for a later stronger California and Great Basin region in ongoing union with Spain, or Mexico.

Circling back to the heartland of Napoleonic continental system again, I expect as long as imperial hegemony is maintained, its pragmatic/technocratic Napoleonic regime will muster at least as much investment capital as the combined territories generated OTL--probably more so early on due to shorter wars and less devastation early in the century, and I would guess overall even weak centralization would help overall, more than hurt.

But what geographic and demographic pattern will the Napoleonic coalition members follow? OTL capitalist development spread not only in France (largely in the north) but also the Rurh, parts of the Rhineland as well as Saxony and the Berlin area, and Belgium along with the Netherlands was another major industrial site.

Here as noted Belgium is not a thing, and north French Walloonia might well be as developed or nearly so--indeed with this far north portion of France being regarded as core French, it might develop more strongly and OTL northern France a bit less so. But will centralizing French dominance tend to concentrate industrial development there and in north France of OTL, and scant it in the German territories and Italy? To a degree power is devolved to the client states and allied realms, so if pro-industrial influences are strong in the client courts, we can see investment spread out. But would Saxony for instance have the same access to investment capital? Will the Ruhr?

The overall scale of total development within the entire imperial system I expect will match and quite possibly surpass than of OTL. But will it mostly be a matter of hothouse super-development of French industry, or will it spread out more like OTL? Might not the German and Italian stretches be overall less developed than OTL? (In Italy, I think south Italy will clearly have an edge versus OTL, but this might happen to some extent at the north's expense and if the north develops slowly enough overall Italy comes out behind despite a much better developed south).

Part of the pattern of industrial development is political after all. OTL numerous rival states existing in the wake of Napoleon's defeat each had their own interest in particular development. On the other hand, such development is disruptive socially! Under Code Napoleon, there are some restrictions on the total overbearing rule of factory masters versus their workforce which might cushion the blow a bit, if not voided by later Imperial alignment with the capitalist interest. But there is the general phenomenon of developing nationalism I alluded to at the start of the post.

Depending on how much political liberalism the Empire promotes--so far it seems, it does so quite little--if the upshot is the Imperial hegemony of central French empire and client and allied states remains dictatorial and anti-democratic, large alliances of the disgruntled with forces we'd label politically radical, even Communistic, being merely extreme wings of a unified liberal-revolutionary opposition to ruling class authority can form. Success, even partial success, of these movements can split these alliances, but if most subjects are in effect less than citizens, subject to paying heavy taxes, being drafted into armies, and daily subordinate to small classes of high finance and landlords, all discontent might feed into a mass liberal-radical illegal revolutionary alliance, which probably takes on strong nationalist-populism as well versus the cosmopolitan imperial ideal. British sem-democracy, oligarchic as it is, is one example for more moderate revolutionaries to look to; radical American mass democracy is another more sweeping (but ideologically consistent) example, and one resonating with the old spirt of 1789.

In the ATL, Napoleonic authority is successful, while the Revolution is understood by all to have devolved into infighting and lost control to military central power. This is no doubt a caution to many a would-be rebel. So I am not stating as an absolute that the masses must prevail.

But I am saying, it behooves Napoleonic bureaucrats and technocrats to be somewhat astute, to minimize grievances, to soften nationalistic reactions by being cosmopolitan and soft-pedaling French chauvinism, to be seen as usefully balancing regional conflicts in pursuit of harmony and shared progress for all. Insofar as any dominant hierarchy is doomed to achieve these standards of good government only partially, the potential for explosive mass revolution is simmering on the back burner ready to boil over, and decisions made to mollify potential revolutionaries might result in inhibiting capitalist growth.
 
Europe had plenty of nitrates, it gets it from poop and urine. It is much more expensive then importing it from indea but evey European nation during the 17th century had been blockaded by the RN at some point so nobody was willing to take the chance by the wars of revolution.
 
You know I've never read Decade of Darkness Myself, but they way you describe it makes me want to check it out.

*snip*

Decades has traditionally been considered one of, if not the definitive timeline on this site, although a couple of the author's other stories, Lands of Red and Gold and Male Rising may rival it nowadays. As for how well I'm doing in measuring up to standards like Jared's, that's not for me to judge, but the point is that I always knew this was going to be a long project, longer than any other commitment I've made to anything previously.

As for the factors that lead France down a darker path, I've been laying some bread crumbs here and there for a while, including in this latest chapter. It's going to be my biggest test in terms of building something up and then delivering a satisfying payoff that lives up to what's going to be real time years' worth of foreshadowing. Honestly, I was getting worried I've talked about it too much for how far off in the future it is. Since I alluded to it in the Tales from an Alternate History chapter, I will say that ITTL, it won't be a foreign intervention that puts an end to the Terror. The France of that time will be weaker relative to its neighbors than it is now, but it'll still be more than strong enough to deter intervention for the sake of humanitarianism, which was not a thing IOTL until the 1990's.

Binding the old Carolignian lands into a unified empire again would certainly be a godsend for the Bonapartes if they could pull it off, but I'm not sure how feasible it is in the long run. There are obvious cultural barriers: incorporating the German states would dilute the predominantly Catholic empire, which could be dicey even with legally mandated religious tolerance. Also, the modern EU shows us the problems that come when you've got a currency union but no transfer union. Less developed areas tend to stagnate and ultimately become captive markets for the more productive regions, because they lack the freedom to depreciate their currency to make their goods more competitive. And certainly anything resembling a modern welfare state would be unrealistic for Napoleon II or anyone else to implement at a national level at the moment, so rural Germany and Italy would have their growth stunted, leading to more resentment, and so on.

And that's the other issue with trying to make a continental trade bloc work as well. Trade in general is mutually beneficial for different economies, but that's only ever on average, and putting restrictions or regulations on it can skew the equation so that the lion's share of the gains go to one party over another. To say more than that, I'll need to look into how currencies were managed under the First Empire and under its neighbors. I know Napoleon introduced bimetallism, which remained in force even after the Bourbons returned, which saves me the trouble of tracking butterflies for that, but for other countries I don't know much.

Is that realistic given that the expanded European colonial system produced goods in high demand in Europe that the Coalition (read here, mostly British RN) could blockade and could not be produced in Europe?

*Snip*

Strategic questions of war materials and which ones can be readily sourced on the Continent is something I'll probably table, since as you say, things in Europe are generally peaceful right now, and as I've noted, it could be a long time IRL before I even get started on the next big war. From the discussions I've seen around here, nitrates are considered to be the biggest x-factor, so I imagine the Empire will make a point of keeping a strategic reserve in case of war, and supplement that with whatever domestic production they can manage.

The entry of American actors into Spanish American markets was partially driven by political considerations. While there was still a war in Europe, with Britain and Spain remaining opposed unlike OTL, trade with Britain was frowned upon in the colonies, which was reinforced by their periodic invasions. And afterwards, when the colonies were in revolt, British merchants would be reluctant to offend the Spanish government by arming the rebels, while the United States was less reticent. With the Ordinance of 1819, neither of those considerations matters anymore, and the British have been able to claw back a portion of their old market share.

As for the rest of the world, Britain and France are competing in exporting finished goods to less advanced economies. The British still have a qualitative advantage in textiles, which is the big moneymaker, but thanks to Nicolas Appert, the French have a head start on canned food, which may develop into French pioneering of processed food later on. Between experience in the field, the obvious military logistical applications, and the wealth of French and Italian produce to work with, it seems like a logical progression to me. And both sides are willing to use political pressure to accomplish what free market competition can't, as we saw with Napoleon II's deals with the Ottomans, Egypt and Persia, while the British obviously still have India.

And since I've decided to do a China chapter soon-ish, you'll just have to wait and see what happens over there.

And with the relative success of Naples ITTL, I do imagine part of it will come at the north's expense. Milan will probably be okay as the capital of the Kingdom of Italy, and save Genoa by extension, but Venice is likely to get screwed, and even though it has iron and coal deposits, Tuscany might not fare much better if it's decided that developing those resources isn't worth the investment.
 
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How prepared is the Spanish colonies military in America specially new Spain/Mexico and Cuba in case of war with the United States in the future ?
 
Chapter Forty-Nine: ...They Pull Me Back In!
I'd be lying if I didn't admit I wasn't entirely feeling this chapter. It's mostly recapping what's gone wrong with Spanish policy and why they've made the mistakes they have. A big part of it is addressing some points @Maperseguir had a while back that I never had a good answer for at the time about Spanish passivity during the Tejas War. It is important to remember that even without the Peninsular War, the Spanish economy had already suffered heavily by 1808, which had social and political consequences that still limit Madrid's strategic choices. But there's value in that, and I've learned at least a little about what was going on in Spanish society at this time, which is nice. Next time, the southern half of South America. Enjoy, and don't forget the Turtledoves are on!

Chapter Forty-Nine:…They Pull Me Back In!

Excerpted from The Road to War: 1830-1852 by Alexander Peterson, 1971.​

In the early 1800s, Harvard professor George Ticknor visited Spain, and was appalled by the backwards conditions he encountered there.

‘Imagine a country so deserted and desolate, with so little travel and communication, as to have no taverns,’ he complained. [1]

Ticknor’s observation typifies the Euro-American understanding of Spanish society at the time as a shadow of its former glory. This view should not be summarily dismissed, however, because it illustrates the challenges facing Spain in this period, with its frailty equally apparent to both Spaniards and foreigners.

Spain was, for the most part, a fringe participant in the Napoleonic Wars, but the conflict was economically devastating for the country nevertheless. It was wracked by poor harvests, epidemics of yellow fever, and a bevy of other natural disasters, including earthquakes, floods, and in Segovia, even a plague of locusts. [2]

These tribulations made life in the Spanish countryside unbearable for many small farmers, and were compounded both by the Palafox regency’s haphazard stab at land reform as well as the demands of military service. The army of the time was bolstered by conscripts chosen through a sortition process known as la quinta. La quinta’s purported impartiality was tarnished by a system of exemptions, allowing the wealthy and well-connected to either sponsor substitutes or else secure less taxing militia service for themselves. This injustice stoked resentment in the Spanish countryside that only grew as the rest of Europe lay down their arms, only for Spain’s war footing to be prolonged by its colonial campaigns.

With the Ordinance of 1820, the Palafox government hoped to ease the attritional strain put upon the military, and by extension, upon poorer Spaniards living in fear of selection by la quinta. Having ridden to power on the back of resentment and war weariness over the counterinsurgency action in Spanish America, General Palafox was acutely aware of the need to reassure the public that the days of colonial warfare were over, without belittling the sacrifices already made by formally acknowledging the independence of the former Viceroyalties. By appointing viceroys from the ranks of rebel leaders in New Spain and elsewhere, he hoped to render calls for independence from the rebellious colonies a moot point, and by granting Viceroys broad autonomy to manage internal affairs, he could make further policing actions equally unnecessary. And for a time, this approach yielded results.

But the legal balancing act employed by the colonies could only hold for so long, especially once they drew the attention of outside actors, and began enacting foreign policies of their own. The first harbinger of trouble was Haiti, the fractious state founded by rebellious slaves on Hispaniola. In 1822, President Jean-Pierre Boyer invaded the eastern half of the island in an attempt to wrest Santo Domingo from Spanish control. His initial success was halted and ultimately reversed by the arrival of Spanish reinforcements, but with Haitian support, an anti-Spanish insurgency continued in Santo Domingo for several years afterwards, an embarrassment that further damaged Palafox’s political standing at home.

But while Haiti was shunned by the Spanish government under Palafox and later Francisco for its meddling, the Spanish colonies were more divided on the question of whether to acknowledge the Boyer government. In New Spain, Viceroy Morelos was torn between his personal sympathies for Haiti and its abolitionist ideals and the more practical need to avoid alienating the planter class of Cuba. Trade between the two was clandestine, but nearly a thousand free blacks immigrated from New Spain to Haiti over the 1820s.

Meanwhile, the matter of slavery was far less contentious in New Grenada, Venezuela and Peru. All three traded with Haiti to varying degrees, although formal diplomatic recognition of the state was tabled, to avoid drawing further attention to the constitutional grey areas in which the Spanish colonies operated.

Unfortunately, those vagaries became impossible to ignore after 1830, when Vicente Guerrera, the royally appointed Viceroy of New Spain, was imprisoned and executed by the Scottish Rite Lodge. The actions of the Lodge in deposing Madrid’s chosen leader and elevating Anastasio Bustamante in his place made a mockery of the Ordinance provisions without formally renouncing them. This rebelliousness left King Francisco and the Spanish Cortes unsure how to respond, because the Mexican question inverted the usual ideological dynamics of Spanish politics.

Traditionally, it was Spanish liberals who supported granting increased autonomy to the American colonies, while conservatives preferred to keep them on a shorter leash. But the Bustamante government’s political conservatism evoked greater sympathy from ideological fellow travelers in Spain, while repelling liberals like Prime Minister Calo. This confusion, coupled with continued uncertainty as to the reliability of the army, left King Francisco deeply insecure about his ability to mobilise support for deposing Bustamante by force.

As a result, when Napoleon II and Zebulon Pike approached Madrid with their proposal to allow the United States to put the Scottish Rite government in its place, Francisco saw the offer as an ideal solution. Without expending Spanish blood or treasure, he could enjoy Bustamante’s comeuppance, while also reminding the other Spanish colonies of the value of Madrid’s protection – and also that said protection was conditional on a certain degree of loyalty.

The dangers in this lax approach to discipline became apparent upon the publication of the Treaty of Tampico to end the Tejas War. Once again, the people of New Spain had taken it upon themselves to select a Viceroy in defiance of the crown’s appointments, a fact underscored by Viceroy Cos signing a treaty on behalf of the Kingdom. And Cos himself was living proof of another uncomfortable truth: that New Spain could defend itself without aid from the crown. This realisation had radicalised Buenos Aires and Montevideo, and could potentially do the same in Mexico City.

Madrid’s hands-off approach to the colonies also exacerbated political dysfunction within and between Kingdoms, as evidenced by the combined secession crisis and border war between Peru, New Grenada and the self-proclaimed polity of Quito and Guayaquil. To correct course, the Spanish would have to choose sides in the three-way conflict, as well as intervene in sufficient force as to be taken seriously.

And so in October of 1834, after news of the Quiteño uprising and the subsequent Peruvian invasion had reached Europe, a punitive expedition was organised to restore order in New Grenada. A 15,000 strong army led by Pablo Morillo made landfall in Cartagena, with orders to depose the Caycedo government. Morillo’s force advanced on Bogota as quickly as the weather and mountainous terrain would allow; between internal revolt and open warfare with the government in Quito, the New Grenadine capital was left virtually defenseless.

Caycedo attempted to flee the city ahead of the Spanish advance, but was betrayed by his erstwhile Centralist allies and handed over to Morillo in exchange for clemency. Santander was released from prison and re-installed as viceroy on 8 January, but the conflict in the south of the country raged on, with Peruvian forces continuing to move on Guayaquil in defiance of orders from Spain to halt their advance. [3]

The Spanish army outnumbered any other force in New Grenada by at least two to one. Their political strategy was simply to use their overwhelming military might to cow the other belligerents into accepting a negotiated settlement, at which point the crown could hammer out a compromise between them. Peru’s intransigence was unexpected, but it also offered an opportunity to remind the Americas of the true extent of Spanish power. Morillo’s army began another long march to relieve Guayaquil, and although they arrived too late to prevent de la Serna from capturing the city, the resulting battle was exactly the show of force the Spanish had hoped for. The Battle of Guayaquil saw the Peruvians suffer over 3,000 dead, wounded or captured, while the Spanish lost barely a tenth that number.

Reeling from his defeat, the Peruvian viceroy belatedly acquiesced to the Spanish demand that he withdraw from New Grenada, and attended the subsequent convention in Quito to decide the future of the Kingdom. Peru ultimately received some compensation, with Francisco’s government repealing an 1802 transfer of ecclesiastical and military authority from it to New Grenada, resolving the dispute over control over the actual territory in question. After some debate within the Spanish government, the would-be Kingdom of Quito and Guayaquil was dissolved. Acquiescing to popular yet illegal political stunts such as de Villamil’s was seen as a contributing factor to the New Grenadine crisis, and should be discouraged. [4]

This still left the matter of New Spain unresolved, however. A similar expedition to replace Viceroy Cos with Zavala was considered, but Cos enjoyed a far more secure domestic position than Caycedo, which made deposing him a more daunting prospect. Instead, the Spanish decided to cut their losses, organising a bilateral boundary commission with the United States that effectively signaled Spain’s acceptance of Tampico, but also that further American encroachment would not be tolerated. The republic of Costa Rica also received formal recognition by Madrid.

In time, Francisco’s government hoped to draw Mexico City back into its orbit, but because brute force was deemed too costly, sensitivity to popular sentiment became all the more important. Rebuilding its colonial relationships would be a slow and difficult task, but with the immediate crises settled, and with some experience and wisdom won along the way, this work could begin in earnest.

[1] Ticknor was far from the only foreign visitor to say this about Spain. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow came in the 1820s and said that everything there was the same as it had been 200 years earlier.

[2] Lady Holland described these things in her diary, including a bit about the poor ‘dropping like flies’ in Burgos during a yellow fever outbreak.

[3] Their hope was less that they could defeat the Spanish army and more that taking Guayaquil as a fait accompli could be useful at the negotiating table later.

[4] Rewarding Peru’s aggression is seen as different because they had some legal justification for their territorial claims. And also, as a Kingdom already, appeasing them is seen as more important than appeasing Quito.
 
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An elegant solution to a problem which stemmed logically enough from in-universe premises :) The way you solved it reminds me of an earlier post of yours about the need to allow for miscalculations, blunders and general incertitude when writing credible AH - previously you inserted it in in a voluntary manner but now it seems like it is providing a straighforward answer to in-universe problems. For now Madrid is seeking an equilibrium between the influence its military strenght can grant it and the various centrifugal forces in the New World, but if I may ask, is this calculation not bound to be undermined by another one - the heavy costs of New World involvement vs the mostly symbolic benefits of it?

On a different note, I am pleased to have been able to second your nomination for the 2021 Best Colonialism and Revolutions Turtledove :) There are many great timelines vying for the prize this year, but yours had to figure among them!
 
You have a truly very impressive time line, it is a great read, thanks for putting so much work into it! I particularly admire your cultural chapters, and the way in which you can sum up political developments with such impressive detail, and hopefully your work schedule will permit more content. I particularly hope to hear more about internal developments in France, it would be fascinating to continue to see the ways in which a Napoleonic government results in different approaches to governance, education, language policies, compared to OTL France.
 
I've only just caught up and I have to say that it's a fascinating timeline, and educative as well, which always is a great thing. I particularly look forward to seeing what else you will come up with. And, of course, the Second Terror which doesn't promise to be all that friendly.
 
Two quick things: Your Catherine III died in the 1810s in OTL. Why does she live longer here, and will her reign be a short one? Also, you reference there being an Islamabad in your chapter on Peshawar and Herat, but I'm pretty sure it's a planned city established in the twentieth century. Overall though, great timeline. The Turtledove nominations are well earned.
 
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