Here's a new map for the RDNA-verse! This time, it's for the United African States, which has popped up in passing before (showing up on the world maps) and now given center stage. The DeviantArt version
can be found here.
It's not entirely a new idea, as this had previously existed
even back in 2010-11 as the more generic and bland "United States of Liberal Africa." For the longest time, I wanted to properly do this part of the setting justice, and not as a placeholder either. As such, much of the lore and background was built from the ground up, taking inspiration from how decolonization played out in West Africa, combined with elements from Nigeria, Ghana and Niger's postcolonial history, among others. At the same time, however, it's also deliberately presented as a counterpoint to Reactionary Southern Africa, yet not an pure opposite. The aim isn't to push a "Wakanda" knockoff, but rather to see how a democratic African power could emerge despite tumultuous circumstances, and how it could also all too easily go wrong due to one extreme or another.
Just to be on the safe side, this is a work of fiction. This is not a political or ideological screed. The politically incorrect details in the map and text as deliberately meant to be in-universe. In addition, depiction is not endorsement.
That being said, hope you enjoy!
Ìṣọ̀kan àti Ìgbàgbọ́, Àlàáfíà àti Ìlọsíwájú/Einheit und Glaube, Friede und Fortschritt!
The United African States: General Introduction
Encompassing the Niger Basin and much of what had historically been called Guinea, the United African States (or U.A.S.) is a republican power that remains surprising for its ascent to prominence as well as its peculiar origins. Forged from a motley collection of British, German and native territories in the decades after the Terror, its people have come a long way to stand as a stark, free counterweight to the darkness of Southern Africa.
Currently under the term of President Leopold Shagari of the Liberal African Party, the union is a federal constitutional republic. While undoubtedly taking inspiration from both the American Federation and Gran Patagonia in how it's organized, the "African Republicanism" espoused by most major political parties is nonetheless unique. It is comprised of six Constitutent and six Special Federal States (including the Federal Capital District of Iga-Curamo), each enjoying considerable autonomy, as well as two Protectorates (the Ténéré Confederation and Republic of Ouaddai) with representation in the United Congress. Even within individual States, there's much in the way of diversity, whether it's the traditional sovereigns (such as the Yoruba's
Oba or "rulers"), government-protected tribal lands, or communities established by the colonial settlers and their descendants. More than common laws or national writ, however, these disparate groups are far more united than they appear. This, it's often touted, is the greatest success of both the people who steered their compatriots from madness and the so-called "Fathers of Unification," whose tireless visions continue to inspire new generations.
Over 251 Million people are considered U.A.S. citizens. While the majority of the population are classified as "Black Africans" belonging to long-standing ethnic groups such as the Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa and Akan, among others. A sizable element of "White Africans," meanwhile, can trace their descent from either Anglo and Prussian settlers or later refugees who had arrived amidst the Terror, to say nothing of the myriad mixed-blood "Coloureds." While English and German serve as the lingua franca (corresponding roughly to the old colonial territories), many other native languages (such as for the aforementioned Yoruba and Igbo) and creole ones are commonly used throughout the country. For all their variety in backgrounds and origins, one would be forgiven for thinking that their country would have collapsed long ago, or devolve into what other Reactionary states in that corner of the world, or the Afrikaners for that matter, had become. While it's true that its people had been on the verge of succumbing to the same madness as many around them or worse, they see themselves as more than the sum of their parts. They take pride in their cultural inheritance, yet are more than just Black or White, neither longing for an untainted past, nor fully European. They are Africans, one and all.
Whether through peaceful, diplomatic means or the stubborn yet resilient United African Defense Forces (called either the U.A.D.F. or the
Afrikabundeswehr), the union has made the most of its seemingly precarious position. From the thriving streets of Iga-Curamo and the busy, historic piers of Port Victoria to the tamed highlands of the Upper Volta, its trading houses and companies exert regional dominance over commerce, the country seen by many as an economic hub that's almost indispensable. Its people's penchant for ingenuity and an embrace of meritocracy (a legacy of their turbulent past) have also allowed them to maximize the bountiful resources of their land, which include building industrial centers where none had existed and having some of the best mines, refineries and sources of energy anywhere in the world. Meanwhile, serving as both an equal partner with and a counterweight to the republican powers of the New World, it also has play a key role in thwarting Collectivist and Reactionary designs alike for the Free World's remaining foothold on the continent. This has inevitably led to a rivalry with Southern Africa, which over time has taken a fervent, ideological bent going beyond conflicting interests. Given how the loss of certain member-states in the League of Neutral Defiance could be directly attributed to the U.A.S., one could see why such animosity has grown.
For all its prosperity and ascendant clout, a tourist would be hard-pressed to think that not too long ago, United Africa was anything but. Nonetheless, its citizens keep the memory of hardship and near-chaos close, even as they continue to transcend the lingering legacy of those times. For they know, just as their allies across the Atlantic if not even more so, that it may not take much to bring everything down. Yet as much effort as it may seem to build and push forward, against the encroaching dark, it's a price worth paying.
Basic History of United Africa
The lands encompassing the U.A.S. is known to have been home to myriad statelets and kingdoms for generations by the time the first European explorers arrived in the 16th Century. The Portuguese had set up some trading posts along what would become Gold Coast-Guinea and Iga-Curamo. While this led to the introduction of Christianity among the various native peoples, such as the Yoruba, Igbo, Akan and Hausa, it also contributed to the lands in question becoming a major source in the slave trade across the Atlantic. As sordid as this practice was, the chieftains and monarchs were by and large left to their own devices, going on as they had always done. By the latter half of the 18th Century, however, abolitionist sentiment among the great powers led to slavery itself being gradually outlawed, significantly weakening the clout of local rulers who had benefited from the system.
Two nations, in particular, were quick to seize the initiative. In 1741, the Kingdom of Prussia assumed control over the Danish-held Fort Christianborg (now Osu-Christianburg), granting the German realm access to the Gold Coast and the lucrative trading routes in the region. Further east, the nascent United Kingdom had displaced its Portuguese allies over their remaining outposts in the region, from which Anglican missionaries could venture deeper inland. While there were occasional raids from either local opposition or attempts by the French to expand, by the early 1810s, the two powers' grip on the coasts was firmly secured. With the collapse of the slave trade, their influence over the chieftains and kings surrounding those tentative colonies only grew. With the appointment of British advisors to the Yoruba-ruled Oyo Empire in 1834 and the conquest of Dahomey by explorer Theodor Nachtigal in 1860, any lingering notions of overt resistance were dashed. Thus, the days when the Blacks ruled themselves were numbered, even before the so-called "Great Game" began in earnest, partitioning much of the African continent among the Europeans.
By the end of the 19th Century, the lands that would one make up the U.A.S. were under either direct or indirect German and British control. Cities like Lome, Christianburg, Port Victoria and Iga-Curamo, in particular, had become major focal points of investment. Advances in medicine and industrial infrastructure meant that arrivals from the homeland, beyond just missionaries or educators, could settle down in larger numbers than before. While there were still some nominally sovereign territories and traditional rulers, such as in Upper Volta and parts of what was called the British Niger, in practice they answered to the colonial administrations all the same. Not that the distinction mattered much to the Black natives. While the reactions varied depending on the ethnic group, generally speaking some were receptive to Western culture while others objected to forgoing their old ways of life. Nonetheless, this didn't stop some from defying racial expectations, with natives gradually entering universities and positions of relative authority, however much these were reliant on loyalty to the establishment. All the while, the authorities gradually opened up more freedoms to their erstwhile subjects, reflecting a greater trend towards eventual self-rule.
The Terror, however, revealed just how fragile this sense of order was. The 1920s would see several African colonies break off amidst the turmoil, many of which collapsing into anarchy. Seeing no help coming from London, Sir Hugh Clifford, the last Governor of the British Niger, opted to stay and declared independence in 1925. Working alongside Oba Ibikunle Alfred Akitoye of the Yoruba, his tenure as the fledgling state's "Provisional President" saw an influx of Anglo refugees from across the Continent and a delicate balancing act to placate the various Black groups, using both loyal militias and what remained of the garrison to maintain order. Around the same time, similar trends were occurring among their Prussian neighbors, which under "Acting Governor" Karl-Jesko von Puttkamer had similarly broken off and welcomed German refugees from their now-lost homeland. Amidst growing instability and myriad internal tensions, these two colonial remnants drew closer together throughout the 1930s.
It soon became clear that the status quo could not last indefinitely. Save for the American-backed Liberian Republic, which had expanded into the crumbing French and British colonies around it (renaming itself the West African Federation in 1942), most of the surrounding lands were ruled by either warlords, tribal kingdoms, "White Chieftains" or increasingly, Reactionary regimes. Internally, discord continued brewing. It didn't matter whether it was Christians against Muslims, Anglo settlers clashing with the Hausa, or disgruntled workers seemingly discriminated by exiled Prussians. In such an environment, all it would have taken was for a Reactionary firebrand or Collectivist ideologue to light a spark. Amidst this madness stood Ahmadu Bello from the Northern Niger (modern Hausaland), Benjamin Azikiwe of Iga-Curamo and Joseph Danquah of the German Gold Coast (modern Gold Coast-Guinea). Where many saw a region on the verge of chaos, they and their supporters beheld another path. Working with von Puttkamer and taking inspiration from the Americans, they presented a vision of a land that wasn't wracked by barbarism. Nor would it be beholden to whims of foreign powers or benefit those with power. Only together, regardless of one's lineage or color, they reasoned, could Africans take their rightful place in a brave new world.
So it was that, with popular acclaim, the Unification Accords were signed in 1948, marking the true dawn of the U.A.S., with Azikiwe elected its President. Its initial years, however, seemed anything but promising. Riots and instability were commonplace, from members of the
Neudeutschespartei seeking a separate, "pure" German state, to constant squabbles between Anglo and Igbo farmers. Political parties functioned more like proxies for either the remaining colonial elites or tribal affiliations. Even the reorganization of the old colonial borders and creation of new states were fraught with controversy, often leading to delays and frantic brinksmanship. More than once, scattered groups tried to spin the words of the "Fathers of Unification" to justify causes as varied as military coups, the expulsion of the settlers and a reversion to the "old ways," whatever that may be. Those same influential figures, though, were not naive. Seeing that the dream of United Africa would not manifest as quickly as was hoped, they instead chose to intentionally appoint people purely on their merit, yet also reflective of the overall population. This move, pushed by Bello, inevitably meant that many of these were from among the old establishment, as they had the most competence or experience. By the early 1960s, however, those ranks included members of Yoruba royalty, Hausa clerics, Akan academics and Fon businessmen, among others. As prosperity gradually spread throughout the union, so did the idea that the humblest villager and laborer had the same opportunities as any son of royalty or exiled aristocrat.
Internationally, it had not been idle, either. Even before unification, the soldiers and militia that would make up the U.A.D.F. had been mired in constant skirmishes. At the same time, the so-called "Twin Republics," though more than happy to welcome a new republican player to the Free World, were increasingly perceived as encroaching onto lands that ought to be handled by Africans rather than people across the Atlantic, especially as Gran Patagonia began fostering revolutions in Camerún and Gabon-Kongo against the local dictatorships. Unwilling to let their seeming inaction welcome more threats to the country, nor eager to have their erstwhile allies carve up the dwindling pieces of non-Collectivist soil in a mirror of the Great Game, a series of bold campaigns were launched. Initially aimed at the warlords raiding the frontiers, which helped secure and even expand the union's borders by 1962, these soon extended to supporting resistance movements against neighboring Reactionary regimes. Its battles with the Islamic-Reactionary Sultanate of Ouaddai thoughout the decade (which not only led to clashes with Equatoria and the Sahel but even expeditionary troops from Southern Africa), overthrowing the Ténéré Confederation's Tuareg-run dictatorship in 1969, and later involvement in the Senegal-Lazarie Civil War in the 1970s became showcases of just how far the fractured peoples who make up United Africa had come. Yet more than upholding the virtues of liberty and justice, these also helped in fostering a sense of solidarity transcending blood and culture. These would prove instrumental in the years that followed.
Money, infrastructure and the image of social harmony did little to mask simmering tensions that had persisted over generations. The sense that certain peoples or groups were still being given preferential treatment over others, and that their own cultures were being sidelined continued to fuel dissent from all corners. Some, like the still-extant
Neudeutschespartei, saw separatism and mimicking the Afrikaners'
Toekomshoop policies as the solution to ensure their survival. Others, however, including the more radical members of the "Children of Africa" (a political coalition ostensibly representing Black interests across traditional lines), believed that purging all traces of their colonial past was the only way for the nation to move forward, even if it meant treating the descendants of settlers and refugees as complicit themselves. An aging, retired Azikiwe found himself facing a similar situation to Clifford. Then came the closing stages of the conflict in Senegal-Lazarie. While it was the royalists backed by New Austria that ultimately won, United African involvement was instrumental in that victory. More than what was reported on vidscreens and newsreels, however, were the accounts from those who were present there, be they diplomats, advisors or soldiers. Their testimonies of what was witnessed shocked their countrymen out from what would have been a self-destructive path.
This led to a series of events in 1977 known as the Acts of Amity. Epitomized by a speech from Azikiwe and an intervention by Oba Franklin Akitoye at a heated protest, it was decided almost unanimously that no longer would Africans be divided over the past, nor would they allow themselves to ruin all that had been accomplished. Black or White, they were all standing together as a light shining in the darkness. For all their diverse origins, no one would be left behind. While this development didn't immediately bring about an end to domestic animosities, it nonetheless led to further reforms. While traditions and cultural autonomy remained celebrated and respected, all vestigial quotas were brushed aside. Segregated communities were discouraged, with those of mixed descent no longer being frowned upon for not belonging to any of the established groups. Further encouragement of meritocracy also had the effect of diluting any lingering perception of discrimination based on class, gender or ethnic lines. Eventually, the only ones who were being sidelined from public affairs were the very organizations and political parties that seemed on the brink of success.
The ensuing peace would not only lead to an era of genuine economic prosperity but also embolden the U.A.S. further in the eyes of the Free World. Whether it's the final defeat of Ouaddai (with a democratic government established in 1986), or United Africa's role in stifling Collectivist attempts to sow uprisings across the continent, few would deny that it's a rising republican power. Neither a puppet of foreign interests nor a primitive backwater, its people strive forward into an uncertain future with stern resolve. For the alternative is too dire to consider.
- "The World Almanac of Nations." American Federation. 2023 Edition.
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For added trivia, Leopold Shagari is a sly nod to
Shehu Shagari, Turaki of the Sokoto Sultanate and the first democratically elected President of Nigeria after a period of military rule.
The background of the U.A.S. founding and early years is based on a combination of various African countries, though primarily revolving around Nigeria, Benin, Cameroon, Ghana and Niger, with some elements of Botswana. Its flag and coat of arms are similarly a blend of an
earlier design of Nigeria's flag, Togo's shield and Niger's insignia, coupled with Prussian black.
In real life, the Danish owned a colonial castle called
Fort Christianborg, which is now part of the Osu district of Accra, Ghana. In the RDNA-verse, however, the Prussian takeover of the fort results in Accra being overshadowed by Osu, or rather "Osu-Christianburg."
For certain placenames in what would be Nigeria in OTL, Port Victoria is situated where
Port Harcourt would be. Iga-Curamo, meanwhile, is a combination of Lagos' archaic form, and the Yoruba name for the region around the city. Coincidentally, the traditional Oba of Lagos around the 1920s was the historical
Ibikunle Alfred Akitoye.
Sir Hugh Clifford is based on the
historical British nobleman of the same name, who in reality served as a colonial administrator for British Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Ceylon and the Straits Settlements (modern Singapore). While
Karl-Jesko von Puttkamer was a
Kriegsmarine admiral in OTL, though he was related to
Jesko von Puttkamer, who served as the German colonial governor of Cameroon from 1887 to 1906. Coincidentally, Cameroon went to Spain rather than the Germans in the setting.
Siaburg in the Upper Volta is a Germanized form of
Bobo-Dioulasso, the second largest city in Burkina Faso. The name itself being based on how the local Bobo-speaking population refer to the city as Sia.
In addition to the State of Djerma being a reference to the Zarma people of Niger, Fort Kalley is situationed where Niamey would be in OTL (Kalley being one of the original precolonial villages that would later form the city).
The "Fathers of Unification" are all based on the national heroes of Nigeria and Ghana.
Ahmadu Bello and
Benjamin Nnambi "Zik" Azikiwe were instrument in the independence of the former, being known as symbols of unity and freedom. While
Joseph "J. B." Danquah was one of the "Big Six" of postcolonial Ghana, who was also know for being a scholar and author.
In real life, the Ouaddai/Wadai region of Chad was the site of a
Sultanate with ties with the Islamic Senussi brotherhood and had held onto power until 1911-12, when the French finally defeated it. In this version of events, the Sultanate managed to survive the loss of French colonial rule but adopted an Islamic take on Reactionarism until the U.A.S. eventually defeated it.
On top of Equatoria being a grim mirror of the Central African Republic, Belgian Congo and Rhodesia, the capital of Louisville is situated where Bambiri, a major market town, would be.
The Liberian Repubic/West African Federation was inspired by the idea of what would have happened had the US been much more active in shaping Liberia compared to OTL.
Saint-Hillaire is situated where the city of Franceville, Gabon exists in reality. Coincidentally, it has an old colonial-era church called Saint-Hillaire.
Saint Andrew and Bolama are a nod to how Portuguese Guinea (modern Guinea-Bissau) could have wound up in British hands in the 18th Century. In the version of events, that happened, with the colony subsequently being Anglicized not unlike Sierra Leone.
