Map Thread XIX

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Can explain why shall be a succesion war in O.E? what happened to House of Osman? Krim Khns unable to take over?
Interested.

Sorry I took so long to respond! I'll admit I don't know too much about the internal structure of the Ottoman Empire and I'm not sure what the Krim Khns are, but basically my idea with that was that in 1867, the Sultan dies with no heir, and there aren't any close relatives with their own claims to the throne so the result is that factions form over member of the Empire's nobility should be the one to lead them next. Eventually, it comes down to two potential candidates - Sakir Terzi and Nermin Aslan. Other countries start getting involved for various reasons, and ultimately Terzi wins. I go over it in more detail here
 
I cant help but feel horrifically guilty. I said I would help him, but just so much stuff happened IRL, I didnt have the time nor mental composition to help him. I hope he takes this time to learn the incredible complex histories of these areas and comes to appreciate them.
 
This is part of a greater Ameri-wank TL I've started to develop lately. Long story short is that this is most a result of an alternate post-WW1 caused by Teddy Roosevelt winning in 1912.
 

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@HeX my apologies for disturbing you, but I have plans for these four upcoming expansionist projects: Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Azerbaijan. What upcoming oversized projects do you have confirmed so far?
 
@HeX my apologies for disturbing you, but I have plans for these four upcoming expansionist projects: Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Azerbaijan. What upcoming oversized projects do you have confirmed so far?
I'm currently working off and on on the Ottoman Empire wank, and I hope to continue the series after that with Egypt, Venice, and Japan. However on top of the Supersized Map Series I have a billion other projects, both personal and for school, that I have to spread my time between equally, so it'll probably be a while before anything past Turkey gets done.

Also, I'm not Smaug, or anything. I really like answering people's questions about my maps and TLs, so you don't have to ever worry about "disturbing" me.
 
A map (subject to change) of the setting of my TL, Sages, à la Chełm, at around the present day.

I've seen folks use absolute direction in their personal lives, there are even languages using primarily or exclusively absolute direction over relative direction. Rarely though, should relative direction be used with large non-personal things like states, as traveling/looking any way besides strict East-west will mean left congo and right congo may be right congo and left congo, like if you were coming south from the Sahel, Middle East or Europe.
 
I've seen folks use absolute direction in their personal lives, there are even languages using primarily or exclusively absolute direction over relative direction. Rarely though, should relative direction be used with large non-personal things like states, as traveling/looking any way besides strict East-west will mean left congo and right congo may be right congo and left congo, like if you were coming south from the Sahel, Middle East or Europe.

Rule of funny, and apparently Left, Right, Up and Down are the ITTL replacements for West, East, North and South. SalC isn't intended to be a very serious timeline (especially with all the modern borders and silly names). For instance, you know how during the Newfoundland vote for Canadian accession, one part of the island voted against accession? IOTL this means that that part got dragged along with the rest. ITTL this means that that part, and only that part, gets independence as Newfoundland.

I don't even remember whose idea the Ottomans in Hejaz was.

Edit: It was @LawfulInsane's idea.

I don't remember why I suggested that idea either.

As for some other weird things, "Holy Roman Empire" is just the EU with another name, "Stanistan" exists because except for Kyrgyzstan, the other Central Asian post-Soviet countries are IOTL dictatorships without much of a way of elections. The "People's Nation of China" thing is an awkward, word for word translation of "Zhonghua Minguo", which would be the Republic of China IOTL. It's not even a republic.
 
I'm currently working off and on on the Ottoman Empire wank, and I hope to continue the series after that with Egypt, Venice, and Japan. However on top of the Supersized Map Series I have a billion other projects, both personal and for school, that I have to spread my time between equally, so it'll probably be a while before anything past Turkey gets done.

Also, I'm not Smaug, or anything. I really like answering people's questions about my maps and TLs, so you don't have to ever worry about "disturbing" me.
So maybe I should be allowed to work on projects you haven't explicitly referenced, such as Armenia, Georgia, Ireland, Switzerland and Romania...
 
I've been trying over the past couple of days to build up my mapmaking skills. This is what's come out, from my timeline, Moonlight in a Jar. There are more fine details I want to add, but I don't mind dropping this one for now.

X8e1kTe.jpg
 
I've been trying over the past couple of days to build up my mapmaking skills. This is what's come out, from my timeline, Moonlight in a Jar. There are more fine details I want to add, but I don't mind dropping this one for now.

X8e1kTe.jpg

Awesome!!!!

Even tho the Asmarids are vassals, who do the micronesian island belong to de jure, Asmarids or Hizamid?

Also, uuuh, what happened to Provence, Italy and Sardinia?
 
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I just started a new project (what's new): The Song of The Three Eagles, a graphics TL! The concept is pretty simple, a Central Powers victory in the First World War (the PoD being no continuation of unrestricted submarine warfare in February 1917), and I want to use this as an opportunity to work on new maps and new styles. To start off, here are two maps:

Map 1: Eastern Europe and the Russian Intervention (1918-1921)

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L O R E:
With the armistice of Luhansk signed on the 1st of February, 1918, conflict in the Eastern Front was over. However, Russia was still embroiled in conflict.

In February of 1917, the situation in Russia had reached a boiling point. The Tsarist regime had an abysmal popularity, and all kinds of radicals were protesting and fighting against the government. In mid-February, protests in Petrograd would be organized, and would only keep growing. Thousands of people gathered in the streets, and the army was ordered to crack down on the protesters. This simply backfired, as even some of the soldiers joined the revolutionary cause. Tsar Nicholas II would later be forced to abdicate in favor of Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich, who would refuse to be crowned Tsar until this was ratified by a Constituent Assembly.

Georgy Lvov became Prime Minister of the “Russian Provisional Government”, and an uneasy alliance between the democrats of the Provisional Government and the Soviets was formed. Of course, this alliance wouldn’t last for long, as the two factions had very different ideas. In October 1917, soon before the elections for the Constituent Assembly were held, Soviet militias made a move, launching a revolution and occupying many key locations, including the seat of the government. The Revolution had begun.

Immediately, cities were stormed and swept by Red guards, as the democratic government collapsed in record time. However, a key for the Soviets was the Constituent Assembly. While many including Lenin were opposed to such an assembly that, in their minds, was a bourgeois legislature, they understood it represented the will of the people and that the people supported it. Therefore, elections for the Assembly were allowed: the result was a big victory for the Socialist Revolutionaries, with the Kadets and Bolsheviks behind. However, the SRs would soon split between the pro-Bolsheviks and the anti-Bolsheviks, meaning many anti-Bolsheviks were now in the Assembly.

Following tensions between the different factions, Lenin reached a compromise: the Constituent Assembly would continue functioning as long as it agreed to carry out new elections to truly represent the people quite soon. After three weeks of convening, the second democratic elections in Russia’s history were held: the Bolsheviks and Left-SRs won a comfortable victory. Of course, some unconventional campaigning and ballot stuffing was involved, but at least democracy was respected to an extent. The Constituent Assembly would go on to pass many socialist laws, including the 1918 Russian Constitution, but possibly its most important duty would be to orchestrate a meeting between Russia and Germany to discuss peace terms.

The Armistice of Luhansk was signed on the 1st of February. The terms were particularly harsh for the Russians: Finland would be granted independence, while Poland, Ukraine and Crimea would become German satellites. Additionally, a loose confederation of 3 duchies named the United Baltic Duchy would be formed and ruled by Baltic German nobility. Finally, concessions were also made to the Ottomans. This was technically a victory for both sides, as both would have peace and could focus elsewhere, yet in reality both were not too fond of each other. However, a new threat would soon appear for the Russians as resistance to the radical regime grew.

The first hot-spot of resistance was in South Russia. Local cossack groups were not happy with the new regime, and so during the early spring launched uprisings to kick out the Bolsheviks, which they did. Soon, a united front mainly led by the Cossacks of the Don would take control of the region. Additionally, in Siberia, which was more difficult to administer, former Imperial soldiers as well as supporters of the republic (supporters of the monarchy were very few) also seized many cities, forcing the Bolsheviks east of the Urals to either retreat in large pockets or to withdraw to a line just east of Kazan and Samara.

It would take time for these groups to fall. Additionally, the Germans began supporting enemies of the Bolsheviks: the Principality of Belarus was founded in Ruthenian territories, the Don Cossacks received large amount of support in funds and weapons and so did the Northwest Russian Army, a force cornered in the Pskov area. These groups would also receive German “volunteer troops”, although often they were actual Heer units. Throughout 1918, the conflict between the Bolsheviks and the resistance groups was limited, although some advances were made in the east. However, in 1919, following a proper reorganization of the Revolutionary Army, new offensives began. The southern Russian resistance was pushed further and further into the mountains of the Caucasus, where they would eventually collaborate with local separatist forces or escape to the pro-Central Powers nations of the Caucasus.

Germany wished to take pressure off the anti-Bolsheviks, and so supported the so called “March on Petrograd”. With heavy support from Berlin, the Northwest Russian Army led by Rodzyanko and Yudenich began attacking northwards with the aim of taking Petrograd, a key city. The army would eventually approach the capital of the nation, but a coordinated Bolshevik counter-offensive sent them into retreat. Soon, Rodzyanko was forced back into his original territories, only being held up by the Central Powers. During 1919 and 1920, the Bolsheviks would make advances in Siberia and mostly crush the resistance there. This cemented their position as the dominant Russian government. Additionally, a new agreement with Germany was signed, recognizing the independence of the Principality of Belarus while getting permission to invade the rump Northwest Army, as they did not want to come into conflict with the Kaiserreich again.

The Belarus agreement marked the effective end of conflict in Eastern Europe and Russia. Now, Germany began long-term planning about the future of its sphere of influence in the east as outlined by the Armistice of Luhansk. Firstly, stable governments would need to be formed, although they were already in place for the most part. In Poland, a kingdom had been established, but a regency was in control until a king could be elected. This decision was made in 1919, with the expected candidate being chosen: Archduke Charles Stephen, member of the House of Habsburg, mostly due to his fluency in Polish and knowledge of Polish culture in general. With a king having been decided, the Regency Council was disbanded. Still, its members dominated Polish politics in the future.

In the United Baltic Duchy, Adolf Pilar von Pilchau had assumed the role of temporary leader on behalf of the German Kaiser. This position was maintained, with von Pilchau reigning as the representative of Wilhelm II. Lithuania also saw the installment of Prince Joachim, son of Wilhelm, as its King. Belarus would remain under a regency, until a proper prince could be found. The only country to be spared of a foreign monarch was Ukraine, which maintained a semi-democratic government heavily influenced by Germany and Austria. Additionally, the German High Command formed a plan for a proper military defense and “occupation” of all these territories. As long as the country remained at peace, a garrison composed of approximately 20% German troops and 80% local ones would be formed and stationed across these satellite states. (Of course, even the local troops would be commanded by Germans) This was considered by the Ludendorff junta a good balance that would not keep too many Heer troops in the east, but still maintain a large force to fight foreign enemies or uprisings that would be inevitable.

With the stabilization of the eastern lands through military and political effort, the German government turned towards integrating the economies and exploiting the resources of their satellites. For this reason, on the 2nd of August, 1922, representatives from the governments of Germany, Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania met to negotiate the creation of Mitteleuropa, a strong economic union designed for Germany to dominate it. While these satellites would get the short straw, later on in its history Mitteleuropa would allow a “limited cooperation” to encourage other European nations to participate without suffering from these harsh terms.

Map 2: Austria-Hungary’s Reformation

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By the time the war ended in June 1918, Austria-Hungary was admittedly quite exhausted. While the war had put a strain on its resources, the most important problem for the Austro-Hungarian government was the ethnic trouble. For centuries, the Habsburgs had managed to rule over numerous nationalities, most of which despised German rule. However, now, with the rise of nationalism and the First World War, the Empire could be reaching its breaking point.

The Kaiser of the Empire, Karl I of Austria, had shown his willingness to reform the empire and give rights to the other ethnicities throughout the war. With peace being signed, Austria had mostly achieved its goals: Serbia had been punished and weakened, Italy had been neutralized and in the east the Empire shared control of Ukraine with Germany. Now, all that remained was to pacify the interior. This became increasingly urgent in December 1918, as throughout the month there was unrest in areas under the heel of the Empire, like in Galicia, Croatia and Bohemia. On the 25th of December, Christmas Day, Karl made an address to the country, in which he outlined the plans for the reforms that would take place in Austria-Hungary.

The Christmas Declaration called for the lands belonging to Austria-Hungary, instead of following a dual monarchy between Austria and Hungary, to become a federal union based on ethnic boundaries, with all states under the control of the monarch yet for them to have wide autonomy including a local parliament. Additionally, rights and local representation would be guaranteed for ethnicities outside their nation’s borders since that was also a common occurrence. Over the next months, the details and borders were ironed out (although they mostly followed Aurel Popovici’s pre-war plans), and in January 22, the vote in parliament was held. It passed, although with some difficulty, and three days later the Empire would change forever. Despite the opposition of certain groups, the Federation of the Danubian Crowns would come out of the post-war period, but still, people questioned whether this was enough to ensure its survival.
 
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