Malê Rising

If that's not enough, however, how about an intervention in Spain that goes wrong, similar to your idea of a failed attempt to aid Austria? In prior discussion, I've suggested (based on an idea of wolf_brother's) that the 1866 Spanish coup might succeed, touching off a short civil war and keeping France too distracted to intervene against Prussia. If the French army were to underestimate the Spaniards and send in a force inadequate to do the job - or maybe even if it did succeed but suffered a few embarrassing defeats at the hands of an army it had thought inferior - would this create sufficient pressure for reform?

I'm interested in hearing what galileo-034 has to say on this subject, but for myself I think this idea neatly dove-tails some of the on-going discussion regarding France, Europe, colonial relations, and the build-up to ITTL's *Great War nicely into one coherent plan.
 
When wolf_brother and I discussed this a while back, he argued that army reform was blocked primarily by certain conservative ministers, and that if they were marginalized, a stronger reform package (albeit maybe not everything the emperor was asking for) might have passed. I also figured that, because Napoleon III is liberalizing proactively rather than reactively in this timeline, he has been able to control the pace of democratization and keep certain areas (such as military policy) under more direct authority. Also, he's had more time to build up political capital with the urban liberals and might be able to push some unpopular measures through with an appeal to patriotism.
The ministers didn't oppose these military reforms IOTL: Marshal Randon was replaced by Marshal Niel as War Minister because of his opposition to the project. The main opponents of the military reform were not all among the Conservatives: Rouher, a prominent conservative, supported the reform because it was the will of the Emperor. The main obstacles went in fact from the Parliamant where deputies had taken advantages of the concessions given by Napoleon III. As I said before, the main reason of the failure of these reforms was an electoral one.
Each time, concessions towards liberalism were given (of course, they were claimed everytime as a gift of the Emperor, not under any pressure), the Republicans, the Catholic Conservatives and the Protectionnists took advantage of them to harden their attacks upon the regime; the political reforms were surely perceived as signs of weakness whom the opponents of the Empire wanted to take advantage (in my opinion).


BTW, did you see that I adopted your suggestion of partnering Prince Napoleon with Abdoulaye Diouf?
Yes, I did.
 
If that's not enough, however, how about an intervention in Spain that goes wrong, similar to your idea of a failed attempt to aid Austria? In prior discussion, I've suggested (based on an idea of wolf_brother's) that the 1866 Spanish coup might succeed, touching off a short civil war and keeping France too distracted to intervene against Prussia. If the French army were to underestimate the Spaniards and send in a force inadequate to do the job - or maybe even if it did succeed but suffered a few embarrassing defeats at the hands of an army it had thought inferior - would this create sufficient pressure for reform?
I'm interested in hearing what galileo-034 has to say on this subject, but for myself I think this idea neatly dove-tails some of the on-going discussion regarding France, Europe, colonial relations, and the build-up to ITTL's *Great War nicely into one coherent plan.
I don't see what interest would bring the French into a Spanish civil war. IOTL, they didn't intervene to restore Isabelle.
Even if France intervenes, it would not make great differences. In case of victory, even hardly won, it would not prompt reforms: the opponents of the reforms would ask 'why changing when it works'. In case of defeat, it would be like for Mexico; the failure of the French expedition only served to trigger more and more criticisms against the Emperor.
It was finally the amazing Prussian victory over Austria which prompted Napoleon III to launch reforms, to be able to avoid a French Sadowa. Spain was not agressive and felt as a threat to France, but Prussia was so.

Anyway, to reform the army further than IOTL is not necessary to prevent the catastrophic defeat of 1870. If the war still happens, prevent Sedan should be sufficient.
To prevent Sedan, there is to get the Army of the Rhine (~180,000 men) out of Metz to join the Army of Chalons (~100,000 men). IOTL, Napoleon III was confronted to two choices after the defeats of August: retreating towards Paris, or helping the Army of the Rhine (trapped in Metz). In this perspective, I've found through my searches that the battle of Mars-la-Tour (August 16th) was the crucial point. During this battle, 130,000 French soldiers had inflicted a serious setback on one isolated corps (~80,000 men) of the IInd Prussian Army. At the night, the French still held favourable positions and could have pursued the fights the following day with great possibilities of inflicting to the IInd Army a serious defeat, or they could have evacuated Metz before the Prussians can throw all their forces into the battlefield and cut the road to Verdun (which they did IOTL on August 18th at the battle of Gravelotte); IOTL, the victory of Mars-la-Tour wasn't exploited by a too timorous Bazaine,while he had been ordered by Napoleon III to evacuate Metz.
Thereafter, the French would surely retreat to protect Paris and draw the war into a stalemate. The two armies would in the first time be roughly equal in size (~250,000 men), as the Prussians would be forced to leave the main part of the Ist and IInd Armies to besiege the fortress which would resist longer than IOTL in Lorraine and Alsace and would prevent them from using the rail network of Lorraine (the supply lines would be a big problem for the Germans). The threat of a landing in North Germany (it was planned that Prince Napoleon would take command of this operation, but the project was abandonned after the defeats of August) would as IOTL retain a lot of German soldiers far from France (I've read somewhere it was around 100,000).
By the beginning of the winter, full mobilization would have been completed in France. IOTL, the French were able to mobilize more soldiers than the Germans:
1,400,000 soldiers for France (370,000 regulars, 600,000 men from the National Mobile Guard, 430,000 men from the National Guard, and 18,000 officers) against 1,200,000 men for the Prussians and their allies (730,000 regulars, 470,000 men from the Landwehr and 13,000 officers).
At the contrary of the Republicans (who did a good work when we consider the little means that they had after Sedan), the Imperials would not be handicaped by the lack of experienced officers (captured at Sedan and Metz).
 
The main obstacles went in fact from the Parliamant where deputies had taken advantages of the concessions given by Napoleon III [...]

You mean the conservative, monarchist, deputies that were working to undermine the military as a means of weakening the Bonapartist and the emperor's legitimacy in order to usher in a Second Restoration? ;)

I don't see what interest would bring the French into a Spanish civil war. IOTL, they didn't intervene to restore Isabelle.
Even if France intervenes, it would not make great differences. In case of victory, even hardly won, it would not prompt reforms: the opponents of the reforms would ask 'why changing when it works'. In case of defeat, it would be like for Mexico; the failure of the French expedition only served to trigger more and more criticisms against the Emperor.
It was finally the amazing Prussian victory over Austria which prompted Napoleon III to launch reforms, to be able to avoid a French Sadowa. Spain was not agressive and felt as a threat to France, but Prussia was so.

The original thought that Jonathan Edelstein is referencing is something we hashed out earlier in the thread whereby Juan Prim's 1866 mutiny is much more successful, launching an earlier Glorious Revolution/Third Carlist War, in the midst of a larger Chincha Islands War due to butterflies in South America. With France having significant commitments and resources already wrapped up in South America, intervening to end the Spanish fighting before it spills across the borders, both in Europe and South America, becomes Napoléon III's highest priority. It also serves to redeem him, so to speak, or at least shore some of his support among the conservative faction in Paris. The crushing defeat of a French army somewhere in the Pyrenees by a group of rag-tag rebels would likely be enough to kick off the reforms needed, and undermine the conservatives hold on power even further (it helps that ITTL Napoléon III also has some liberal supporters who would be open to the idea of military reform to begin with).
 
Ad. Great War - if there's to be an Austria set against North Germany, I believe that Ausgleich needs to be avoided and instead the federal solution implemented or at least more autonomy for lands of Austrian Empire. Otherwise Hungarians will be able to prevent Franz Josef from acting.
 
You mean the conservative, monarchist, deputies that were working to undermine the military as a means of weakening the Bonapartist and the emperor's legitimacy in order to usher in a Second Restoration? ;)
The Republicans also opposed the reform.


The original thought that Jonathan Edelstein is referencing is something we hashed out earlier in the thread whereby Juan Prim's 1866 mutiny is much more successful, launching an earlier Glorious Revolution/Third Carlist War, in the midst of a larger Chincha Islands War due to butterflies in South America. With France having significant commitments and resources already wrapped up in South America, intervening to end the Spanish fighting before it spills across the borders, both in Europe and South America, becomes Napoléon III's highest priority. It also serves to redeem him, so to speak, or at least shore some of his support among the conservative faction in Paris. The crushing defeat of a French army somewhere in the Pyrenees by a group of rag-tag rebels would likely be enough to kick off the reforms needed, and undermine the conservatives hold on power even further (it helps that ITTL Napoléon III also has some liberal supporters who would be open to the idea of military reform to begin with).
Spain would no more than another Mexico in my opinion.
The main goals of the reform were the creation of an obligatory military service, and the modernization of armaments. The latter should not be a problem. At the contrary, the former would be the main problem. Conscription was unpopular and would be an as big problem as in the Union during the ACW. Eventually, if the war in Spain reach a scale that would necessitate that the French send more soldiers than their standing army could field, the conscription would be necessary and could be imposed as a fait accompli. In a such scenario, it could work.
However, I have doubts. Seemingly, France would being by 1866 participating to many expeditions in Latin America ITTL (Mexico, Brazil, Araucania and Patagonia). More and more expeditions would be surely received by more and more criticisms, especially when it would strain the Finances of the Empire (and don't forget that a new economic crisis is coming in 1866). Conscription for a war in Spain would be even more unpopular.
Money is going to be the other big problem.
 
I'm not quite so sure. IOTL the French only put some 35,000 troops into Mexico, alongside 20,000 Mexican imperialists, and roughly another 10,000 auxiliaries from the Belgian Legion, pro-Hapsburg volunteers, and Sudanese slave-soldiers. To put that in context for everyone else reading this, during the Campagne d'Italie just a few years before the Mexican Intervention France put some 130,000 men in the field, and in 1866 Marshal Randon told Napoléon III that he could have "80,000 men on the border immediately, and 250,000 within twenty days" in response to the Emperor's questioning about France's options regarding intervening in the Austro-Prussian War. Even if we assume the same OTL commitment to Mexico ITTL to Mexico, Brazil, Araucania and Patagonia, that's still not going to be causing an unsustainable strain on the empire's military or finances.
 
I'm not quite so sure. IOTL the French only put some 35,000 troops into Mexico, alongside 20,000 Mexican imperialists, and roughly another 10,000 auxiliaries from the Belgian Legion, pro-Hapsburg volunteers, and Sudanese slave-soldiers. To put that in context for everyone else reading this, during the Campagne d'Italie just a few years before the Mexican Intervention France put some 130,000 men in the field, and in 1866 Marshal Randon told Napoléon III that he could have "80,000 men on the border immediately, and 250,000 within twenty days" in response to the Emperor's questioning about France's options regarding intervening in the Austro-Prussian War. Even if we assume the same OTL commitment to Mexico ITTL to Mexico, Brazil, Araucania and Patagonia, that's still not going to be causing an unsustainable strain on the empire's military or finances.
And Marshal Leboeuf said in 1870: "So ready are we, that if the war lasts two years, not a gaiter button would be found wanting."
Italy is not as far as Mexico; there is an ocean.
The loans contracted to fund the expedition of Mexico were subject to many controversies; imagine that the government should have to justify other loans for Brazil, Araucania and maybe Spain.
 
The main goals of the reform were the creation of an obligatory military service, and the modernization of armaments. The latter should not be a problem. At the contrary, the former would be the main problem. Conscription was unpopular and would be an as big problem as in the Union during the ACW. Eventually, if the war in Spain reach a scale that would necessitate that the French send more soldiers than their standing army could field, the conscription would be necessary and could be imposed as a fait accompli. In a such scenario, it could work.

However, I have doubts. Seemingly, France would being by 1866 participating to many expeditions in Latin America ITTL (Mexico, Brazil, Araucania and Patagonia). More and more expeditions would be surely received by more and more criticisms, especially when it would strain the Finances of the Empire (and don't forget that a new economic crisis is coming in 1866). Conscription for a war in Spain would be even more unpopular.

Money is going to be the other big problem.

I don't think the overseas expeditions will be that much of a stretch. The force in Patagonia consists of one battalion, later reinforced to a brigade; it's there more for deterrent effect than anything else, to warn the Argentines and Chileans that if they mess with the Mapuche, they're messing with France. The Brazilian intervention is larger, but Napoleon III will dragoon the Princess Regent into paying part of the cost with bonds and mineral concessions. And France is using more colonial troops, who are paid less and cost less to equip.

Politically, one of Napoleon III's problems in OTL was that his liberalism was too little too late; as he lost the support of the conservative faction, he turned to the liberals only to find that most of them also distrusted him and many were republicans. In this timeline, the shift toward a liberal empire came earlier, and was more proactive than reactive; my guess is that under these conditions, the liberals would be more receptive to an alliance with the emperor, and that by the late 1860s, there would be a bloc of liberal Bonapartists in the corps législatif who he could call on to support the army reforms.

Still, I take your point about money being a problem, especially if France becomes involved in Spain (which could happen for a number of reasons, the simplest being an unintentional violation of the French border by one of the Spanish armies). Also, as you say, conscription is probably destined to be unpopular and would require a strong public feeling that it is necessary.

On the other hand, what about limited conscription? Suppose, for instance, that the emperor and the deputies compromised on a system like what Ecuador has today, in which everyone is liable to conscription in theory but there are liberal hardship exemptions and the penalty for draft-dodging is a fine that middle-class families can afford to pay. This would mean that, in practice, the conscripts would come from the politically powerless classes, and would neutralize some of the urban opposition, even among liberals (many of whom really didn't care that much about the poor). Also, the fines would help pay for the modernization of military equipment; in effect, they would be a one-time tax on every middle and upper-class adult.

I could imagine the emperor being able to push something like this through, especially if there's just been a military defeat near the Spanish border and everyone is in a patriotic fervor over the threat to the homeland. Then, once the new system (combined with better French generalship as you suggest) proves itself in the Franco-Prussian war, demands for equity will gradually erode the middle-class exemptions and conscription will become more universal. The end result would be a stronger and more modern French military going into the 1890s.

Ad. Great War - if there's to be an Austria set against North Germany, I believe that Ausgleich needs to be avoided and instead the federal solution implemented or at least more autonomy for lands of Austrian Empire. Otherwise Hungarians will be able to prevent Franz Josef from acting.

Would that still be so if the war were started by a country other than Austria - for instance, if the NDB got into a war with Bavaria, and the terms of the Austro-Bavarian alliance required it to intervene?

Anyway, the next update should appear soon; it's been a rough week at work, but I've got the story blocked out.
 
Regarding Napoleon III's adventures in the Western Hemisphere:

There's a whole lot I don't understand about Maximillian's French-installed Empire of Mexico OTL. I don't know what the pretext was, for instance. I certainly have little idea of what Napoleon III was hoping to gain out of the intervention, exactly. Was it just a speculative venture, on the theory that a big chunk of American land would have offer opportunities to recoup the investment somehow, or were there specific plans to make the coup pay for itself?

One thing I do understand though--Uncle Sam did not approve! It was about as clearcut a defiance of the Monroe Doctrine as could be. But of course at the time, Uncle Sam was busy wrestling with Johnny Reb.

Also, during the OTL Civil War, there was some talk among elite circles in Britain and France about supporting the Confederacy fully and openly. Certainly the British did some things that the Unionists strongly disapproved of. The argument to supplement the obvious cynical European interest in the US breaking up into two mutually checking and competing fractions was that actually the Union could hardly claim to be very serious about freeing the slaves, let alone looking after the interests of the freedmen, so since it was morally a wash, why not favor the side that was franker, and offering concessions in return for support?

As I understand it, sentiments in Britain were polarized on class lines; advocates of varying degrees of accommodation of the Confederacy were to be found more often as one went up the social ladder, whereas among the working classes pro-Union sentiment strongly prevailed. Eventually, when Lincoln had some solid military victories to point to and meanwhile had undertaken some solid steps to show the Union was committed to civil rights for the African-Americans, it became politically impossible for Britain to intrigue further on behalf of the secessionists. But in the interim, both major European powers had people making some very alarming suggestions, and I believe Emperor Napoleon III himself was among them.

So the Mexican misadventure was seen in a particularly jaundiced light in Washington DC; once the secessionists were put down, the US government was particularly concerned to see it brought to an end, as it was not only a violation of a principle Americans had considered a bulwark of their own defense in general, but appeared to be particularly a scheme aimed against the Union and for the Union's bitter enemies.

Now, this timeline is rather different, because the slave risings and visible alliance of the Federal Government with self-liberated former slaves happened early, strongly, and visibly. There would have been far less latitude for the suggestion that there wasn't a shilling or centime's bit of difference between the North and South; European advocates of supporting the Confederacy, or merely taking advantage of the Union's distraction, would have marked themselves as clearly cynical and inhumane.

But by that same token, if Napoleon III had some other reason other than that the USA was tied up and buffered away to strike at Mexico when he did, if he avoided intemperate words against the Union, he might largely escape the stigma of an aggressive filibuster that appeared to be in support of the Confederacy; the post-war Americans would still be displeased with him, but perhaps not nearly as much as OTL.

So this might have a bearing on Maximillian's chances of success.

If Napoleon had been able to keep his puppet in place, and more or less controlled Mexico for a time much longer than OtL, could benefits, either intangible political ones or matters of material resource flows, accrue to justify the costs and risks of the venture and thus win support to consolidate it and for other schemes to?

If we assume Maximillian is going down eventually, but before he does, other American adventures seem to be going well, then Napoleon III might not suffer too much loss of face when Max is ejected, dead or alive, from Mexico.
 
Some times ago, I found informations about a projected expedition by Werner Munzinger in Erythrea aimed at bringing the region under French rule which was to take place in 1870. The expedition was cancelled just before departure from Toulon by the beginning of the war with Prussia.
ITTL, are there possibilities that an other expedition be launched after the war?
 
There's a whole lot I don't understand about Maximillian's French-installed Empire of Mexico OTL. I don't know what the pretext was, for instance. I certainly have little idea of what Napoleon III was hoping to gain out of the intervention, exactly. Was it just a speculative venture, on the theory that a big chunk of American land would have offer opportunities to recoup the investment somehow, or were there specific plans to make the coup pay for itself?

The pretext was Juarez' suspension of interest payments on Mexican debt. According to Wikipedia, Napoleon's motivations (aside from the obvious one of collecting what France was owed) included a desire to mend relations with Austria after French support of the Risorgimento, the wish for a friendly Catholic monarchy in Latin America as a check against the United States, and obtaining mineral concessions for France. As for "why Maximilian," Mexican monarchists had actually begun courting him in the late 1850s, several years before the French invasion.

Also, during the OTL Civil War, there was some talk among elite circles in Britain and France about supporting the Confederacy fully and openly [...] So the Mexican misadventure was seen in a particularly jaundiced light in Washington DC; once the secessionists were put down, the US government was particularly concerned to see it brought to an end, as it was not only a violation of a principle Americans had considered a bulwark of their own defense in general, but appeared to be particularly a scheme aimed against the Union and for the Union's bitter enemies.

Now, this timeline is rather different, because the slave risings and visible alliance of the Federal Government with self-liberated former slaves happened early, strongly, and visibly. There would have been far less latitude for the suggestion that there wasn't a shilling or centime's bit of difference between the North and South; European advocates of supporting the Confederacy, or merely taking advantage of the Union's distraction, would have marked themselves as clearly cynical and inhumane.

But by that same token, if Napoleon III had some other reason other than that the USA was tied up and buffered away to strike at Mexico when he did, if he avoided intemperate words against the Union, he might largely escape the stigma of an aggressive filibuster that appeared to be in support of the Confederacy; the post-war Americans would still be displeased with him, but perhaps not nearly as much as OTL.

So this might have a bearing on Maximillian's chances of success.

Even without tacit French support for the Confederacy, which I agree wouldn't exist in this timeline, there's still the Monroe Doctrine. The Union wouldn't have any strong ill will toward France, but it also wouldn't want a de facto French colony on its southern border - and in this timeline, it would be able to turn its attention to Mexican affairs a year earlier than OTL. So if anything, I'd expect Maximilian to go down sooner, although maybe in a way less humiliating to France - a negotiated departure with a payment schedule for past-due bonds, for instance, rather than a Union-sponsored Juarista military victory. (Of course, that would mean a weaker Juarez, and possibly an earlier Porfiriato, but I digress.)

Some times ago, I found informations about a projected expedition by Werner Munzinger in Erythrea aimed at bringing the region under French rule which was to take place in 1870. The expedition was cancelled just before departure from Toulon by the beginning of the war with Prussia. ITTL, are there possibilities that an other expedition be launched after the war?

I've mentioned in earlier discussion that France will want Djibouti in order to prevent Britain from controlling both sides of the Bab el Mandab. In OTL, the French treaties with the Afars and Issas were made in the 1880s; in this timeline, that could easily take place in the 1870s, and Eritrea would be a natural place to expand from there. If the ATL Franco-Prussian war ends in 1872 or 73, the Munzinger expedition could very well take place soon after.
 
A Malê abroad

Northern India
October 1865

k3Slf.jpg

“There!” the scout called. “In there!”

Usman Abacar looked where the scout was pointing. The valley looked like any other, here in the Aravalli hill country, but the soldier was sure that this was where bandits had trapped a British patrol.

Seeing no obvious danger, Usman turned in the saddle, signaled to his thirty Sikh sowars, and rode toward the valley at the canter. Behind, his brother-lieutenant William Carlisle did the same with his own thirty. Carlisle was six months junior to Usman and, unlike many of the other juniors, didn’t seem to resent it; he was brave enough but indecisive, and he was happy to let someone else take charge. And Carlisle had been happy to follow Usman when, after chancing on the scout who’d escaped the siege, he’d decided to ride to the patrol’s rescue rather than reporting up the line.

It was only a few minutes later that Usman heard the sound of scattered gunshots. They were in the right place and had arrived in time; he hoped the scout was also right about the bandits’ numbers, or he might regret coming with only two cavalry troops. He was fairly sure his men could outrun the dacoits if it came to that, but if not, he might find himself praying that his scout had got through.

And then they came into view around a bend in the valley: a motley collection of bandits gathered around the box canyon that the patrol had chosen to defend. It looked like about a hundred of them: more than the scout had estimated, but not many more. Between his men, Carlisle’s and the patrol, the odds would be only slightly worse than even.

One of them pointed at Usman’s troops and gave a cry: there was nothing for it now except to charge while they were still scattered. Usman urged his horse into a gallop, drew his sabre with a rasp, and flourished it over his head. “Khalsa-ji!” he shouted. “Bole so nihal!”

He let the shout fill him as his sowars answered "Sat sri akal!", and for a moment, he felt the sheer physical joy of being twenty-four years old on a crisp fall day, riding a fast horse with thirty picked men at his back. This was the part of a cavalry charge which gave him the same sense of youth and strength as when he practiced the capoeira. The part after this was the one that gave him nightmares.

He looked back at the soldiers following him, and signaled them to close. They’d be outnumbered if they fought all the dacoits at once, but if they could overwhelm the nearer ones before the others could aid them, they might be able to get the advantage.

Both sides were firing now, and he saw one of the bandits fall. “The horses!” he ordered in fluent Punjabi. “Shoot at the horses!” A few of the Sikhs started to correct their aim, but there was hardly time to do so before the charge struck home.

Usman found himself trading strokes with a rough-looking man about ten years his senior. He had a brief time to wonder whether the bandit was evil or a decent man gone wrong – someone, maybe, who’d lost home and family during the mutiny, or in the famine four years past. But he’d never know, and right now it didn’t matter. He saw an opening and stabbed forward with the sabre as he’d been taught when he was eight; the movement of his horse made him miss the dacoit’s gut, but the point took the bandit in the ribs and he dropped his own sword.

The momentum of the battle had carried them past each other now, and there was no chance to finish the bandit, but that didn’t matter either; dead or wounded, he was out of the fight. It was like that, most of the time. Usman had been in six other battles, all back-country skirmishes like this one, and he still wasn’t sure if he’d killed anyone. When he thought about it, he preferred it that way.

He had a few seconds to look around him and see how the fight was going. The nearer of the bandits had been routed, and a few of his and Carlisle’s men were chasing them. “Back to me!” he called, making his voice carry. “To me!” This was no time for his force to break up, not when they still hadn’t done much better than even the odds.

The sowars closed on Usman to confront the bandits still in the field, but for the third time that day, it didn’t matter. He looked ahead of him and saw the patrol sortieing from the canyon, and the dacoits, who had already been wavering, decided to give the battle up as a bad job. Whatever they’d sought to get from the patrol – guns, ammunition, rations – would cost them too dear now, and though they were brave men, they saw no point in fighting for its own sake. First one, then a few, then all of them fled up the valley.

Usman heard a voice at his shoulder: Anil Singh, one of his daffadars. “Should we chase them, sir?”

He thought about it for a moment. “No, let them go. We don’t know if they’ve got friends waiting up the road. We’ll report them at Nasirabad, and let the brass decide what to do about them.” The sergeant nodded and went to see to the wounded.

The officer in charge of the patrol – a lieutenant Usman didn’t recognize – rode over, but whatever he’d planned to say was cut off by the double take he did when he saw who’d rescued him. Usman was used to that. Surprise wasn’t so bad; the problem was the people who couldn’t get beyond the surprise.

This one could. “Well and timely done,” he said, his accent reminding Usman of some of the aristocrats he’d known at school. “You have my thanks.”

“My pleasure,” Usman answered, and took the offered hand; then he too had injured men to attend.

*******


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The clamor began as soon as Usman entered the market. “Grilled lamb, Sidi, slaughtered this morning!” “Silver and gold, Sidi, to make your wife look like a rani!” “Sidi, in here! Girls who’ll make you forget all other women!” “For you, Sidi!” “Sidi, sidi...”

Usman smiled inwardly. Anyone else in his uniform would be called “sahib,” but he was a black man, so the merchants and touts called him by the name Africans bore in India. Most of the Sidis lived to the south or west, in Gujarat or Sindh, but he’d met two or three who’d come far to serve in the Rajput princes’ armies. Their blood was African, that was plain to see, but they’d been here so long that there was little of Africa in them except for their songs, their faith, and a few words with hints of Arabic and something else Usman didn’t recognize. They’d been here long enough, that they’d forgotten what “sidi” really meant – forgotten, in fact, that “sidi” and “sahib” meant exactly the same thing.

The thought was an amusing one: does it matter that they call me “lord,” if they don’t know that they’re doing it? At least the Sidis were thought to be loyal soldiers; Usman wasn’t a lord, but he was that, and being looked upon as a Sidi gave him some trust that a sahib might not have.

He bought a couple of rolled chapatis stuffed with spiced dhal, and wandered through the market looking for presents: for his mother and Nana Asma’u, for Sarah, for Mrs. Alexander, for a couple of the women he knew outside Nasirabad cantonment. He was in no hurry; he’d given the men two days’ liberty in Udaipur on the way home, which meant that once he’d seen to their lodgings, he had two days’ liberty as well.

Usman found something for his mother, a patterned red head-covering and a necklace of silver beads dotted with colored stones, and made his way through winding streets to the Lake Pichola quayside. He ate his chapatis on the steps leading down to the lakeshore, looking out at the Lake Palace and the Jag Mandir, and then took a folded sheet of paper from his pocket and began to sketch. He was an indifferent artist, but Sarah loved his drawings of India, and he tried to include one in every letter.

And besides, Udaipur, city of lakes and palaces, was a place well worth drawing. Udaipur, and Jaipur with its boulevards and pink tiled gates, were beautiful cities in a way that London was not; they’d been designed, almost as works of art, rather than growing with no plan. They were what the new city of Ilorin might look like had it been older and built by a succession of kings rather than industrialists.

But for all that, the people were poorer than in London or even Ilorin, both in the provinces where the Indian princes were still nominal rulers and those where the district officers had taken their place, and there were no mills like the rich men of Ilorin and Sokoto had built. Anand, the innkeeper at Nasirabad, had told him once: “We had our workshops a hundred years ago, but now the British buy our produce cheap and sell us their goods dear, and we pay the price when famine comes.”

Usman had felt driven to defend his second homeland, arguing that Britain had sent food to relieve the famine when the princes had not, and that it had built the railroads by which the food had been delivered. “The rajas are worth nothing,” Anand had said, conceding the point. “But if so many farms hadn’t been made into plantations, and if the taxes hadn’t been set so high, the famine wouldn’t have been nearly as hard. It was a money-famine. A cotton-famine.”

RAVJ6.jpg


All that seemed very distant here at the Udaipur quays, gazing out at the Jag Mandir and listening to the bird-calls. But the market and the serai where he’d lodged his sowars weren’t distant at all, and places like that reminded him of how the people who’d built cities like this bowed and scraped to anyone in a British uniform. And when they did that to Usman’s uniform, it suddenly didn’t seem to matter that half the other officers didn’t think he should be wearing one; it made him feel like all the things his father had told him not to be.

He might write about that, in his next letter to his mother. He’d write something different to Sarah, along with the sketch; maybe something about the Sidis. He’d wondered lately about how there seemed to be Africans in every part of the world. They’d been taken there against their will, but when they returned, as Usman’s father had done, they brought all that was good from the nations where they had traveled. Maybe some of India should return to Africa as well – and maybe the countries where the Africans had gone should take what was good about Africa and make it their own. Customs could be shared as easily as blood; more so, in fact. What would a race that contained the best of all races look like? How could he join that race, as his father surely had?

He finished his sketch and looked at it with an appraising eye; it would do. He’d make a copy that evening for Mrs. Alexander, but for now, he refolded it and sat watching the boats on the lake. A few minutes later, when his mind was clear, he got up and started for the serai.

*******

It was morning in Nasirabad, and Usman fixed himself some tea in the wardroom. A few of the other officers were getting an early start on their drinking and invited him to join them; he went to sit at their table, but declined the offer of beer. That, at least, had never been a problem; enough of the officers were teetotal that refusing a drink wasn’t seen as strange. “Hadn’t realized that Mahometans were bloody Methodists,” one of the captains had said, but that had been all.

Before he could do more than exchange greetings, Carlisle was in the door, waving a document and scarcely able to conceal his excitement. “Abacar!” he called. “Come look at this. Both of us mentioned in despatches! This is bloody famous!” He crossed to the table and laid the paper down with a flourish, accepting the congratulations of his fellow officers.

“That’s very good,” Usman said, warmed by his friend’s pleasure. “But I also got a paper today.” He drew a folded letter from his pocket and handed it to Carlisle; it was from his agent in Bombay, notifying him that his commission had been sold and he was authorized passage to Lagos.

Disbelief came over Carlisle’s face as the import of the letter sank in. “Are you mad? Selling up now, when we’ll both be captains?”

You might get a captaincy for this, but I very much doubt I would. “Remember the old major that I stayed with in England, who bought me my commission? The one who died last year?” He waited for Carlisle’s nod; the news of Robert Alexander’s death had hit him hard, even though the major had been ninety. “He told me to serve two or three years and go home before I forgot what home was. It’s been three years now, and I’m in danger of forgetting.”

The other lieutenant scanned his face, and evidently realized that the decision was made. “When are you leaving, then?”

“When my replacement gets here. Two or three weeks, I’d guess.”

“Good luck to you. Maybe I’ll see you again.”

“I hope so,” Usman said, and he did. But at that moment, he was thinking of Africa, and wondering how it would look to a traveler’s eyes.
 
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Excellent update, Jonathan. Usman has some bold dreams - and his feelings towards the British are very conflicted. You've created a fascinating character here.

So the Mutiny still happened as OTL? You've captured India wonderfully, particularly Udaipur - have you been there? You did a fine job giving an idea of the feel of India.

Cheers,
Ganesha
 
Excellent update, Jonathan. Usman has some bold dreams - and his feelings towards the British are very conflicted. You've created a fascinating character here.

Thanks! At this point, Usman considers himself partly British, but is realizing that he'll have to fight Britain in order to protect Ilorin. He'll be against the British at some points, for them at others, and eventually... well, you'll see.

His dreams will build on his father's, and he has definite ideas of what he wants his part of Africa to be.

So the Mutiny still happened as OTL? You've captured India wonderfully, particularly Udaipur - have you been there? You did a fine job giving an idea of the feel of India.

The rebellion happened more or less as OTL. A few names and dates are changed - for instance, some officers who may have been present in OTL were killed in Dahomey in this timeline - but nothing that would materially change either the general time frame or the result. I don't see anything in the POD that would butterfly away the causes of the mutiny, and the Islamic liberal movements haven't really influenced India yet, so there wouldn't be significant changes in the attitudes of either the Muslim Indian soldiers or the British.

I've never been to India, but an uncle lived there for several years and I grew up on his stories. I'm certainly planning to go - Rajasthan is at the top of my list, but I'd like to see the whole country eventually.
 
This really drives home how often in 19th century colonialism the Europeans had the benefit of experience in that they could apply models that worked elsewhere etc. while the people on the other end usually had to learn everything anew each time. Nice to see the Male avoiding that, at least to some extent, here...
 
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Great update as ususal.

I have to say it ends-up taking me twice as long to read these as other things since I'm constantly looking up stuff mentioned, like cities, terms and such, which is a good thing.
 
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I've found an idea I think better than an intervention in Spain: Poland.
After the initial uprising, the Polish cause received support from almost everyone in France, from the Emperor to the opposition. Prince Napoleon, an ardent supporter of this cause had even been proposed the Polish crown three times (1855,1861 and 1868).

What become French Indochina ITTL ?
 
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