March on the White House: Hearst and the Bonus Army
“ It is a little difficult for me to give an exact historic judgement about a man whom I so thoroughly dislike and despise as I do Hearst… He preaches the gospel of envy, hatred and unrest. His actions so far go to show that he is entirely willing to sanction any mob violence if he thinks that for the moment votes are to be gained by so doing… If the circumstances were ripe in America… I should think that Hearst would aspire to play the part of some of the least worthy creatures of the French Revolution… He is the most potent single influence for evil we have in our life.”- Theodore Roosevelt (OTL)
“We can't let this happen. We should march on Washington and stop this travesty!”*
“We should have a revolution in this country!”
“Just thinking to myself right now, we should just cancel the election and just give it to Trump, right? What are we even having it for? What are we having it for? Her policies are so bad.”
*"This Travesty" meaning the re-election of Barack Obama
Army Chief of Staff Douglas MacArthur fumed as his chauffeur filled his jeep with gas . He had received a telegram from Major Patton reading URGENT COME TO ANACOSTIA NOW, but the telegram had no further details. Intelligence had recently reported that the disorganized army of veterans agitating President Hoover for bonus relief were preparing to cross the Potomac and march on the Capitol itself. MacArthur feared that the Communists within the Army had begun the first stage of the overthrow of the Republic. The Army had to be prepared to act quickly in order to crush the Reds before it was too late. “Drive Now!” MacArthur barked as the chauffeur returned to the driver’s seat.
The Jeep halted at the entrance to the 11th Street Bridge. An endless stream of tanks and soldiers lined the Potomac; their weapons pointed at their former comrades across the river. The traffic guard approached MacArthur’s convoy. Upon seeing the general; he waved for the emergency gate to be removed, allowing the convoy to pass. The ruckus of the Bonus Army grew louder as MacArthur was driven across the bridge. MacArthur and his deputy, George Van Horn Moseley, exited his jeep as the jeep stopped on the Potomac’s southern bank. Patton appeared and quickly approached MacArthur.
“Sir, the situation has become suddenly become politically difficult.”
MacArthur removed his corn cob pipe and blew a smoke ring. “This whole circus is already a political landmine. What else is new?”
“Sir, William Randolph Hearst has arrived in person to agitate the marchers. He- he’s asked to meet with the President at the White House. And he’s planning on bringing all of his friends”- Patton gestured towards the ragged city of tents behind him- “across the Potomac to allegedly petition the President. I’ve already notified the White House, but it seems the marchers are planning action before sundown. I’ve attempted to get Hearst to scatter, but he insists that he will only negotiate with you.”
“ Does Hearst really think he can play the role of Mussolini? Two-bit fascism and pathetic showmanship may work in Europe, but not here.” Moseley ticked as if he were about to speak; but he bit his tongue. “We won’t allow it. Of course we can’t allow anything to happen to Hearst personally- Lord knows I’d get more than an earful from Congress and the Democrats. But Hearst is a businessman- let’s see how much he’s willing to bargain. FALL IN!” The soldiers in MacArthur’s convoy entered formation; their guns glistening in the sun. “Where is Hearst? I’ll meet with him now. MARCH!” MacArthur and his guard followed Patton into the Hooverville to the jeers of the assembled veterans. The soldiers pointed their bayonets towards the marchers, who fell back slightly but continued to taunt the soldiers from a distance.
MacArthur gasped as his unit approached a large crowd. “The Hell?” The scene resembled a county carnival more than an insurgent army. Hundreds lined up around a group of trucks camped in the middle of the Hooverville. Each of the trucks was covered with large HEARST/LEWIS 32’ banners as well as giant portraits of the candidates themselves. The Democratic donkey was also depicted among the banners. Hearst’s food trucks had become an increasingly common sight in America’s most prominent cities. The food trucks had been seen across the whole country, from the hoovervilles of Central Park to the Port of Seattle. The enormous posters of Hearst followed the trucks; and had become nationally ubiquitous. Rarely, however, had the political message of the trucks been so brazen. Adjacent to the truck was a group of chorus girls; whom the veterans seemed eager to interact with. Remarkably, a few Hollywood actresses were among the crowd! MacArthur spotted Marion Davies, Greta Garbo, Norma Shearer, Joan Crawford, and Jean Harlow rapidly signing autographs at a folding table.
At the center of the ruckus was, naturally, Hearst himself. Hearst stood aboard a large wagon, large megaphone in hand. On both sides of him were a few men in khaki paramilitary shirts. One of the guards carried an over-sized American flag. Hearst was yelling into a large megaphone as the veterans repeatedly hailed him with the Bellamy Salute. MacArthur found Hearst to be unimpressive in person. The man was plain, overweight, and weak-voiced. MacArthur, however, could not help but admire his enthusiasm. “The American government must be brought in accordance with the wishes of the American people! The government must uphold the promises made to America’s soldiers! The bandits must return to the people what is rightfully theirs! Give the people their bonuses now!”
“Hail Hearst! Hail Hearst!” cried the crowd.
“General MacArthur! Welcome to our celebration!”
“Now Mr. Hearst, as an official of the U.S Army, I take no position on political activity; but you are intruding on an official military zone. Since your new friends seem to enjoy you so much; we’d prefer if you take your party somewhere a little more private- to your personal home or property.”
“My dear general, it will reassure you to learn that my full intent is to assemble with these fine gentlemen in what is soon to be my home- THE WHITE HOUSE!”
“Can’t you wait for half a year more? I’m afraid this gathering must disperse on the grounds of disturbing the peace.”
“That would be a very unjust and foolish decision, General. If Hoover and his corrupt Tories and bankers were to suppress patriotic veterans exercising their right to peaceful assembly; I’d imagine the American people would lose faith in our government altogether. Only the blackest tyrant would threaten the bloody dispersion of his political opponents in the name of upholding his corrupt rule. Such an event would be a second Boston Massacre! I’d hate to see the terrible headlines in the newspapers following such an evil atrocity.”
“Very well, Mr. Hearst. I’ll give you peace- for now. But you and your friends best not get too comfortable.” MacArthur, Moseley, and Patton retreated away from the gathering. “George, you’ve spoken with your man Joe Angelo. Hearst’s opportunism here should be self-evident. What’s going on?”
Patton pointed to Angelo, who stood to the side of Hearst holding an American flag. “Joe and his boys have no illusions regarding Hearst’s personal motives; but they don’t care. Angelo knows Hearst is no saint; but these men are too desperate to be looking for saints. Hearst is their champion, and they’ll follow him to the ends of the earth.”
“May I speak frankly, sir?” asked Moseley. “Even if you disperse this rally, Hearst is likely to be President in a few months. Hoover has no popular support. If you interfere here, you could jeopardize not only your own career, but the Army itself. I don’t like showing such weakness, but our options are limited here.”
“What you are suggesting is mutiny, Moseley.”
“It’s either mutiny now, or mutiny in March. We should tread very carefully here. I have no use for disorder- I don’t think Mr. Hearst recognizes the influence of the communists among these hooligans- but let us not become a pawn of darker forces.”
“Given the political sensitivities of the situation; I’m afraid an order to clear the camp must come from the President himself. I’d prefer an alternative, but we will do our duty regardless.”
MacArthur and Moseley walked back to the Anacostia Bridge and returned to their jeep. Major Eisenhower, who was seated in the second jeep, ordered the convoy to commence. MacArthur’s convoy then drove to the northern side of the Potomac, towards the White House itself. The threat of the Bonus Army had turned Washington into an armed camp. Snipers stood on the roofs of buildings, and units of soldiers marched down the streets. A thousand veterans remained camped in the Federal Triangle; surrounded on all sides by the Army. Parking on the National Mall; General MacArthur and his men marched to the Oval Office.
Hoover, engaged in conversation with D.C Police commissioner Pelham Glassford and several other advisers, eyed the general warily from the Resolute Desk. “Is this a coup?” asked the President, his expression dour and his eyes haggard. “Is there any hope as to Hearst leaving?”
“Hearst is boiling for a fight, Mr. President. If he doesn’t get what he wants; he is ready to provoke a war and milk the profits. Mr. President, we must be resolute in dealing with these anarchists. If disorder were to spread, the whole integrity of the government could come into question. We must act quickly to prevent revolution.”
Glassford shook his head. “A bloodbath would only increase the wrath of the people. Mr. President, I urge you to see reason. The path that General MacArthur proposes would destroy not only your presidency, but democracy itself. Do you want to go down in history as Hoover the butcher?”
“Mr. President,” interjected Secretary of State Henry Stimson, “we have not been effective in dealing with the problem of Mr. Hearst. We have underestimated his ability to gain power within the Democratic Party, and now your administration has tried too hard to appease his newspapers while undermining the long-term strength of the nation. I say to you, there must be no further appeasement of Hearst!”
“Mr. President,” said Attorney General Mitchell, “J. Edgar’s reports show that this so-called Bonus Army is infected with criminals, radicals, and all manner of unsavoury characters. Mr. Hearst’ intention here is clear: he seeks the overthrow of the government and the establishment of a revolutionary junta. Such a threat requires the immediate use of military force. This is like what the Bolsheviks did in Russia. Remember Hearst’s support for Germany and Lenin during the Great War! The White House must not go the way of the Winter Palace.”
“Mr. President,” said Secretary of War Patrick Hurley “it is true we must maintain order and prevent revolution, and thus must maintain a vigilant watch over the Potomac. But to clear Anacostia of the veterans would be most unwise. We risk escalating this situation into a conflict we cannot hope to control. Making a martyr of Hearst will only give fuel to his candidacy. We must proceed with caution.”
“Mr. President,” stated MacArthur “I remain neutral on the question of Mr. Hearst, and you should be free to deal with him diplomatically or otherwise. However, the marchers must somehow be dispersed if you wish to preserve the Republic. See if Hearst can be bought off, and if not, the Army can restore order.”
Hoover stood from the Resolute desk. “Gentlemen, I am clear-eyed as to the dangers presented by Hearst. My personal interactions with the man have been deeply unpleasant. But I am no Czar or Kaiser; and in a republic it is not customary to order the arrest or murder of one’s political opponents. The demands of the veterans are wholly impractical; but their submission to Hearst may make them easier to control than otherwise. Hearst is no Bolshevik, he must be treated as a legitimate representative of the Democratic Party. I must attend to him personally. For myself to visit that miserable gathering in Anacostia would demean the stature of the Presidency. Send word to Mr. Hearst and his entourage that they are welcome to visit the White House. This will not be another Fort Sumter. This is my final and ultimate decision, gentlemen.”
Eisenhower, who had been silently observing the debate, pulled General MacArthur towards the edge of the room. “I know you’d like another option, but there is no room for error here. A political role for the Army in this crisis would backfire immensely; we must remain cautious and adhere to the President’s order. If Hoover wishes to submit to Hearst; it is not your concern. Let me bring this invitation to Hearst and you shall preserve your dignity.”
MacArthur turned and faced Hoover. “We shall do as you command, Mr. President.”
Six hours later, Washington was enveloped in moderate chaos and mayhem. The Army had returned to their barracks, and the Bonus Army had free run of the capital. Scattered rioters attacked government buildings and looted nearby stores. The police arrested the most violent of the rioters; but most of the Bonus Army remained peaceful. The encampments in Anacostia had been abandoned and moved to the National Mall. Thousands of veterans were encamped in front of the White House, vigilantly waiting for the commands of their leader.
Initially, the Secret Service had been willing only to admit Hearst and a dozen of his men to the White House. But the veterans cried folly; it was a disgrace that Hoover remained encased in the Oval Office like a monarch on his throne. The White House belonged not to Hoover but to the people, an earnest Joe Angelo had declared. Hearst assented, and the Secret Service was forced to accommodate more and more marchers until the White House was completely overrun. A hundred or so veterans crowded into the East Room, smoking and drinking as they overturned the upholstery. More men rushed up the Grand Staircase; and others raided the White House Kitchen.
President Hoover, Lou Hoover, Secretary Hurley, and a few Secret Service men stood around the Resolute desk. Hearst and twenty veterans stood on the other side of the desk. Walter Waters, the leader of the Khaki Shirts, was explaining to the President the necessity of immediate bonuses.
“Mr. President, once the Patman Bonus Bill is signed, I promise we shall return to our homes. We have the desire to find employment, but there are no jobs! We are all honest men, we do not seek to become permanently dependent on government money.”
“Women pu yingkai ch’ing t’amen ch’u cheli,” Lou declared to her husband.
Hearst burst into outrage. “This is the sacred center of the United States of America; and before you stand men who have risked their lives in service of this Republic. Speak English! These men deserve better than to hear the tongue of the heathen Chinamen!”
The President remained passive. “This remains a nation of laws and not of men. Congress has not seen it fit to pass the Patman Bill and thus I do not see it fit to enact it.”
“Herbert,” declared Hearst “I’m afraid if you’re unwilling to surrender to the will of the people; then we must relieve you of the White House. Since this is a nation of laws, you remain the President until I defeat you in November. But you are truly the most inferior and useless President I have ever met; and thus you are not fit to possess this place. Mr. Waters and his friends shall remain here until you submit to their demands, or until I return to take my rightful destiny.” The Khaki Shirts pulled out their revolvers. “Rest assured, there will be no harm done to you or your wife, but I’m afraid you must leave now.”
Hoover sighed. “And what of the normal function of government?”
“No further action will be taken at this point. We shall not pressure Congress, and your presidential campaign will continue unhindered. I’ll see to it that your personal belongings are returned to you undamaged. The republic remains yours, Mr. Hoover, if you can keep it.”
Hoover stared emptily into space for what seemed to be an eon. Haltingly and reluctantly, he turned away from the Resolute Desk and walked out of the room. “Women hsuyao ch’u,” he told his wife. Mrs. Hoover, Hurley, and the Secret Service walked out of the Office, towards a motorcade waiting outside. They would never return to the White House.
Waters and Hearst walked to the White House Ellipse, where the Bonus Army awaited. “The White House is ours, boys!” declared Waters as hundreds of Khaki Shirts streamed across the Ellipse. “Hail Hearst!” the Bonus Army, the salute gradually growing louder. “Hail Hearst!”
William Randolph Hearst gave a light chuckle. “I have many homes, but I finally have the house I’ve always wanted. If only the Professor and the Rough Rider could see me now. Can you hear me down there? You’ve been beat.” Hearst grinned as the Khaki Shirts marched towards the White House.
The 1932 General Election Campaign
The ignominious expulsion of Herbert Hoover from the White House saw the bottom drop out from the President’s support. While widely unpopular throughout most of the country; Hoover had won renomination on the basis he would maintain a sound, modern government and stem the tide of radicalism. Given that the President could no longer appear openly in the capital; the main rationale for a Hoover re-election had been obliterated. Republican politicians abandoned Hoover by the droves, many of them endorsing the Baker/France ticket. A few Republicans like Hiram Johnson and Louis T. McFadden even endorsed Hearst. Among the most conservative Republicans; talk began of a military coup led by Douglas MacArthur in order to prevent the country from falling into the hands of populists. MacArthur was forced to publicly dismiss these rumors; but the damage to Hoover’s reputation was done. The Secretary of State and the Attorney General resigned in disgust against Hoover’s weakness. There was talk of stripping Hoover of the nomination, but these efforts were refuted by RNC Chair Everett Sanders. Some Republicans recognized the threat posed by Hearst, and sought to mobilize the nation against the threat of dictatorship but the demoralized and divided Republican Party lacked enthusiasm and a message other than anti-Hearstism. Congress refused to negotiate with the Bonus Army, and thus the Khaki Shirts remained encamped in the White House as an uneasy peace ruled Washington. The Khaki Shirts would ultimately withdraw from Washington after Election Day; but the intimidation had coerced the government to Hearst’s will. By the end of his term, Hoover was President in Name Only.
Newton Baker received the endorsements of several high profile politicians; and gained the support of moderates from both parties. Some conservative papers promoted him as an alternative to both Hoover and Hearst. Baker’s supporters tended to be relatively wealthy, however, and the Hearst papers portrayed him as a dupe for Wall Street sent to divide the Democratic Party and re-elect Hoover. The vast majority of rank and file Democrats thus fell behind Hearst. Not all Democrats liked Hearst; but the dislike for Hoover and Washington politicians was so strong there were few defections. Norman Thomas, the Socialist candidate for President attacked Hearst as a capitalist reactionary and foe of the working class. Thomas sought to peel off votes from the left-wing of the Democratic Party. Thomas was able to make inroads among Jewish voters; but was unable to emerge as a major candidate. Hearst was seen as the only hope to save the country.
Despite the election being a foregone conclusion, William Randolph Hearst continued to actively campaign. The enormous spectacle of his entourage helped generate unprecedented excitement and frenzy. Hearst Metrotone News promoted his campaign in movie theaters. Barnstormers transported Hearst to numerous campaign stops; carrying his banners through the air. Thousands of Hearst food trucks traversed the country; seeking to improve Hearst’s support among the working class. Walter Waters’ Khaki Shirt paramilitary group, formally known as the Patriot’s Legion, was chartered as a national organization; and the Democratic Party opened hundreds of Khaki Shirt chapters across the country. The organization was covered extensively by the Hearst papers. The Khaki Shirts heavily recruited among the poor, veterans, and the unemployed; but Americans of all classes and creeds were found among them. The Khaki Shirts were derided by rich Republicans as proletarian thugs; but this only served to increase their popularity among the general population. By the end of 1932, hundreds of thousands had joined the Khaki Shirts. The Khaki Shirts swore an oath to the United States, the American people, and William Randolph Hearst himself. The Khaki Shirts also operated a youth wing; and engaged in vigilante violence against Blacks, Jews, Mexicans, Asians, and vocal opponents of Hearst. (Curiously, there was a small but committed number of Jewish Khaki Shirts known as the Haym Salomon Legion.) Republican clubs were openly attacked and dismantled by the Khaki Shirts. The Patriot’s Legion was considered to be the spiritual successor of the Ku Klux Klan, in that it was the uniformed paramilitary wing of the Democratic Party. Hiram Wesley Evans spoke favorably of the Khaki Shirts; and many former or current Klan members were affiliated with the organization. This was despite the fact that the Khaki Shirts had numerous Catholic chapters, and were boosted daily by Father Coughlin’s radio show.
African-Americans were especially targeted by Hearst and his supporters. After the Supreme Court decision Powell vs Alabama overturned the executions of the Scottsboro Boys; Hearst took out advertisements in southern newspapers which read BRING BACK THE DEATH PENALTY! BRING BACK THE POLICE! The nine Scottsboro Boys had previously been sentenced to death for allegedly raping two white woman. Hearst denounced the actions of the Supreme Court and called for “the delivery of JUSTICE.” His supporters got the message. On October 14th, a few days after the verdict of Powell vs Alabama was announced; a lynch mob attacked the jail at which the Scottsboro Boys were being held; and killed all of them. The role of Hearst in this mass lynching is debated, but it is likely the Scottsboro Massacre had his tacit support. Civic African-American organizations like the NAACP were horrified by Hearst’s open racism; and lobbied openly for Hoover’s re-election. Hearst insisted he was only opposed to race mixing and was not prejudiced against African-Americans. At the same time, he denounced the NAACP as communist. Curiously, Hearst had some African-American supporters in the north. The anti-Semitic cleric Sufi Abdul Hamid, for instance, headed the Harlem Hearst for President club. Some working class African-Americans backed Hearst out of economic desperation, to the horror of middle-class African-Americans. The most openly heretical was Marcus Garvey and his organization UNIA. Garvey from his exile in Jamaica freely admitted that Hearst was a complete bigot; but stated he preferred an honest bigot to a hypocrite. “To me, William Randolph Hearst is the most experienced, greatest intellect in this country. To me, there is no statesman like William Randolph Hearst. He loves his race. He thinks of nothing but his race… We of the UNIA have been telling you for years that this is going to be a white man’s country, sooner or later and that the best thing we could possibly do is to find a black man’s country as soon as possible.” Garvey backed Hearst under the hope that Hearst would support Black repatriation to Africa; and thus ensure a homeland for African-Americans. Members of UNIA openly campaigned for Hearst despite being derided as black Klansmen by W.E.B Dubois.
Hearst continued to hold frequent rallies across the country which had enormously high attendance. Hearst largely stuck to his old bromides: the corruption of Wall Street and Washington, his “Buy American” campaign, the evils of foreigners and Bolshevism, white supremacy, his 5 billion dollar relief plan, and his own skill as a businessman.The political rallies doubled as family entertainment; Vaudeville and Hollywood actors (particularly from MGM),marching bands, chorus girls, barnstormers, athletes and circus acrobats gave performances as Hearst’s warm-up act. Ted Healy, Will Rogers, and Charles Lindbergh were among the most popular acts. Mass picnics were held at the Hearst rallies, served by the Hearst food trucks and promoted by the Hearst papers. F. Champion Junior, who had managed the early Hearst for President Clubs, was key in promoting the rallies. The excitement of Hearst’s presidential campaign saw a large increase in sales for his newspapers; which allowed him to run an increasingly expensive and elaborate campaign. Hearst had always been a lavish spender; and his campaign allowed him to indulge this hobby. His campaign manager Joseph Kennedy oversaw the whole operation, planning rallies and negotiating with donors, politicians and Khaki Shirts. Kennedy professionalized Hearst’s previously haphazard campaign, and ultimately propelled him to victory. Kennedy’s influence over Hearst was so strong that some called him Hearst’s Rasputin.
Other than Hearst himself, the gossip columnist Louella Parsons became the public face of the campaign. Parsons had first entered the campaign when she helped Hearst uncover Franklin Roosevelt’s adultery; and she launched a public relations campaign during the general election. Parsons was attacked by respectable Republicans as a deceitful and manipulative hack. To ordinary Americans, Parsons showed Hearst’s human side, and was known as his explainer in chief. Her radio show and column popularized Hearst and helped connect him to the common people. Parsons became the ambassador of Hearst’ media empire to the rest of the country. The Chicago Tribune called her the real First Lady, as Millicent Hearst’s poor relation with her husband left her with a mostly perfunctory role in the campaign. Parsons became the undisputed queen of the media.
By the final weeks of the campaign, the Republicans had all but given up on Hoover, and were desperately trying to save their remaining seats on the congressional and state level. It was clear that the Democrats would overwhelmingly sweep Congress, and many Republicans sought to distance themselves from the national party. This disorganization only accelerated the inevitable Democratic landslide. Some Democratic congressmen resisted Hearst, and were thus replaced by the party with Hearst loyalists. After the chaos resulting from the Bonus Army and the formation of the Khaki Shirts; the Hearst campaign had a calm assurance of victory.
This calm was shattered on October 21st, 1932. On this date, Hearst was holding a rally at Madison Square Gardens. Hearst had finished giving a speech on his “Buy American, Hire American” campaign, which promoted economic nationalism as a response to the Great Depression. The Khaki Shirts were in attendance, and the atmosphere was jovial. While Hearst shook hands with his supporters; he was approached by a twenty year old Jewish college student, Leo Cherne. Cherne pulled a revolver on Hearst, firing three shots. One of the shots lightly grazed Hearst’s jacket, but the other two hit and killed a fifteen year old girl standing next to Hearst. While Hearst was evacuated from the arena; the crowd rapidly turned on Cherne, who was beaten to death almost beyond recognition. The New York Police Department identified his corpse and investigated the attempted assassination. Interviews with his acquaintances in the Bronx revealed that Cherne was a leftist who viewed Hearst as the apocalyptic harbinger of fascism, dictatorship, and doom for the Jewish people. Cherne’s identity was revealed by the New York Journal American, who claimed without evidence that Cherne was acting on the orders of the Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy. The innuendo ultimately resulted in the first American pogrom. The New York Khaki Shirts embarked on a campaign of arson and sabotage against New York’s Jewish community. Hundreds of Jewish businesses, homes, and synagogues were burned. Seven Jews were killed and dozens were injured. Furthermore, the Khaki Shirts stationed themselves at polling stations in Jewish neighborhoods on Election Day, intimidating them to vote for Hearst. Governor Roosevelt attempted to intervene but was stalled by Tammany Hall and the NYPD, who maintained an uneasy alliance with Hearst and the Khaki Shirts. Hearst became increasingly paranoid as a result of the event; seeing enemies everywhere.
The Hearst campaign would ultimately win every state except Vermont and Maine on Election Day, as Democrats and Demagogues gained complete control over the country. Among the beneficiaries of the Hearst wave was Dr. John Brinkley, who defeated Alf Landon to become Governor of Kansas. William Gibbs McAdoo, Patrick McCarran, and six other democrats defeated incumbent Republicans and won election to the Senate. Other victorious senator-elects who aligned with Hearst included Bennett Champ Clark and Robert Rice Reynolds. The establishment candidates were completely defeated. Hearst had won complete control over the country.
In the final days of the Hoover Administration, the Republicans came up with increasingly desperate schemes to stop Hearst from taking office. While Hoover himself grudgingly conceded the Presidency to Hearst (he had already given Hearst de facto control over the government when the Bonus Army seized the White House), some prominent Republican activists launched a campaign for the Electoral College to elect Newton Baker as a compromise candidate. The Democratic electors were loyal party men to the last, and thus ignored the direct-mail campaign funded by Republican donors. In an attempt to undermine Hearst’s presidency, rumors were spread that Hearst, in contrast to his nationalist image, was in the employ of foreign powers. Former Attorney General William Dewitt Mitchell accused Hearst of being aligned with the Bolsheviks. However, the Republicans ultimately settled on Germany as Hearst’s alleged benefactor. Retired attorney Merton Lewis, who had tangled with Hearst during the Great War, was dredged up to make claims that Hearst had been in the employment of the German government for years. This conspiracy theory was widely believed during the Great War, when Hearst took an isolationist, pro-German editorial line in his newspapers. Many Republicans pointed out that Hearst seemed to criticize every country except Germany, about which he was unusually effusive. By this point, many observers had pointed out the similarities between Hearst and Adolf Hitler, the leader of the German National Socialist Party who was appointed Chancellor in January of 1933. The American Communist Party had been the first to disseminate the theory that Hearst, Hitler, and Mussolini were part of a broader Fascist Axis seeking to co-opt the working class and establish a permanent dictatorship. A variant of this theory was believed to have motivated Leo Cherne. Ironically, this Communist conspiracy theory was taken up by orthodox Republicans. Both Hearst and Hitler denounced the Jews, British, and French, and used paramilitary forces to gain power. The conceit among Democrats to greet Hearst with the Bellamy Salute was supposed to have been copied from the Nazi and Fascist salutes. While Hearst spoke of building favorable relations with the new German government; he furiously denounced allegation that he was an agent of the Nazi Party. “I am unquestionably, undeniably one hundred percent a full-blooded All-American whose creed is America First. The allegation I am a puppet for foreign powers is utterly humbug. There’s no puppet- it is you Republicans who are the puppets, and for foreign cabals far more dangerous than Herr Hitler.” Hypocritically, Hearst denounced the rumors as “vile slander, reactionary propaganda, fake news, completely disreputable nonsense.” Anonymous pamphlets circulated in Washington demanding a military coup, forcing MacArthur to again reiterate he had no intentions of a coup and would submit to the authority of the President. These efforts, however, were confined to a few fringe activists. For the majority of Americans, hope for a new age had arrived.