Look to the West Volume IX: The Electric Circus

Intro sequence
  • Thande

    Donor
    Quick links to published parts

    Volumes I-V (currently) available for purchase as eBooks(with accompanying media and bonus features) from Sea Lion Press via Amazon and other online purchases. Direct links:
    Volume I: Diverge and Conquer
    Volume II: Uncharted Territory
    Volume III: Equal and Opposite Reactions
    Volume IV: Cometh the Hour...
    Volume V: To Dream Again

    Coming soon: Volume VI: The Death of Nations
    edit: Now on sale!

    Alternatively, see my Amazon author page for a list of all my books.

    Volumes I and II also available as print paperbacks, and III and IV will be forthcoming once delays caused by the current pandemic are resolved. V is coming soon(ish) as an ebook.

    Now, without further ado...



    Look to the West


    A Timeline

    by Dr Thomas W. Anderson MSci MA (Cantab) MRSC SFHEA









    VOLUME NINE:
    THE ELECTRIC CIRCUS







    “I only knew you for a while, I never saw your smile…”

    Earth from space dark2.jpg


    “Till it was time to go, time to go away…”


    French Empire 2.jpg


    “Sometimes it’s hard to recognise
    Love comes as a surprise
    And it’s too late, it’s just too late to stay, too late to stay…”


    French Empire 1-2.jpg


    “We’ll always be together, however far it seems…”

    French Empire fractured3.jpg


    “We’ll always be together, together in electric dreams!”


    Earth from space 3-2.jpg



    - "Together in Electric Dreams", Philip Oakey and Giorgio Moroder (1984)​
     
    Last edited:
    Shameless plugs and note about update schedule
  • Thande

    Donor
    Yes, I am continuing my tradition of beginning posting a new volume of Look to the West on my birthday. Please note that the first full update will be this Sunday, but after that updates will only be fortnightly for the foreseeable future, as I have too many extra projects - preparing LTTW Volume VI for publication (nearly finished!), a science fiction/AH novel called "On the Wings of the Morn" that's the sequel to my first contact novel "Well Met By Starlight" (shameless Amazon plug) and an ASB Multi-Party American 2016 Election Night timeline on SLP. Still, after losing a lot of my writing mojo (LTTW aside) during the pandemic, I'd rather have the problem of taking on too many writing commitments now like it's 2006 again.

    We now return you to your regularly scheduled intro interlude...
     
    Interlude 26
  • Thande

    Donor
    Interlude #26: Foiled By Emperor Fred

    Transcript of Thande Institute Zoom meeting with TimeLine L Field Team Delta with Director Stephen Rogers
    Time: 02:00 hours (GMT)
    Date: 06/11/2020
    TimeLine L Location: Fredericksburg (West Ward), Confderation of Old Virginia, Empire of North America
    Analogous location of Portal receivers in Our TimeLine: McCarthys Corner, Stafford County, Virginia, United States of America
    Director Rogers’ location: Cambridge, United Kingdom


    DIRECTOR STEPHEN ROGERS (SR): Hello? (sotto voce) Are you sure this is right? It doesn’t make any sens-

    CAPTAIN BEN MACCAULEY (BMcC): Hi – Director Rogers – hang on, trying to boost the signal… (sotto voce) Boost the signal!

    ENSIGN BOB MUMBY (BM): Yes, sir. (sotto voce) Boost the signal!

    ENSIGN CHARLTON CUSSANS (CC): I can’t hold this aerial any higher!

    SERGEANT DOMINIC ELLIS (DE): Stand on one leg!

    CC: But then I might fall off this chair.

    DE: Don’t worry, you’ll land on something soft and squishy.

    DR BRUNO LOMBARDI (BL): That is a very personal att-

    DE: I was talking about your lunch.

    BL: That’s worse!

    CC: Ugh…how’s that?

    SR: Hello – I – yes, that’s it! Hold it there!

    CC: …oh dear…

    BMcC: Yes, receiving you loud and clear, sir! Well, sort of.

    SR: Okay. Now can you explain to me what the hell is going on?

    BMcC: Well, in some ways it’s very simple, and at the same time, rather complicated.

    BL: You see, after we left Waccamaw Strand back in August-

    (SOUND OF EXPLOSION)

    SR: What – what was that?!

    DE: Sorry, sir. See, it’s the night of the Fifth of November in our time zone, so the locals are celebrating Bonfire Night.

    SR: Huh. Yeah, the fireworks are still going off here as well. Damn kids. I keep forgetting that in that version of America…

    DE: It catches us offguard still as well.

    (MORE EXPLOSIONS)

    BMcC: Anyway, sir, you’ll remember that our original plan was to find somewhere out of the way in Virginia and then contact you, and only go to the capital later. But, well…

    LIEUTENANT TOM BLACK (TB): Events eventuated.

    SR: I want a full report later…but that would explain why you never showed up when we brought the receivers to, where was it, Virginia Beach?

    BMcC: Yeah, turns out that the military bases have swamped the area in this timeline and there was no way we could get in.

    SR: It was quite embarrassing in front of Governor Oldenfolk when there was no signal. But we got your Morse message you were heading to Fredericksburg instead – why has it taken over a month to set this up?

    DE: Can I answer this, Captain?

    BMcC: Go ahead.

    DE: So, the basic problem is that it’s hard to relate locations here to ones back home. When we were in London, even though there had been a big fire in the 1800s and there wasn’t a Blitz, there was still some, what’s the word…

    TB: Commonality, yeah. You could just about figure out analogous locations with an A to Z, some old map scans and an offline copy of Google Earth.

    (SOUND OF EXPLOSION)

    SR: And it’s different there?

    BL: We underestimated just how different, sir. You remember before we set off for Myrtle Beach, we did take a day trip to our timeline’s version of Fredericksburg.

    BM: Small place. Good food, though.

    TB: Yeah, we didn’t realise just how much smaller. Fredericksburg in this timeline is what, ten, twenty times the size of the OTL version?

    DE: We kind of knew it would be huge because it’s the national capital, but, well, history changed here almost immediately after it founded, and it was at the, what’s the word…

    TB: Epicentre. At the epicentre of the changes. So there’s literally almost no parallels between our Fredericksburg and this one.

    BM: And it’s amazing, sir! The buildings, the monuments, the museums…

    DE: And so natural landmarks are covered up. Even the river’s got controlled differently here. The version in OTL got devastated by the, uh, the US Civil War wasn’t it?

    BMcC: Yeah. Took years and years to recover.

    BL: Also, we couldn’t afford to live in the central districts where the government and all the fashionable stuff is, anyway. So we ended up in the suburbs, areas which aren’t part of OTL’s Fredericksburg.

    BMcC: This one has sprawled to the point that Woodbridge, VA has almost been swallowed up. It almost stretches to Alexandria, which isn’t as big a place – there’s only medium-sized towns where DC should be.

    SR: Not sure what you mean without a map, but OK. So we wrote down you were in the West Ward – but you’re east of the city centre now! In a place where there’s sod-all in our timeline, so my agents with the receivers tell me. They’re practically in the middle of a field.

    BM: Uh, yes, sorry about that, sir.

    BL: Turns out that West Ward is named after a former colonial Governor called Francis West. Apparently that confuses a lot of tourists.

    SR: I – you – (indecipherable)

    (SOUND OF EXPLOSION)

    BMcC (brightly): But we’re all here now and back in touch! And we’ve not been letting time go to waste.

    BL: No. Captain Nuttall’s out scouting with Dr Wostyn right now. What a team they make.

    SR: Um, OK. So you’ve been looking for more books and so on?

    BL: Yes and no. There’s certainly a lot to choose from – this is the capital, after all. But it’s also home to several universities…

    TB: Imperial College is one of the biggest, and all last month they’ve had a festival of public talks and lectures on a number of subjects, including history.

    SR: I see…

    BL: Transcribing lectures makes a change from digitising books, at least.

    CC (quietly): I think my knees are going numb…

    TB (ignoring this): And we lucked out – some of the lectures are on the period of history we need to cover next.

    SR: All right. I can’t tell you when you can return, but between you and me, there have been some promising signs on a vaccine lately…

    BL: Excellent news!

    SR: So it may be sooner than you think. In the meantime, I guess you’d better start sending these transcrip-

    (SOUND OF EXPLOSION, FOLLOWED BY SOUND OF BODY HITTING FLOOR, FOLLOWED BY SOUND OF PAINED GROAN)

    DE: Dammit Charlie, now we’ve lost the signal!
     
    301
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #301: Can I Be Electric Too?

    “NEW SCIENCE CARTS! AUTHORISED IMPORTS!

    PROF CHEN MEILING (CHINA) – ‘THE SILICIUM LIMIT – WHITHER YPOLOGETICS?’ (2007)
    DX BEATRICE BRISTOW (ENGLAND) – ‘MANY FUTURES, MANY PASTS – THE POLY-STREAM HYPOTHESIS’ (2018 NEW!)
    DR VLADIMIR NIKOLAYEV (RUSSIA) – ‘LIFE ON MARS, THE ULTIMATE QUESTION’ (2010)

    Fully authorised with Ministry seal of quality! All-American voice dubbing!

    Compatible with Stimmetz AND Imperial Standard cart players!

    Prices start at just Ī14.9.9! Contact Pottermack Imports on Motext page 22A-551!”

    – Advertising poster outside Chamberlain Hall lecture theatre, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Dr David Wostyn, October 2020​

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    This was one of the first lectures we observed and recorded – discreetly, as it’s not technically allowed, but fortunately their detectors aren’t looking for small solid-state electronics like our recorder. They probably wouldn’t have noticed anyway, what with Captain Nuttall providing a nice distraction by CONSTANTLY FIDGETING THROUGHOUT

    (coughs)

    Anyway, although this was a public lecture, we understand that Prof George Greening, the lecturer, essentially just put on the first of an existing academic lecture series he gives at Imperial College, with a few tweaks. Not the best pedagogic practice for a general audience, but for our purposes, it does pitch it at a more usefully higher level than some of the other lectures we’ve recorded...

    *

    Recorded lecture on “The Second Interbellum: The Electric Circus” by Professor George Greening, recorded October 10th, 2020—

    The period of almost 30 years, separating the Black Twenties from the Sunrise War, goes by many names. In France it is Les Trente Glorieuses, while in Russia it is Epokha Leta, the Age of Summer. To us in the English-speaking world, it bears the appellation awarded to it by the Californian author Elspeth Kennedy, at the time, rather than in hindsight: The Electric Circus.

    All of these names have something in common. Like ‘The Black Twenties’ before them, they betray the fact that they were coined in the spirit of a more popular age. Some have dubbed the 20th century ‘The People’s Century’, and these choices of names reflect this. Not so the anodyne, stuffy names of past conflicts and periods of peace, chosen by kings, bishops, historians. Reflective of this same popular spirit, it was at this time that historiographers frequently reinterpreted their labelling of past eras from a less elitist perspective.e

    Though the Diversitarian idea would continue to develop through this age, it was early on that the eighteenth century in particular would see considerable such re-examination. The American politician and historian, George Spencer-Churchill the Younger, would re-examine the past conflicts of that century – along with others of similar mind – though the ‘Central Character’ interpretation of history itself would see similar criticism, it has proved far more resilient!

    Rather than elitist labels such as ‘the War of the Spanish Succession’, ‘the War of the Austrian Succession’ or ‘the War of the Diplomatic Revolution’,[1] Churchill and his fellow neo-whigs would rename these conflicts by the more global, ideological names they are more frequently known by today – the First, Second and Third Wars of Supremacy. Churchill argued that the real import of these wars had not been the issues which had dominated their casus belli or eventual peace treaty at the time – the occupancy of a throne or ownership of a few scraps of land in Europe – but rather the seeming sideshow of those wars’ global, colonial theatres. It mattered very little for the long-term future of the nations of the human race who owned Silesia in 1759, say, a small bit of land that would change hands several more times over the ensuing centuries. Rather, the true significance was over vast swathes of land, resources and people signed over in India, Africa, or – especially – the Novamund, often almost as an afterthought at those treaties.

    No matter how powerful a united Germany (for instance) might become, in terms of global cultural dominance she would forever be playing catch-up to the civilisations that spoke English or Spanish, which had expanded to fill entire continents. It mattered not that Britain/England suffered decline through the 19th century while France became arguably the world’s premier power for a time. The continuing relevance of the French language and culture in our own time, almost a century on from the end of the Black Twenties, owes far more to the founding of the enduring Pérousie colony long before that than to any transient temporal power that France wielded at that time. It is almost irrelevant that Pérousie would come into conflict with her mother country; France still benefited from her language and culture planted on the far side of the world. Such is the thesis of the Churchillians.

    Of course, by mentioning the Pérousien Troubles, we implicitly highlight an issue with the labels we know the ‘Electric Circus’ period by. Most popular culture remembers the 1930s and 1940s as a time of unsurpassed peace, prosperity and development, with the 1950s dampened only by the distant drums of the coming war. But as far as the governments and ruling elites of the European (and American) nations were concerned, the 1930s-50s were a far more mixed bag than the positive names appended to them imply. Yet it is that self-same popular spirit of the age which lies at the heart of this apparent paradox. In nations as varied as Scandinavia and China, from Guinea to Bisnaga, ordinary people were standing up to demand a greater say in the governance of their lands. The Black Twenties had seen a mobilisation of society on all levels. While the Pandoric War had affected civilians far from the front lines like no war before it, the Black Twenties had been fought as much against the plague as against any human enemy. Indeed, it is significant that there is no widely accepted overarching ‘war’ label for the Black Twenties (as opposed to particular theatres or component conflicts). Again, this is a sign of the impact of the popular spirit on historiography.

    Regardless, the peoples of many nations had been tested to the limit by the harrowing challenges of the 1920s. In military victory and defeat alike – the two frequently barely distinguishable – they had been weighed in the balance, and not found wanting. Now, they were unwilling to be neatly folded back into their antebellum box. Not only the male front-line veterans, but the young women who had volunteered as nurses in plague hospitals or as agricultural labourers and factory workers. Many of this group lacked voting rights, depending on the country. Frequently contrasted with their parents of the ‘Flippant’ generation, these young people would demand the right to have their fair share of influence over the leadership of those same nations that had called on them to fight, to care, to make, to harvest.

    What these people (and indeed their older relatives) were frequently concerned with was their own standard of living and their economic opportunities. By any measure, the 1930s-50s were a golden age of improvement in these factors. They compared favourably even to the Long Peace, whose prosperity had frequently only trickled down so far in society. Such things had seemed unimportant in the eyes of many bourgeois commentators at the time, who might scarcely view their servants or employees as people. But the world was changing.

    The point is that the 1930s-50s were frequently becoming defined by the wider populations living through them, and not merely by the formerly dominant elite commentators. As such, the fact that this age saw violent colonial wars and the ever-growing threat of Societism was ignored. The people, it transpired, rarely cared if their nation’s flag was being burnt by rebels in a far-off colony of which they knew little; rather, they cared more if their taxes were hiked to pay for a punitive expedition to put the revolt down. A minority even sympathised with rebel colonists or subject peoples fighting for their freedom. After all, the propaganda of the Black Twenties, that the nations were fighting for freedom, could not be quietly ignored and forgotten after the conflict was over. So what if wealthy businessmen lost money on their colonial investments? To the average subject – the average voter - colonies were increasingly seen as a sink, not a source, of money.

    And as the period went on, they voted with their feet.

    This is not to say that the ‘Electric Circus’ age was dominated by serious, humourless politics – far from it! However, even the higher standard of living that came to much of the world was manifested in more ideological youth movements than the Flippants of the last generation. Perhaps inevitably, the global trauma of the Black Twenties defined a cutoff point of history, and two opposing youth subculture factions formed in response. The exact names and attributes of these two naturally varied greatly from nation to nation, but they were present almost everywhere in some form.

    Such universality might have pleased the ghost of Pablo Sanchez, at least until someone told him that the one place which saw no such groups was, inevitably, the lands under Combine rule. Even in the latter days of Alfarus, before the Silent Revolution, such a public disagreement over a fundamental issue would be unacceptable under the black flag – even if it paradoxically meant trying to strike down an apparent ‘human universal’ that could have slotted neatly into the thesis of Unity Through Society!

    As I said, the two groups were known by many names. In the Empire and much of the English-speaking world, they came to be known as the Archies and Wreckies – short for Archaeophiles and Wreckers. Elsewhere, the local versions of the Archies might be known by names such as the Trads or the Nostalgics, and the Wreckies might be known as the Futurites or the Neophiles, but the principle was the same regardless.

    The Black Twenties had shattered many comfortable assumptions about the world. The Archies sought to respond to this by looking into the past and embracing fashions, ideas, languages of past eras. The Wreckies, by contrast, thought that the Black Twenties were a signal to turn their back on all that had gone before. In its most harmless form, this might consist of wearing futuristic, utilitarian ‘rational dress’, fighting for greater Cytherean rights, and enthusiasm for the new rocket technology in peaceful forms. At its worst, some extremist Wreckies would attempt to burn down art galleries or libraries so that ‘the new is not strangled by the old’.

    In many countries, commentators attempted to connect the Wreckies with Societism, but this was usually a coincidence. Ironically, one could argue that the K.a.K. in the wake of Alfarus’ death was itself an expression of the (suppressed) Wrecky ideology manifesting itself in Combine lands. Generally, however, the two rival groups were more purely aesthetic and less political than they are often portrayed. Even the Archies, no matter their backward-looking rhetoric, usually supported greater voting rights and new technology, at least in a qualified manner.

    So much for the generational discourse and geopolitical contest of this era.[2] But we have yet to discuss that phenomenon which gave the age its Anglophone name – the ‘Electric Circus’. It would be a poor summary which did not discuss the nominative factor!

    Electricity had been known of since antiquity, of course, to some extent. Our name for the phenomenon stems from the ancient Greek word elektron, meaning amber – for the Greeks’ first observation of electric charge took the form of noting that an amber rod, rubbed on a wool cloth, would ‘magically’ attract small, light objects such as fragments of paper.[3] At the same time, the Chinese were inventing the compass, observing that a special ‘lodestone’ always pointed north – another piece of the puzzle. Named ‘magnetism’ after the region of Magnesia in Greece where lodestone could be found, this effect proved useful to generations of explorers, yet philosophers and proto-scientists struggled to explain it. Knowing that compasses could be thrown off by the presence of large amount of nearby iron (or iron ore), some mediaeval Europeans speculated that they their needles were pointing towards a giant iron magnetic mountain on an Arctic island![4] Few would have dreamed that this useful, but mysterious, bit of practical magic could have any connection with the amber rod party trick.

    The eighteenth century saw a new interest in electricity, both classical and, eventually, channel. The famous kite experiments performed by both Ben Franklin and Abbé Nollet – we will skip over the obligatory debate over who came first! – showed that lightning is a natural form of channel electricity.[5] Henry Cavendish similarly proved that animals such as the torpedo fish and electric eel can naturally generate channel electricity, paving the way for the understanding that electric charge plays a key role in our own nervous systems. Basic charge-store devices like the Leyden Jar puzzled great minds throughout the century, and Franklin’s study of them was responsible for the victory of the monist over the dualist model of charge.[6]

    It would not be until later in the 19th century that electricity and magnetism would finally be recognised as two manifestations of the same phenomenon. Always together, never apart. A moving electrical charge must come with a magnetic field, like a shadow cast at ninety degrees into a different world; a world we cannot see, yet dimly perceive by how it impacts ours. This pairing became clear only when channel electricity became readily usable for experimentation for the first time. In the 1820s, Buysse and Luns developed the first electrochemical array, later known as a battery, and this source of power would ultimately make Lectel possible.[7] It would not be for another full century that the true potential of this invention, of electricity itself, was truly realised.

    It had already become apparent that this seemingly esoteric scientific puzzle, the relationship of electricity and magnetism, actually had world-changing implications. Electricity transfrormed the world as early as the rise of Lectel in the 1850s, just as the magnetic compass had centuries earlier. Yet it was the understanding of the connection between electricity and magnetism, beginning in the closing years of the nineteenth century, that would be truly transformative. Almost twenty years after Buysse and Luns, the Italian signalman Giacinto Masselino noticed the impact of flowing electricity on his compass, and the scientist and engineer Gianluigi Argante published his observations.[8] Theories were gradually built up to try to understand the connection between electricity and magnetism.

    Not only were electricity and magnetism linked, but light itself was now understood as an ‘electro-magnetic’ phenomenon. And there were other forms of light predicted beyond the visible, which were dramatically supported when Bietmann accurately predicted the phenomenon of Far Infralight in 1881 before it was discovered in 1894. Far Infralight was harnessed by Ilsted and Photel was born.[9]

    In the Flippant era of the First Interbellum, the new invention was experimented with, used for military communication and government propaganda. It would make a radical difference to warfare, even in its clumsy, primitive, early form, in the Black Twenties conflicts. Yet its impact on civilians at this time has been greatly exaggerated. Even the most ambitious VoxHumana ideas of the Combine were themselves more propaganda than reality at this time – not helped by the Biblioteka Mundial later rewriting the history of technological development to confuse matters. The Russian Dalekodeon, more widespread, is frequently misunderstood as a Photel set, when in reality it functioned as a variant of wired quister technology.[10]

    No, Photel and electricity alike would not truly transform the lives of the wider population until the Second Interbellum of the 1930s-50s – in that same popular spirit of the age. The two are inextricably linked. When electrical augmentophones [amplifiers] superseded compressed-air ones in the 1930s, they might as well have been directly augmenting that same voice of the people that equally defined the age.[11]

    While Flippants had danced to clockwork grooveplayers with simple manual output horns, their children congregated in deafening grooveclubs. Musicians bemoaned the decline in the playing of instruments (and their own gigs) as music from electrically augmented grooveplayers or Photel sets could fill theatres and clubs in their absence. The invention of the electrically-powered phakophone [microphone] in 1934 led to a decline in purely instrumental songs, as it was now much more feasible for a singer to project their voice over their backing group; formerly, they had had trouble gaining sufficient volume when simply singing into a grooveplayer horn used in reverse, which had favoured singers who used a very loud, shouty style. The phakophones allowed singers to access a much greater dynamic range and still be heard. Novelty, and continuing technical limitations in other aspects, meant that this favoured a new singing style synonymous with the late 1930s, 1940s and early 1950s – the so-called Smoothies.[12]

    It is telling that, while many classical composers from previous centuries remain household names – Handel, Beethoven, Druschetzky – few singers from before this time are remembered by all but historians of music. But from the late 1930s, we finally have decent-quality recordings of singers, and Smoothies like Jack Phantom, Leo Desaix and Gordo Valentino are still popular today, often long after they have passed away. It took a little longer for female singers, reflecting the fact that the phakophones had first been designed for a male dynamic range, but then we had other icons like the Campari Sisters and Greta Dahlqvist. Not forgetting Lady Xinyi; this was also an age when music from around the world started to be heard in far lands, without musicians and instruments needing to travel. In 1942, disappointed he would never get to see his favourite groovetape singers perform in person, engineer Tajmul Mostafa hit upon the idea of overlaying instrumental versions of songs with live phakophone performances – the global phenomenon of khalisangita was born.[13]

    Music was the most iconic way that the wider availability of electricity an Photel changed the world. But there were many others. Home appliances had formerly been only for the wealthy, powered by electric motors on-site driven by the Civic Steam supply. Technological wonders of the pre-Pandoric age as they were, they were still bulky and inefficient, often implicitly designed with the assumption that their owners would always have servants on hand to operate them. Home electricity distribution systems were developed in the First Interbellum, but these consisted of a single large electric motor for the house driven, again, by Civic Steam, town-luft or other forms of power. It would not be until the Second Interbellum that switching-channel electricity distribution became advanced and cheap enough that it could be instead be generated centrally from a power station and channelled to homes to drive appliances directly.[14]

    Central rather than local power generation dramatically changed the paradigm of electricity, and would ultimately make appliances – lec-apps, to use the term your parents’ generation and mine love – something within the price range of the average person. Even something we take for granted, like the vac-bulb [incandescent lightbulb], would have been considered the preserve of the wealthy during the Black Twenties. But by the end of the Second Interbellum, in the wealthier countries every home had its electrolier. The story of electricity is not that of Prometheus stealing fire from the gods, but of all mankind demanding their right to share in that power, not merely the ruling classes.

    I have given you a very Western perspective. Even in China, the Black Twenties lasted well into this period – Black Thirties, if you will, while in Europe and America they had long since become the Dirty Thirties or Flirty Thirties as the older generation railed at the allegedly decadent youth. And that’s to say nothing of Bisnaga, Panchala, and other colonies fighting for their freedom, where such ecumenical electricity would have to wait many years more. Or the Combine. Even if I was to restrict myself to Europe and America, I could define this era in many other ways. What of the important shifts in attitude towards healthcare after the plague pandemic, the creation of universal national insurance programmes, a sense that poverty and deprivation was now everyone’s problem?

    But I shall leave that for another day. Instead, I shall leave you with your eyes still blinking from the glow of those electroliers in every home. For the first time, the Earth from space – as rockets would see it, before too long – declared the presence of humanity with an artificial light sharper than candles, brighter than luftlights. The whole world lit as a beacon that proclaims, we are here, and we cannot be ignored, for all our foibles and misadventures. A time that would be fondly remembered when times of strife returned, and never forgotten.

    An Electric Circus, indeed…





    [1] See Interlude #1 in Volume 1. The War of the Diplomatic Revolution roughly corresponds to the OTL Seven Years’ War, but did not last so long and the Hispano-Portuguese aspect became a separate conflict in TTL, the First Platinean War.

    [2] The latter has only been hinted at very briefly, of course.

    [3] Not that the ancient Greeks had paper.

    [4] This theory originates from a lost 14th century work Inventio Fortunata, which names the magnetic island Rupes Nigra or ‘Black Rock’. It routinely appeared on European maps for the next two centuries, including those of Mercator.

    [5] Classical and channel electricity = static and current electricity in OTL terminology. See Interlude #11 in Volume III for more details on this period.

    [6] The term condensor or capacitor is used in OTL instead of ‘charge-store’. Charge is usually presented in a dualist manner in OTL (positive and negative charges), whereas in TTL it is presented as a surfeit or deficit in a single kind of charge (negative in OTL terminology, i.e. the charge of electrons).

    [7] See Interlude #11 in Volume III.

    [8] See Parts #254 and #261 in Volume VII. The Dalekodeon technology appeared in OTL France under the name Theatrophone.

    [9] Far Infralight is the scientific name in TTL for radio waves, but most people just use ‘Photel’ indiscriminately.

    [10] See Part #254 in Volume VII.

    [11] See Part #256 in Volume VII.

    [12] This is the same pattern that happened in OTL, except OTL’s faster pace of electrical technological development meant that it started sooner (the relevant microphone was developed in 1923). TTL’s Smoothies are similar to OTL’s Crooners.

    [13] Very similar to karaoke in OTL, which was formally invented in Japan in the 1960s but based on the existing idea of ‘sing-a-long songs’.

    [14] See Part #271 in Volume VII. ‘Switching-channel electricity’ (SC) is the TTL term for alternating current (AC) electricity.
     
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    302
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #302: For the Wings of a Dove

    “THE HIT GAME SHOW COMES TO YOUR HOME YPOLOGIST!

    Audiences across the Empire well know the thrills of THE DRAKESLAND WAGGON TRAIL! But if you’re not a member of one of the lucky families who battle it out weekly in simulated challenges under the watchful eye of DOCTOR TYPHOID (Lesley Tyrrell), worry not!

    Now, in the new game from ALPHA STUDIOS (“McClintock Vs Bedford Boxing Arena”, “Diamondball League ’18”, “Iason and the Golden Fleece”), the hardships and triumphs of our ancestors’ voyage across a continent come to your home ypologist! Hunt to feed your family! Fight off Tortolian raids!

    YOUR WAGGON AWAITS YOU AT THE GATES OF OCCIDENTALIA! NEXT STOP – THE PACIFIC!

    Available for Davis XT-2C and 2E; Broadman P3 and compatibles; Jacquard Playcade (with authorised Ameritech ‘Paravid’ adaptor); prices start at Ī39.9.9

    – Advertising poster seen on Braxton Street, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Dr David Wostyn, October 2020

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    We happened on this lecture quite by chance, but it proved to show surprising insight into some events in the early part of the ‘Electric Circus’ period which we had wanted to pin down. Although it’s meant to be a public-facing lecture about the travels of a female pilot in the era and was given by an air force veteran, she clearly also had a background in political history and put in more detail than one would expect. Unfortunately, the second half of the recording was damaged (mutters) after Sergeant Mumby spilled Bovril on the recorder (normal voice) but I will enclose the entire file, and hopefully the computer boys and girls at headquarters might be able to reconstruct it for later.

    *

    Recorded lecture on “Bea M’Naughten: The Myth and the Legend” by Captain Deborah Vine (IAF, retd.), recorded October 10th, 2020—

    If I were to go out on the street right now, and grab someone out of the crowd and demand they tell me about Bea M’Naughten – well, I’d probably be arrested. (Laughter) But anyway, what’d they tell me? That she was the great Irish pilot, the aviatrix, the Aviatrix, with a capital letter. Top role models for little girls, like me when I was growing up. Then they’ll tell you that she was the first person to fly around the world, or something like that. The first person to fly around the world non-stop, I heard at a school recently – not from the kids, from the teacher! If I’m still around to give this talk in a decade or two’s time, I bet she’ll be the first person to have flown to the moon! (Laughter)

    You don’t need me to tell you how much damage Califilms do to our youth with their…flexible approach to history. You hear about it in the papers all the time. But the worst part about a case like this is…Bea M’Naughten was a great woman, a great pioneer, and yes, a great Aviatrix. It was fully right and good that she inspired me when I was a girl. I just wish I’d been inspired by what she actually did, not what some screenwriter thought would sound like a good story. Isn’t it more impressive that she had a career of decades going on multiple long aero voyages to many places, not just some flying tour like she was trying to emulate the Great Racers? Isn’t it more inspiring that she usually led a crew of six, being a great leader, not just a great pilot? But no, let’s try to cram her whole life into an hour and a half and save on paying some walk-on actresses.

    Sorry. Enough ranting about Califilms. Enough of the myth. Let me tell you about the legend. The real legend.

    Beatrice Maginnis, as she was born, was – er – born in 1902 in Downpatrick in County Down. Her family were…eccentric, as you can tell by the fact that they were Protestants but gave her a rather Catholic Christian name. Her mother, Elizabeth, was a seamstress, while her father William was something of a minor celebrity. Theoretically an innkeeper, he eventually gained fame as one of Ireland’s premier chefs, despite affecting an implacable rustic image when queried about his cooking. When wealthy travellers would show up to the King’s Arms and plead for a menu, Willy Maginnis would scratch his head and mutter something about perhaps having a bit of mutton left in the pantry, as though reluctantly feeding a pair of vagrants lost in a storm. He would then proceed to serve up a meal that would make the harshest of food critics cry tears of joy. The Chappe-Cugnot Marque Guide to Ireland famously referred to him as ‘an idiot savant’, apparently not understanding the Irish sense of humour.[1]

    Beatrice grew up to be a proud Ulsterwoman and at the vanguard of Cytherean progress in the north of Ireland. While her generation would frequently be dismissed as ‘Flippants’,[2] she was one of many young women who sought education and employment, with the approval of her parents. She learned to drive steam mobiles and worked for a while as a metercab driver, at a time when female-driven cabs were popular with female passengers concerned about the large number of ‘dubious [male] characters’ given cabs due to the labour shortage of the time.[3] Her future husband Desmond M’Naughten was one such male driver and they met, ironically, as part of a labour dispute negotiation between their companies’ respective unions.

    Like many women of the time, it seemed as though Beatrice’s early individualism would not survive her marriage, with society expecting her to revert to the role of a housewife. Indeed, she gave up her job and the couple had one child, a son named Terry, in 1921 – shortly before the outbreak of the Black Twenties conflict. Desmond was then conscripted by the Royal Irish Army as an experienced NCO. In his absence, Beatrice – again like many women – rose to the opportunity and once again began acting of her own initiative. As well as driving again for the war effort, she also helped organise charity events, and unionised female factory workers who were being paid less than the conscripted men they had replaced. Her activities were sufficiently impactful that she was described as a ‘damn nuisance’ by the crusty old Whig-Tory MP for Gorey, Daniel Ram.[4]

    But then, of course, tragedy struck in 1924 with the so-called Black Homecoming. Irish troops like Desmond, withdrawn from the European conflict, carried the first wave of the plague home with them. Beatrice’s story, on the face of it, was that of so many others. Not only did Desmond succumb to the plague not long after his return, but he or another spread it to Beatrice’s family. In the space of weeks she lost not only her husband, but her father, mother, and son. She was alone.

    It was a set of circumstances that would have crushed so many people, and did – and no fault of theirs. But Beatrice, it turned out, was made of something special. She had already made an impact on Ireland. Now, she buried her pain by turning her energies to a new dream. Years before the war and the pandemic were over, she rekindled a dream which, she said later, she had held since the first time she saw an aerodrome in flight. She would become a pilot.

    The film bios, which devote so much time (justifiably, I admit) to the Cytherean angle of Beatrice’s struggle for acceptance from a masculine-dominated society, are remarkably quiet on the topic of how, precisely, she learned to fly. At most, it is dealt with in a quick montage. The primary reason for this is that this period of Beatrice’s life remains one of hot debate. No-one paid much attention to her at the time, and when questioned about it in hindsight, she gave several contradictory stories. It is likely that she was trying to protect the identity of those who trained her, who were likely personnel of the Royal Ardians stationed at a nearby aerofort.[5]

    Though Ireland had withdrawn from the war in all but name, her small number of aerodromes remained useful as a means of transporting doctors and urgent medical supplies as the Government grappled with the plague. With pilots in short supply thanks to that same plague, the Ardians unofficially, without authorisation, trained civilian volunteers to help manage the aerofleet. Mostly, these civilians were only used to fly dromes on short logistical flights, freeing up more experienced pilots for the primary missions.

    Beatrice, it was exposed much later, was not the only woman to be trained in this role. However, she appears to be the only one who publicly opposed the Government, now led by Michael O’Gorman, shutting down the programme when news leaked out. Undaunted by having her simple, lumbering Monteagle Colm-2 two-decker taken away, she began seeking new worlds to conquer.[6]

    In the immediate postwar years of 1927-8, she travelled to England. Her diaries record some of the tumultuous events of those times. England was typical of the belligerents in the Black Twenties in that her people were keen to demand recognition and reward for their years of sacrifice during war and plague. Unlike many other countries, though, there remained little in the way of political goals to focus on. England already had universal suffrage and free elections, and at least the upper house of her Parliament, the House of Knights, was elected by pure Cookeite American Percentage Representation. There would be little call for further reform of the lower House of Burgesses until multi-party elections exposed the problems associated with the ‘first-past-the-post’ plurality voting system used there.

    For now, England’s issues were more associated with the fact that her constitution remained shaky after the upheavals and compromises of the Third Glorious Revolution. She had spent the last two decades as a de facto one-party state, with influence coalescing around the vague ‘Royalist’ group, later known as the Anglian Party, and opposition remaining disunited and confused. The elderly King Frederick III, who turned seventy-three in the same year that he mourned his estranged brother George, remained popular, as did his heir Prince Edward, the Prince of Wales. There seemed no place for opposition. It was only with the struggles of the Black Twenties that true opposition parties began to coalesce. Despite the moderate leadership of Charles Grey, the Anglians increasingly became associated with the doradist side of politics. Ultimately, the broad front could not be maintained as the Government were faced with hard choices, and frequently chose those which cushioned the rich at the expense of the poor.

    Beatrice actually met her friend Evelyn Pace at a rally for one of the two main opposition parties, Francis Beckworth’s Trade Union Alliance, in 1928. Beckworth, a former member of the cobrist wing of the Anglians, had made his name in Parliament opposing internment of Russian civilians in the early part of the war.[7] Now, he deliberately sought to make a new proletarian party that did not draw upon the tainted legacy of Populism or the Mankind Party, one which represented trade unionists – hence the name – and used sea-green rather than purple as its colour. As the Anglians moved towards doradism, the rights of trade unions had been increasingly curtailed, with war and plague providing convenient excuses, and Beckworth capitalised on public discontent with long hours and pay cuts. He kept his powder dry while the popular Grey remained President, having won another term (albeit with reduced numbers and a now-organised opposition) at the delayed postwar election of 1926. However, when Grey chose to retire in 1928, returning to a Cincinnatian exile with his beloved wife Amy to Howick House, Beckworth sensed weakness from his more doradist, less charismatic successor Thomas Howard.

    The rally attended by Beatrice and Evelyn Pace had been a precursor to the calling of the great 1928 Strike Wave, which paralysed Howard’s government and emboldened both the TUA and the other opposition party, Stuart Lightfoot’s Democratic Party. Howard courted controversy over his use of the Gendarmery or ‘redcoats’ in suppression of striking miners, and called an early general election on the theme of ‘Who Rules England?’ appealing to the people to support the elected Parliament over the supposedly ‘reckless’ trade unionists. He would not get the answer he desired, with much of the public abandoning the Anglian Party. However, vote-splitting and the plurality voting system meant that the Anglians still won a parliamentary majority in the Burgesses, albeit a narrow one, based on only about 35% of the nationwide popular vote. Conversely, in the APR-elected Knights, they lost their former majority. This result began a national conversation about voting reform, but in the short term, the Anglians elected to remove Howard in favour of Finance Secretary Frederick Osborne.

    No sooner had a Frederick entered Downing House than another Frederick left St James’ Palace. King Frederick III died at the age of seventy-five, was mourned by the nation, and led to a brief constitutional scare. Some feared that the new American government would decide to press Emperor Augustus’ claim now that the ‘usurper’ was gone, seeking a victory to make up for the loss of Carolina to the Societists. But in the end, the recognition and coronation of Edward VII went without a hitch. Beatrice was a witness to all of this, yet typically of her, she writes only sparingly of it in her diaries. She was more interested in using the mourning for the King as a distraction while she sought to acquire an aerodrome – by hook or by crook.

    Evelyn had worked as a mechanic during the war, and knew that the Royal Aero Force was quite willing to get rid of some of its more obsolete dromes as it turned to the increasing dominance of single-deckers. This probably saved Beatrice from plotting a heist, which she seemed fully capable of doing. The two grew very close friends as they scoured the country for a drome, then for replacement parts after obtaining a damaged Vulcan Angel that had been used to reconnoiter Belgian positions during the early part of the war. Indeed, Beatrice and Evelyn’s friendship was such that a number of modern biopics tiresomely decide to imply they were sapphics, apparently unaware that they are repeating what was an unpleasant rumour spread by jealous counter-Cytherean male pilots and others at the time.

    Evelyn would be only the first of Beatrice’s all-female team, who supported her as ground crew and travelled with her on her later, longer aero voyages. She would meet the next, Jacquette Charasse, when she travelled to France with Evelyn and the Angel, as the country had more liberal laws about civilians flying aerocraft. Like England, France was also undergoing upheavals, with a parliamentary opposition that was scenting blood. Unlike England, France did not yet have universal suffrage, with over ten percent of men and at least thirty percent of women still disenfranchised.[8] Also unlike England, in France the opposition was led by a woman – the famous Madame Héloïse Mercier, née Rouvier.

    This interested Beatrice enough that she paid a little more attention, and records her experience of France’s political drama in between conscientious notes about sprockets and steering gear. France can be considered the exemplar of the early Electric Circus period political phenomenon that George Spencer-Churchill the Younger called ‘bloc breaking’. During the war, democratic and semi-democratic countries had often formed American Coalition governments, seeking to build a national consensus between cobrists and doradists.[9] Meanwhile, those who opposed the continuation of the war had gradually fallen away from those coalitions, but they might be from any part of the political spectrum. While they could temporarily cooperate on foreign policy goals, their alliance was one of strange bedfellows. War policy also seemed sufficiently important to the remaining coalition loyalists that they would rather stay together than risk fighting a two-front war against the anti-war breakaways and their own erstwhile allies.

    The result was that new party systems formed, which often bore little resemblance to the neatly ordered ideological blocs of the previous generation. France was a perfect example. At the end of the Black Twenties conflict in 1926, France was ruled by a combined coalition government of Diamantines, Moderates (or Verts) and neo-Jacobin Noirs. [10] Throughout the war, oppositionists had fallen away, mostly from the Diamantines. After the Changarnier Lectelgram affair in 1925, former Foreign Minister Vincent Pichereau would become the most prominent of these defections, and quickly rose to lead the anti-war cobrist opposition. The Verts’ youth organisation, the Emerald League, which spoke for many embattled young men in the trenches, elected to collaborate with Pichereau – a move led by Roger Marin. These combined discontents would fight the postwar election under what incumbent Prime Minister Bertrand Cazeneuve dismissively called the ‘Rubis coupon’. The Noir party also split into an opposition Jet faction. Most importantly, though Cazeneuve did not see the bloodbath coming, Mme Mercier, then Foreign Ministress, did. As a former Vert herself, she was uniquely placed to appeal to Verts with her own combined coupon, which eventually became the Parti saphir or Sapphire Party.[11] As in England, the delayed general election was held at the end of the war, in 1926. With help from Alain Orliac, the later Sapphires secured sufficient votes to become the second largest party in the Grand-Parlement after the Rubis, with the non-coupon Cazeneuve-loyalist Moderates crushed to third place and the two Noir factions nearly wiping each other out.

    Cazeneuve would call Mercier a betrayer for the rest of his life, but France’s politics had changed irrevocably. By the time Beatrice arrived in 1928, things were unrecognisable. The Grand-Parlement was now dominated by two broad-front parties, both of which included factions derived from the former cobrist and doradist parties, and which divided themselves based on their ancestral attitudes to the war rather than any kind of ideological consistency. The elderly Duc de Berry, Dictateur during the war years, had been installed as King of Greater Poland by a strongarmed Election Sejm, safely removing him from the French political landscape. Though Pichereau was a competent politician, the shaky Rubis alliance was falling apart under its own contradictions, struggling to cope with new challenges such as the renewed rise of Pérousien and Bisnagi nationalism. His majority collapsed in 1929, and the Sapphires were swept to power. Héloïse Mercier had been France’s first Foreign Ministress; now she would be her first Prime Ministress.

    A recurring question for Beatrice’s biographers is just how much she herself influenced this result in France. France was a land of aeronauts, of pioneers of the air, ever since the Montgolfier brothers had hoisted their balloons aloft. This tradition was reflected in the country’s rather lax laws that allowed aerocraft to be operated by amateurs and civilians; while these had been tightened during the war, it had been an easy win for a ‘return to normality’ for Pichereau to reverse this. Postwar France was full of discharged pilots of the Royal Aerostatic Corps, now unwilling to return to humdrum jobs after their years of peril and adventure. With surplus aerodromes also reasonably easy to obtain, these pilots turned to stunt flying at provincial fairs, events which saw an explosion in the heady postwar years. Despite ineffectual attempts by the authorities to crack down, crowds would be wowed as pilots fought mock dogfights, played musical instruments or performed other stunts in the air, or even emerged from their aerodrome to ‘walk the wings’. These aerofétards became an icon of their age, and the French term has become the usual one even in other countries, many of whom saw the practice spread there.

    Naturally, Beatrice felt that what the French could do, she could do better. Jacquette Charasse was a like-minded Frenchwoman whose brother had been a pilot before an injury. Together, they flew the Angel at the Paris Technological Expo of 1929, only weeks before the election. Exposed as women mid-flight (not as…frontally as some bios would suggest!) they were briefly arrested, only to be released as Cythereans marched on the police station in question. Certainly, Beatrice and Jacquette’s adventures provided Mme Mercier with a high-profile illustration in her vocal and charismatic attacks on the continuing inequality women were faced with, which helped rally the female electorate to oppose the Rubis. But it would be misleading, and rather insulting to her, to imply this was the only string to Mercier’s bow.

    As for Beatrice, her own ambitions still had a long way to be satisfied. After the controversy of the Paris arrest, she, Jacquette and Evelyn crossed the border from France into the new Grand Duchy of Luxemburg. Grand Duke Maximilian had been forced to sign a treaty that effectively neutralised his remnant of the former Belgium and severely limited its armed forces, reducing it to part of a buffer between France and Germany. It transpired that the wording of this treaty had been a little unwise on one point – it specified that Luxemburg was forbidden from training any men to pilot war aerodromes. While recent members of the House of Wittelsbach had sometimes been known for prejudice against women, they had also famously (or infamously) exploited that attitude from others, as in the adventures of the Duchess of Brabant’s Girls.[12] Maximilian was more pragmatic than his namesake, and invited Beatrice to develop an all-female aero training school at Sint Hubert.[13]

    Beatrice might have fame but, of course, she was still early in her career and lacked experience. While she was the figurehead of the Sint Hubert Luchtmacht Academie, much of the real work was done by the (male) veterans of the now-disbanded Royal Belgian Aero Force, who were forbidden from flying themselves but developed inventive methods to train their female charges on the ground.[14] Though ground aero simulators had been developed during the Black Twenties, it was here that they were brought to their most sophisticated state before the advent of surfinal ypologetics.[15] In reality, Beatrice almost certainly benefited more herself from training than any she bestowed upon Maximilian’s female pilots – but the myth is important too, for this was another part of the critical ‘Cytherean moment’ at the beginning of the Second Interbellum. At this stage in her life, Beatrice’s achievements were more symbolic, but symbols change the world as much as concrete reality does.

    While in Luxemburg, Beatrice recruited another member of her group, Floortje Sterckx, a pilot candidate who washed out of training but became a valued member of her travelling ground crew. After the Academie had become self-sustaining, Beatrice left in 1931. She performed at Luftfest Frankfurt ’32, which the capital of the German state of Grand Hesse organised. This was one of the first legitimate aero shows with government backing of the period, rather than happening unofficially and away from the eyes of the authorities. (As an aside, it’s important to note that aero shows had existed way back in the nineteenth century with balloons, steerables and early aerodromes; it’s since aerodromes became such feared weapons of war that governments had cracked down on civilian demonstrations, but now they were giving up).

    Again, as always there was a political agenda to how Beatrice was hosted, used and portrayed. Like other countries, Germany was still going through a period of postwar turmoil. The royal family had come out of the Black Twenties as an increasingly unpopular institution, at least on the federal level. Not only was Bundeskaiser Anton disliked for consistently misreading public opinion during the war, but his more popular son Moritz had died of the plague. The heir apparent (and current King of High Saxony) was now the unpopular and infamous dilettante grandson, Christian Augustus. These factors had damaged the link between the royals and the Treuliga party in the Bundesdiet, which had formerly been both the main doradist party and effectively the royal mouthpiece. A Hochrad-led government under Wolfgang Ruddel had led the country through the nightmare of the Black Twenties, but certainly not without controversy. Discontent, over the unequal suffering of classes in the icy trenches of the Oder Bridgehead and the plague hospitals alike, meant that increasing numbers of working-class voters abandoned the Hochrads for their Niederrad coalition partners.[16] The divided Treuliga failed to win the contentious 1926 election, but Ruddel was replaced by a Niederrad Bundeskanzler from egalitarian Grand Hesse, Uwe Fischer.

    By the time Beatrice arrived, the atmosphere in Germany was charged. The aristocracy and business both feared the reforming Fischer government, many seeking to oppose its policies through the state diets rather than in the Bundesdiet. The Treuliga finally fragmented into a two parts. The first was a smaller continuing Treuliga faction led by Matthias von Below, which continued to vocally support the Bundeskaiser. (It is, perhaps, significant that they had to find a Billungian nobleman to lead it, as the High Saxon nobility were growing increasingly discontented with Christian Augustus). The second, larger fragment was the Vereinspartei, led by Gerhard von Nostitz, a relative of the famous Unification War hero, who had begun to quietly criticise the monarchy during the war.[17] Though not openly republican, the Vereinspartei firmly expressed a message that they presented their own ideas, not merely acting as the Bundeskaiser’s mouthpiece. Among the more unusual of those ideas was their argument that Germany’s federal system had weakened her response to the war and plague, advocating a more centralised and unitary form of government. As I said before, this was unusual, because most aristocrats tended to use German federalism against the Radicals.

    Though von Nostitz himself was not like this, the Vereinspartei also tended to be associated with young fanatics who took inspiration from Italy’s authoritarian and patriarchal Romulan movement. The Grand Hessians inviting Beatrice to perform was therefore not only a celebration of Cytherean values, but a pointed attack on the Vereinspartei street gangs who were destabilising politics. Unsurprisingly, the show was followed by Areian riots in which Beatrice and her comrades escaped by – of course – air. These riots which gave the Radical government an excuse to institute new police powers and crack down on the gangs. A portion of the old Hochrads, led by Fritz von Ziege’s son Bernd, broke away in opposition to this policy, arguing it could just as easily be used to suppress cobrist groups when they were out of power. Bernd von Ziege formed the Freie Radikalen (Freierad) party as a voice for liberal views.

    Beatrice finally returned to Ireland in late 1931 as a celebrity, with Dermot Higgins’ NRA government being unable to suppress her even if they had wanted to – in fact many among the party celebrated her achievements. 1932 would see the first of the long-distance flights that would really make her name. Really though, this one was a modest hop that was noteworthy only because it was the first time a woman had performed it, merely a flight from Dublin to Anglesey. Nonetheless, Beatrice drew crowds, and her fundraiser allowed her to finally purchase a longer-range aerodrome, a French-built Laporte Pélican-3 heavy seadrome which she named the Merganser.[18] Seadromes had become popular during the First Interbellum, and would continue to be used throughout the Second in some parts of the world. However, their key advantage was that they allowed a pilot to land on water and dock at a seaport like a boat when no aeroport was available – and, while that was still true in many lands, many more had been carpeted with concrete aeroforts during the Black Twenties, some of which were now surplus to requirements and available for civilian use.[19]

    Beatrice’s choice of a seadrome reveals her ambitions, even from that early stage, to venture far beyond what her neighbours back in Downpatrick might call ‘civilised lands’. She herself was more open-minded. She didn’t have to travel far from Europe to prove it, either. Later in 1932 she would take the Merganser on her maiden voyage, travelling to England, then France (now securely under Mme Mercier’s government). Some wondered if she would defy the loudly public ban which the Romulans had placed on her by travelling to Italy, but instead she stunned public opinion even more. She would cross the Bay of Biscay and become a high-profile witness to the events taking place in the Iberian Peninsula...

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    Unfortunately the uncorrupted recording ends there. I hope you will be able to make something of the rest, but in the meantime, we have more recordings to send you shortly. If the good sergeant can keep his unspeakable meat products away from these...








    [1] See Part #266 in Volume VII for more on the Chappe-Cugnot Marque, which is similar to OTL’s Michelin stars.

    [2] She would actually be a tad young to be described as a Flippant if born in 1902.

    [3] In many places, though not necessarily Ireland, this often refers to veterans of the Pandoric War psychologically affected by their experiences.

    [4] In practice by this point the Whig-Tories had been absorbed into the Gold Party (Paírtí Óir) but the label did stick around for particularly old-fashioned MPs such as Ram.

    [5] I.e. air base, the term being used a little anachronistically here. ‘Royal Ardians’ is a nickname for the Royal Irish Air Force, ‘ardian’ meaning ‘bird chief’ in Gaelic; in OTL it was proposed, but not accepted, as a rank in the then-new Royal Air Force.

    [6] The Monteagle Colm-2 is roughly equivalent to OTL’s Vickers Vernon, and is a licensed copy of the English-built Astra Pigeon freight drome with a slightly different Irish CorkCorp engine.

    [7] See Part #278 in Volume VIII.

    [8] Note how this compares to the figures quoted in Part #229 of Volume VI; French suffrage was already somewhat liberalised by the Diamantine governments after the withdrawal of the IEF from South America. This also refers specifically to the Grand-Parlement, with the Parlements-Provincial having enjoyed universal suffrage for years before the Pandoric War.

    [9] Recall that ‘American Coalition’ is the term often used in TTL to mean grand coalition or national crisis government, due the practice being associated with the ENA during the antebellum years in which the presence of the Carolinian Whigs essentially forced the Liberals and Supremacists to cohabit.

    [10] Technically, of course, the Noirs are paleo-Jacobin rather than neo-Jacobin…

    [11] See Part #297 in Volume VIII.

    [12] As previously mentioned, the significance of the ‘Duchess of Brabant’s Girls’ (a series of female spies and sleeper agents raised by the Duchess from youth to be fanatically loyal to the former King Maximilian IV and the state) tends to be exaggerated by pop culture in TTL, a few high-profile cases obscuring their real level of impact.

    [13] Not the OTL village in the Dutch province of North Brabant, but a Flemish-isation of the OTL Walloon town of Saint-Hubert/Sint-Houbert, following racial purging after the Route des Larmes.

    [14] The lecturer is switching back and forth between Dutch and English terms here; ‘Luchtmacht’ is the Dutch or Flemish term (in both OTL and TTL) for air force.

    [15] Electronic computers. Similarly, in OTL quite sophisticated simulators were developed in the Second World War, despite working through purely mechanical means.

    [16] These parties are not as well-defined as this makes it sound. Both Hochrads and Niederrads represent factions that are part of a broader Radical Bloc or Cobrist Bloc. The difference is that Hochrads or High Radicals tend to be of more aristocratic and middle-class who pursue cobrist (left-wing) goals from a paternal perspective, believing they are the best course for the nation, whereas Niederrads or Low Radicals are of working-class extraction themselves and have more ‘skin in the game’.

    [17] See Part #284 in Volume VIII.

    [18] Terminology in TTL does not strictly distinguish between what we would call seaplanes (planes that land on water using pontoons, but their fuselage is out of the water) and the larger flying-boats (planes whose fuselage is shaped like a ship’s hull and is immersed in the water when they land). Both are referred to as seadromes, with the ‘heavy’ qualifier being the only hint that this is a flying-boat.

    [19] This, in WW2, is what killed the flying-boat in OTL (especially the famous ‘Empire’ flying-boat routes). Things are more drawn-out in TTL because, although the Black Twenties conflict was global, it was not to the same extent that WW2 was, so there are still plenty of areas without former military air bases turned airports where flying-boats still make sense – for now.
     
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  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #303: Chaos With Chinese Characteristics

    “JUSTICE FOR ANNAM

    NO SURRENDER TO AYUTTHAI THUGS

    REMEMBER GIA DINH!

    WRITE TO YOUR MCP!

    STOP THE KAREN MASSACRES

    WHAT DOES AMBASSADOR ZHANG SAY?

    Read more on Motext page 42K-112!

    Paid for by the American Friends of Annamese Freedom, fully authorised and registered campaign group, registration number AF10/86210

    – Political poster seen on Gooch Street, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Dr David Wostyn, October 2020

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    Of course, I make no apologies for selecting my particular area of interest for the next lecture recording we have digitised. In this timeline, China certainly has a larger cultural impact on the western world than what we are familiar with, yet I would say it still remains neglected in relation to its vast population and history. Furthermore, our recent focus has been on largely European (and, I suppose, American or ‘Novamundine’ as they say here) descriptions of the Black Twenties period. But China, as we saw, played a crucial role in the outbreak of that conflict and the following plague. After the beginnings of the plague pandemic, our descriptions of China – and its neighbour Siam – were few and far between. It is high time we remedy that, and I have just the lecture…

    *

    Recorded lecture on “The Modern History of China, Part 3” by Dr Ambrose Renfrew and Dx Xu Jingyi, recorded October 16th, 2020—

    It had seemed that the 1920s dawned auspiciously for the Chinese Empire, if I can be forgiven a rather stereotypical word choice. (Laughter) To recap, following the death of Xuanming the Great in 1905, his son succeeded to the throne as the Huifu Emperor. At the time, people both inside China and beyond it wondered how he could possibly live up to the example that his father had set.

    Xuanming’s reign occupied the years of the Long Peace, which in East Asian terms comes between the end of the Second Sino-Siamese War in 1871, and the outbreak of the Pandoric War in 1896. This period is almost synonymous with what is called the Weixin or Reform period, in which Xuanming and his allies, such as Wu Mengchao, sought to modernise many aspects of Chinese society and industry.[1] China – or, I should say, then, merely Feng China – had shown its superiority over the fading northern remnant of the Beiqing, but had received a rude awakening from the modernising Siamese Empire. Feng Chinese forces had lost the naval battle of Qiongzhou Strait, as well as land battles against Siam which resulted in Siam regaining lands in Tonkin at the peace treaty. Emperor Xuanming’s challenge had been to ensure that Feng China did not merely outstrip the Beiqing, but the Siamese – and stand up to Europeans and Novamundines too. This was not only achieved, but benefits of industrialisation trickled down to the common people, who obtained the use of China’s Optel network (while Lectel was reserved for government use) and whose literacy increased as education was reformed and modernised.

    Under Xuanming, China also built a remarkable, but nowadays rather controversial, legacy: imperial expansion over the Himalayas into northern India. The establishment of Jushina, today’s Panchala, as a Chinese vassal state is an act that has left echoes down history to today.[2]

    The great irony of Xuanming’s tenure as Emperor was that he is sometimes seen, especially by outsiders, as being defined by the two wars at the start and end of his reign – but he was undoubtedly most active during the period in between. It was his patient peacetime modernisation which led China to reap the benefits during the Pandoric War, which there is usually described through its two component conflicts involving China – the Third Sino-Siamese War and the War of Chinese Reunification. Not only did Chinese forces defeat Siam on land and sea this time and gain practically all of Tonkin as Jiaozhi Province, but when Russia desperately forced the Beiqing to join the war to shore up their position against the Americans, China took the opportunity to swiftly reconquer the rotten husk of the Beiqing regime. After almost a century of division following the Three Emperors’ War, China was finally reunified.

    As Ambrose said, that was a lot for the Huifu Emperor to live up to when he came to the throne, and yet he did. Like his father, he faced a great number of challenges as soon as he ascended to power. China suffered floods and famines in 1908, and with the removal of the Beiqing as a common enemy, there was much division among political theorists and scholars about what direction the state should take.

    In the aftermath of the war, Huaqiao people – overseas Chinese – began to return. Some of them had never lived in China and only barely spoke Chinese, as a second language. Some returned because they saw opportunities in the new reunited China, but many also came because of catastrophe in their united homelands, especially as chaos and then Societism spread across the Nusantara. These people were an unexpected and unpredictable element, a new spice in the bubbling stewpot of Chinese society, which was already reeling from the emergence of the Flippant youth subculture also seen elsewhere.[3]

    As in Europe, common people were also beginning to assert their voice anew, with technology and new kinds of urban civilisation meaning that they were no longer cut off from the corridors of power. There remained a profound difference, which has still not entirely vanished today, between the cities and the countryside in China. Frequently, organised poor urban workers might start to gain a voice, while to the rural peasant, the only difference between him and his ancestors was that he could pay to borrow a coal-fired steam tractor for a day to supplement his water buffalo. This wasn’t always true, of course, and some influential figures – especially artists and musicians – did escape the monotony of rural agriculture to leave their mark on China. But they did so by going to the cities.

    That’s right, Jingyi. Well, if the New School Confucian conservatives and isolationists had thought Xuanming was radical, they would be appalled anew by Huifu. One of his boldest reforms was to rotate the capital city between Hanjing, Nanjing, Beijing and Xi’an every six months, a way of appeasing interests that had grown resentful about power being concentrated in the south.

    In time, there would be a counter-reaction against that as well, with the people of Hanjing and its surrounding provinces reviving and celebrating their Nanyue heritage, rather than regarding themselves as the true heirs of Han culture, as they had during the years of division. But that still lay in the future.

    Yes. Huifu’s other major reform was the creation of the One Hundred and Eight Mandators, a demarchic random sampling of people across Chinese society. This was his attempt to plot a third way between traditional Chinese conservative ideas and those advocating European-style democracy. Most Chinese schools of thought agreed with the concept of the ‘Mandate of Heaven’, that an Emperor could lose his divine mandate and that this was expressed through natural disasters as well as popular revolts. The philosophy of the Mandators was to suggest a kind of early warning system for such a loss, which would allow misconceived policy to be rethought before it was too late.

    Xi Juzheng, Huifu’s ally and one of the architects of the system, explicitly compared it to the famous seismograph of Zhang Heng.[4] Just as a bronze dragon on the device might drop a ball into the mouth of a toad to indicate the direction and strength of an earthquake, discontent from a peasant reacting to a proposed policy in the Palace of the 108 could suggest the cause of a potential revolt before it broke out.

    Yes. Huifu appears to have seen it as more of a symbolic rubber-stamp originally, but responded to noble complaints by forcing nobles to be part of the assembly as well. The selection was, at first, genuinely randomised. Peasant Mandators would usually be bribed to agree with state policy ninety-nine percent of the time, at least publicly, but in private might voice concerns that would be fed back to the mandarins. Their families would be exempted from taxes and subsidised for the duration of the year they served, ensuring they did not suffer from the loss of a working man. Such largesse also helped endear the Emperor across the nation in a new and concrete way, even though being selected as a Mandator was not always seen as a positive.

    Huifu had also continued his father’s push for industrialisation and the construction of railways, roads, modernised canals, and other arteries for communication and transport. China’s ‘natural’ economic place in the world had always been near the top, but the empire had suffered under years of Qing decline and division, falling behind Europe’s Industrial Revolution. Now, China’s economy swelled, with some of that prosperity trickling down to the common people, especially in the large cities.

    And again, more controversially, some partly attribute this influx of wealth to the mass theft of gold and jewels from Jihadi-burnt Hindu temples in Jushina by Chinese adventurers. Regardless, China’s status as an economic powerhouse was proved by the Panic of 1917. This global recession was partly kicked off when Chinese troops controversially intervened in Corea, putting down a public revolt against King Geongjong by those angry about the imprisonment of reformist politician Lee Chang-jung.[5] Overnight, China had changed the balance of power in the region, effectively booting the Russians out of their seat of influence over Corea and even the corporate possessions of Corean businessmen in Yapon and the International Guntoor Authority. The market shock from this sudden shift, coupled to the Kingdom of Guatemala defaulting on her war debt payments, destroyed the shaky remnant of the pre-Pandoric War ‘Antwerp System’ and spent the world spiralling into recession.

    Though there was some economic fallout in China itself, overall the strong and largely self-sufficient Chinese economy weathered the crisis well, with state-backed Chinese business consortia acting to bail out foreign corporate entities on the verge of collapse. This saw China gaining additional influence in the Liaodong and Formosan Republics, as well as in the former ‘Senhor Oliveira’s Company’ (now renamed the Concan Confederacy) in India, and beyond. At a time when other powerful economies such as Russia, France and the ENA were using bailouts to gain influence, China was asserting her seat at the top table of world affairs.

    So in the year 1919, China had a restive population coupled to a reforming Emperor, a sense of growing power tempered by a feeling that the job remained unfinished. The remaining flies in the ointment, from a nationalist perspective, was that Russia still occupied parts of Manchuria that had formerly been nominally part of their Beiqing puppet state; that the Liaodong and Formosan Republics remained formally independent; and that a further war with Siam, influenced by the Red Sash Brigade revanchists, seemed inevitable and inescapable.

    That status quo would suffer two remarkable blows separated by a few years. In 1919 itself, successful French negotiation managed to defuse tensions between China and Siam, returning part of Tonkin to Siam in return for Siamese recognition of the rest remaining China’s Jiaozhi Province, and China flexing her economic muscles to Siam’s benefit. This was the Treaty of Guiling. With mutual mistrust declining, new trade links were built, which would yield a terrible, unintentional harvest as they linked certain parts of the remote Yunnan Province to the rest of the world.[6]

    But we’ll get to that. France was also building alliances with the ENA and others, seeking to contain an expansionist Russia. What the French had not expected was that China, led diplomatically by Foreign Minister Ding Guoyang, Duke of Cao, had other ideas. The victory against the Beiqing in the Pandoric War, coupled to the Russians being pushed out of their position of influence in Corea, had severely tipped the balance of odds in terms of any future Russo-Chinese war. Tsar Paul was enough of a realist to realise that Russia could not possibly hope to fight China as well as the ENA and the French-led European alliance. Thus, just as France had bought Siamese neutrality against China to try to persuade China to attack Russia, Russia bought Chinese neutrality against themselves. Most of the disputed Manchurian territories were ceded to China, and Russia recognised China’s immediate annexation of the Liadong and Formosan Republics, finally returning long-lost territory to the metropole.[7]

    France, the only other world power that would normally be in a position to protest, could of course scarcely do so, as she found herself dragged into what was then called the ‘Khivan War’ with a rather smaller alliance than she had thought she had. And so China secured several long-running policy goals in the matter of a handful of years, without going to battle – not with a shout, but with a sigh. If France had been the ‘Vulture’ of the Pandoric War, using her strength to remain neutral and then exploit the chaos of the postwar situation as a strong and fresh arbiter among exhausted rivals, it seemed that this title would now pass to China. The so-called Celestial Empire had gone from being the divided playground of European trade to a nation that bestrode the world like a giant.[8]

    With these popular achievements, one might assume that the rule of the Huifu Emperor, and of the Feng Dynasty system, was now assured. But history is not so predictable.

    Certainly, as Jingyi said earlier, China faced a number of challenges that could not be entirely brushed over by economic strength and foreign policy triumphalism – the return of many Huaqiao from the diaspora, the urban-rural divide, the continuing divisions over political ideology and questions of religious tolerance.

    But the biggest factor was, of course, one which no-one saw coming. That self-same peace, those increased trade links between China and Siam, would open up the formerly isolated province of Yunnan and allow its people and goods to be traded far afield. It’s believed that the bubonic plague, known today in China as shu-yi, the Rat-sickness, had existed in natural reservoirs in Yunnan for years, perhaps even centuries. There are recorded cases of plague in Yunnan going back many years before the outbreak of the Third Plague Pandemic across the world. In 1805, shortly before his death from an earlier plague outbreak, Xu Wenxing wrote a despairing poem about it, ‘The Ballad of Dying Rats’ which begins thusly:

    “Rats die to the left, to the right!
    Folk would sooner see a tiger than a dying rat
    For days after the rats fall
    Folk join them, crumbling like a a besieged wall.
    Never count the number
    Of those who die before sunset!”[9]

    Much like Europeans of the same era, just because the Chinese people were aware of the connection between dying rats and a plague outbreak did not mean they knew how the plague was transmitted. At the time that Xu lived, the Chinese still viewed mass disease as an act of divine judgement; in their cosmology, the Jade Emperor’s celestial government had a Ministry of Epidemics which would unleash plagues in response to sin and complacency from the people. That was a model which, in broad strokes, many mediaeval Europeans would concur with. In the age of the Enlightenment, such ideas seemed to be swept away – but Europeans were no closer to deducing the origins of diseases. Scientifically-minded savants in both Europe and China remained firmly convinced of the miasma theory of disease, albeit formulated in slightly different ways. Xu’s poem refers to ‘plague ghosts stealing souls’ as an agent of disease, not the dead rats themselves, which are seen purely as a warning and omen. Even when European doctors had suggested rats as a disease vector, many dismissed it as a cause compared to the eating of contaminated food (which can be a real cause of the plague, but in reality an extremely rare one).[10]

    So plague was not known by the name shu-yi until the Black Twenties themselves, when both European and Chinese – and Novamundine – scientists finally began to unlock the secrets of how so many had died in the preceding centuries.

    The first wave of the plague in China, in early 1923 by the Gregorian calendar, was by far the worst, with as many as a million deaths – the figures are disputed. This was because the seemingly minor initial outbreaks were spread across the nation, along with neighbouring Siam, by people travelling for Lunar New Year celebrations.[11] Though the rest of the Old World and the Novamund were both eventually ravaged by the plague in their turn, there was at least the fact that it burned relatively slowly across them and generally allowed some time to prepare, Ireland’s Black Homecoming aside. China, by contrast, was hit hard and all at once, in every major city and much of the countryside as well. Though China was not distracted by involvement in a global war, the nature of this first wave meant that doctors and civil servants were frequently overwhelmed.

    It is still disputed in Chinese academia when the concept of quarantine first began in China. Those arguing from a Diversitarian point of view like to bring up that sufferers from earlier epidemics were told to ‘isolate’ in monasteries many hundreds of years ago, but it’s not clear whether it was recognised that it was the isolation that was preventing the disease spreading. Of course, the more obvious reason to send a patient to a monastery was because of the understanding that disease was a divine punishment for sin! Modern notions of quarantine probably did not enter China until the opening of the Feng south to Western ideas at the start of the nineteenth century.[12]

    This is not to say that Western ideas of quarantine at the time were necessarily very sophisticated. The name stems from the Venetian word meaning ‘forty’, as the first quarantine – during the Black Death or the Second Plague Pandemic – was imposed on visitors to that city, sending them to an island for forty days before they were permitted to enter. Europeans’ use of quarantine was evidence-based, but not grounded in any useful scientific theory. The one advantage of the incorrect miasma theory of disease was that the same kind of isolation measures aimed at a fictional ‘bad air’ disease agent should also keep out the actual pathogens – at least, if rats and fleas could not get into the isolation zone.

    Nonetheless, by the time of the first plague wave in 1923, the concept of quarantine was sufficiently well-established in China that the Huifu Emperor’s government imposed a strict quarantine between all major cities to try to slow the spread. This was of limited effectiveness at first, as the plague had largely already been spread by the Lunar New Year journeys, but did help keep individual cities plague-free once the wave had peaked and burned out there. Though faced with some mutual prejudice against each others’ work, Chinese and European (and later Novamundine) scientists did pool their resources to try to find more modern ways to fight the disease outbreak. The animalcule pathogen was identified by the Meridian Refugiado scientist in the Philippines, Miguel García, and was thus dubbed García pestis or G. pestis for short.[13] The role of rats and fleas was identified by teams working in France, Russia and China almost simultaneously, though all three faced scepticism from their colleagues at first.

    Having ascertained how the disease was spread, the Huifu Emperor’s government now turned to combative measures rather than just merely control. China’s chemical industry had grown over the years, especially after the collapse of the UPSA cut off certain imports. It was now turned to the production of Vienna Green and other chemical pesticides used to kill off both rats and fleas alike.[14] After a plague vaccine was developed by Siamese scientists in 1925 (following an earlier breakthrough by the Societists), a deal was struck between China and Siam: the Siamese would share their secrets in return for China’s vast factories turning out the vaccine in huge quantities for export, as well as supplying more Vienna Green. Later, Chinese scientists also independently reverse-engineered the formula for the American rat poison Birline, whose patent was jealously guarded but which had already been stolen by Guinean agents.[15]

    With vast resources, weapons with which to fight the human foe, and no distraction from war involvement, it seemed as though China was well placed to deal with the epidemic. However, it transpired that the plague would be a bigger challenge for the Huifu Emperor’s government than any expected. It also dramatically exposed the inequalities and inhomogeneities within the Chinese state, peeling back the superficial triumphs of the Feng Dynasty and revealing that there could be a rotten core within.

    The divide in China was threefold: north versus south, rich versus poor, and urban versus rural. The places which fought the plague most effectively were the southern cities, especially the seaports. They had been Feng for longest, they had been exposed to European ideas enough to be comfortable with many of them (notably leading to modern sanitation and sewer systems) and they felt the most visceral yet knowing loyalty to the Emperor and the state. Ambrose, if you could bring up the map…

    The capital of Hanjing, despite having many poorer suburbs, managed to eliminate the plague for the first time as early as mid-1924. Other southern coastal cities such as Fuzhou, Shantou, Quanzhou and Xiamen (or Amoy) were generally also successful in their counter-plague efforts. Things were more mixed in cities like Nanjing (or Jiangning), Wuchang, Anqing, Luoyang and Kaifeng. Chengdu, despite being less modernised than some of those cities, generally managed to control the plague well due to a combination of quarantines and somewhat reckless use of Vienna Green. Guiyang’s response was generally good on paper, but sheer geographic proximity to Yunnan (and the new roads and rail links) made it difficult for the local government to stay on top of the situation before a new group of disease vectors could arrive.

    The real problems arose further north. Despite being one of the four capitals, Beijing’s modernisation was only, what is that word you use Ambrose? Scattershot. Yes. It was incomplete, and the local administration was only one generation removed from the corrupt and ineffectual Beiqing rule. Do not misunderstand, the Huifu Emperor and the Feng government had worked hard to try to bring it up to date, but inevitably not everything could be prioritised at once. For example, there was a modern sewer system, but the workers operating it were not always sufficiently well educated to understand the importance of it to the spread of disease. Things were even worse in cities like Taiyuan, Tianjin and Baoding, where there had been less incentive to modernise without the Emperor in town. Undoubtedly the worst city was Yingkou in the former Liaodong Republic, whose local population had been viewed as a source of labour, and otherwise some inconvenient background noise, by generations of French, Corean, Russian and other foreign traders seeking influence there.

    The geographical divide was exacerbated by social class and education, or lack thereof. Most southerners understood that quarantine, spraying with Vienna Green and Birline, and getting vaccinated were things everyone needed to do in order to halt the spread of the plague. Northerners, by contrast, typically viewed them as purely performative acts which one might do to pay lip service if the Emperor’s representative was watching – but otherwise, why not sell the canister of Vienna Green on the black market and use the money to go drinking in an illegal bar?

    This is a stereotype, as there were many ignorant and slapdash southerners (as some newspapers of the time highlight) and some conscientious and intelligent northerners, such as the great public health advocate Wang Beiling. However, this impression was the root cause of increasing division and resentment within China. The southern cities would repeatedly eradicate the plague and open up, only to face a new outbreak as people from plague-stricken northern cities entered. Internal passports had been introduced, but the endemic corruption in parts of the former Beiqing north meant that there was always someone ready to forge one.

    Even when the troops were sent in to a northern city to enforce the vaccination programme, the uneducated rural peasantry – even in parts of the south – could be relied upon to spread the plague regardless. To them, plague was still very much a divine punishment and one which could only be dealt with through ritualistic prayer and offerings to Guan Yu, the God of Plague, or the Bodhisattva Guanyin, Goddess of Mercy.[16] Ironically, Guan Yu’s cult had formerly been especially popular in the southern Guandong Province, but this association with the ignorant northern peasantry sent this into decline. Indeed, it was at this time that the romantic revival of the pre-Han Nanyue identity, specifically distinguishing the southern coast from the rest of China, first began to emerge.

    This southern frustration led to much of the unity which the Feng had built now beginning to crumble at the edges. Huifu’s son Zhuling, the recognised Crown Prince among his four surviving sons, had built much of his career on attempting to reintegrate the Beiqing lands into the crown. Now he worked all the harder to try to combat both the destructive ignorance and corruption of the northerners, and the resentful prejudice which the southerners directed at them. Zhuling resorted to a strikingly modern public health campaign which borrowed imagery from more traditional sources. Stories of an everyman protagonist who is shown horrific images of plague by Guanyin, who warns him to follow public health procedures rather than to pray to her, and to keep a cat to hunt rats, portrayed as an agent of heaven. For the illiterate, images of the Bodhisattva carrying a large vaccination syringe or Vienna Green canister began to appear.[17]

    Another son of the Emperor who rose to particular prominence at this time was Prince Zhuzhong. More stolid and less ambitious than his brother Zhuling, Zhuzhong had served in the Imperial Army as a commander during the Pandoric War. Though young and inexperienced, he lacked the destructive arrogance and paranoid insecurity that many nobles thrust into such a position, in many nations, had felt. Zhuzhong was more than willing to defer to the advice of his mentor General (later Marshal) Liang Dezhao, and in time could step into his shoes as a capable leader in his own right.

    Zhuzhong lacked political ambition and got on well with his brother, though the two disagreed on the former Beiqing northern territories. Unlike Zhuling’s compassion for the northerners, Zhuzhong had acquired a low opinion of them when he had served in the conquest of the north – especially compared to the Siamese (and the Annamese in particular) whom he respected as worthy adversaries. Zhuzhong believed the only way to rule the north was with an iron fist, that the only thing these backward, Manchu-ridden peasants would respect was force alone, and that anything more would only service the endemic corruption in the region. Some, reading stories of those sewer workers selling their Vienna Green canisters for a pittance and then spreading the plague when they were bitten by fleas, muttered that he might be right. However, Zhuzhong loyally supported his brother and father in public and never declared any such opinion in the political sphere. His views became known only through leaked letters, for he was stationed far away for most of the plague years.

    From 1878 onwards, with the defeat of Tibet and Nepal, Feng China had begun pushing her influence into the northern Indian plain.[18] Remember we talked about it last time? Jushinajieluo – or just Jushina – that’s modern Panchala – came under Chinese control, and so did Delhi in time. Actually most Chinese people would say they built the Panchali state out of disparate parts and Panchala merely inherited it – but the Panchalis would disagree, as is their Diversitarian right. (Slightly nervous laughter)

    Since 1890, the Tripitaka Tours Company had been bringing Chinese Buddhist pilgrims along the same route that Xuanzang had trod over a thousand years before, as immortalised – with embellishments! – by Wu Cheng’en in Journey to the West. At first, the local people (we can’t really call them Panchalis back then) welcomed Chinese rule as an island of stability after the chaos and destruction unleashed by the Great Jihad and the anarchy of its aftermath. By the 1920s, though, China had been ruling and taxing the area for almost forty years, and public resentment was starting to grow. It wouldn’t really kick off until the Thirties, but many of the Hindu spiritual fathers of the Panchali independence movement were already beginning to make themselves heard. Anyway, Prince Zhuzhong was commander of the Chinese armies of the region, which kept the peace and guarded Jushina and Delhi’s borders from encroachment by the Russians, the Bengalis, or bandits. He is generally seen as having a good understanding of the area and its culture, though again, some Panchalis would disagree. He was also known for his interest in the Kongjun, the Chinese Aero Force, which had fallen behind rivals such as Siam’s in the early twentieth century due to Xuanming Emperor’s disinterest in flight after the death of his friend Wu Mengchao in an experimental aerocraft.

    As Europeans had long ago observed, the plague was no respecter of persons. Though the poor, the northern and the rural might be most at risk, the plague continued to strike among the wealthy, the southern and the urban – and, for that matter, the noble. In 1928, at a time when the plague had been almost eliminated from Europe and North America, it continued to burn at a low level in China thanks to the the north and the countryside serving as a reservoir from which it could return to strike the cities. The Huifu Emperor’s answer was simply more and more hair-trigger use of quarantine, which began to build resentment among southerners and city dwellers – and everyone, really. But 1928 was also the year when the plague slew Xi Juzheng, the Old School Confucian scholar and great friend of the Emperor, whose ideas had formed the framework for his iconic reforms such as the rotating capital city and the 108 Mandators.[19] Xi converted to Christianity on his deathbed, but many had whispered that he was a secret Christian for years, not least for his pushing for the tolerance of Christian missionaries.

    Some attribute public discontent and conspiracising to this revelation about the architect of Huifu’s years in power. However, there were many other causes, most obviously resentment about the continuing plague-control measures, with no apparent end in sight. Just when China needed a charismatic leader, Huifu withdrew from society and fell sick. Though not entirely clear, it seems this was not the plague, but simply fatigue and depression from the loss of his friend and the stressful years of leading China through the dark times. To add to Xi’s death, Prince Zhuling had also fallen gravely ill with the plague, contracting it while on one of his missions to educate the northern provinces about plague control.

    In this power vacuum, Foreign Minister Ding Guoyang, architect of China’s successful play of France against Russia at the start of the war, became the most powerful man in the government. However, the Duke of Cao soon found himself faced with an impossible dilemma. In February 1929, after falling into a feverish coma that most doctors thought could end only in death, Prince Zhuling made a full recovery from his near-fatal brush with the plague. However, the consequences were unexpected and drastic. Zhuling had been nursed back to help by volunteers from the north, some of whom had loudly and publicly prayed to Guan Yu and used traditional Chinese medicine. It remains hotly debated among scholars whether Zhuling was actually driven mad through brain damage during the coma, or whether he was cognisant but simply had a radical change of heart. Regardless, Zhuling now began to publicly insist that he had been wrong to propose ‘western barbarian’ sanitation, vaccination and disinfection, and advocated a return to core Chinese values and traditional cures. In June 1929, following one set of off-the-cuff remarks, a mob of peasants marched into Kaifeng and burned down a vaccination clinic, killing more than a dozen doctors and nurses. It did not help that Vienna Green actually was highly toxic to humans if misused, of course, and much misinformation about it and the vaccines spread almost as fast as the plague itself.

    Foreign Minister Ding was alarmed and, after ascertaining that Zhuling could not be diverted from his new self-destructive course, strongly encouraged Huifu to change his chosen successor. However, the Emperor remained in apathetic decline and could not be persuaded to care. Ding entered into communication with Zhuzhong in Lekenao – sorry, Lucknow – using the same Photel transmissions that Zhuling, consumed by Sutcliffist fury, now wanted to ban. Sometimes he, or his supporters, even claimed that Photel masts caused the plague and burned them down! Ding’s motivation in talking to Zhuzhong was to hope that the prince could persuade either his brother to change heart or his father to care. Both proved futile in the event.

    Matters came to a head in October 1929 when it was time for the capital to move to Beijing. Although the capital rotation had been cancelled and slowed during parts of the plague years, Huifu had been keen to restart it at soon as possible. However, Beijing was undergoing yet another plague outbreak, Zhuling’s destructive new rhetoric having undone much of the good he had previously achieved there. Ding ordered the process delayed until the plague had died down. Perhaps this was the final straw for the Emperor, who passed away in November at the age of sixty-two. Again, tensions mounted when a suitably grand funeral celebration and parade was scaled back due to the continuing plague risks, which the northern and southern cities blamed on each other. More mobs attacked either medical and sanitation facilities on one side, or temples to Guan Yu and Guanyin on the other. Tensions had risen to their highest since China was a divided land.

    Ding and the Feng courtiers used every procedural trick they could to delay Zhuling formally coming to the throne, citing the paused rotation, the need to retrieve the tablet with Huifu’s chosen successor formally recorded, and so on. The reason for this delay became swiftly apparent in January 1930, shortly before Lunar New Year, when Zhuzhong arrived in Chengdu with the large and capable army usually stationed in Jushina, together with many Indian auxiliary troops. From Chengdu, Zhuzhong marched eastwards. Conflict seemed inevitable, with Zhuling in Beijing, Ding in Hanjing, most of the court in Xi’an where the rotation was meant to have arrived at, and Marshal Huang Mengjin mobilising his own Southern Marches army in Guiling. Open warfare had not broken out, though banditry ravaged the countryside as elements of the plague-weakened Feng state began to disintegrate. All factions began to descend on Xi’an and the court, hoping to gain legitimacy.

    Using his beloved aerocraft to head there ahead of the bulk of his army, Zhuzhong arrived there first. There, lacking the men under arms to enforce his will by main force, he took a different tack. Instead, he turned to Photel and issued a speech that was circulated across the whole of China. It was immortalised years later by that song from Yu and Me – you know the one I mean! – yes – “Are We Really Going To Do This”. Well, he phrased it a bit more diplomatically than Miss Jia and her translator put it, but the core of the song is basically correct to the speech.

    Zhuzhong said that the very act of impending civil war was itself the loss of the Mandate of Heaven, and thus no man alive could claim the mantle of the emperor, including himself. Rather than cost lives to fight it out, as their ancestors had, they should embrace Huifu’s innovation and use the representative body that stood for the Mandate as a whole. Chinese society would be changed forever by this speech.

    For Zhuzhong called upon the 108 Mandators to elect an Emperor…






    [1] See Part #263 in Volume VII.

    [2] See Part #262 in Volume VII.

    [3] As said in Part #263 in Volume VII, Huaqiao people were already emigrating to Feng China before the Pandoric War, although the war and its aftermath did accelerate the process.

    [4] This device, properly called the Houfeng Didong Yi, dated from the second century AD, but is only known through indirect reports and later replicas.

    [5] See Part #270 in Volume VII.

    [6] See Part #275 in Volume VII.

    [7] See Part #276 in Volume VIII.

    [8] Obviously, from the perspective of OTL, it would difficult to classify China at any point of TTL as being a ‘divided playground of European trade’, but this illustrates how differently the goalposts have been set. Our China’s 19th century history, presented as a fictional story, would probably be received by the people of TTL as an unsubtle piece of racist European wish-fulfilment propaganda that unrealistically ‘lowered’ the great civilisation of China to the level of ‘backward, infighting natives’ that some other parts of the world were seen as at the time.

    [9] This is closely based on an OTL poem of the same title written by Shi Daonan in 1800.

    [10] The latter controversy also happened in Europe during the OTL Third Plague Pandemic.

    [11] See Part #285 in Volume VIII.

    [12] In OTL organised, Chinese-run quarantine institutions were first set up in China in the 1870s, after disease-control measures had been imposed on treaty ports by Western colonial powers.

    [13] See Part #281 in Volume VIII.

    [14] See Part #294 in Volume VIII.

    [15] See Part #293 in Volume VIII.

    [16] Strictly, Guan Yu (who was a general and warlord in the Three Kingdoms period before he was deified) is primarily the god of war, and secondarily of wealth, but eventually added plague to his portfolio.

    [17] A very similar strategy was used in OTL by the Qing dynasty to tackle a septicaemic plague outbreak in 1910. The response was praised at the time, but the dynasty would be toppled not long afterwards.

    [18] See Part #218 in Volume V.

    [19] See Part #264 in Volume VII.

     
    304
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #304: My Fellow Americans

    “…THE TRUTH!...

    …‘VOMERE’ = TOOL OF EURO CATHOLIC SOCEITISTS [sic]…

    …LUFT BOMBARDMENT FROM ORBIT TO TURN OUR CHILDREN…

    …QUISTEXT NODES CAUSE…

    …GRANDE [sic] DUKE MIKHAIL’S SPEECH ON SHADOW MOTEXT PAGE…

    …NO POPERY…

    …KEEP SPACE MIXER-FREE! WAKE UP…”

    – Remnants of a cheaply printed poster, partly torn down, seen on Jones Avenue, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Dr David Wostyn, October 2020

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    If there is one constant between all timelines, it seems, it is America’s introverted obsession with its own politics and political history, whether that nation be topped by a crown or a Phrygian cap. You may rest assured that there was more than a generous choice of political lectures on offer, giving us a great deal of freedom – haha – to select the most suited to give us a rundown of the period of interest here. I then, of course, sent Sgt Ellis and Sgt Mumby to record it, which is more than they deserve after spilling the local equivalent of Bovril all over my notes…

    *

    Recorded lecture on “The Making of Modern American Politics” by Lady Philippa G. Bidwell, recorded October 21st, 2020—

    Governess Bidwell needs no introduction. But I’m being paid by the hour so I’ll give her one anyway. (Laughter) After a brief but distinguished academic career in research biology at the University of Milwark, she was first elected to the Michigan Confederal Assembly in 1981.[1] She made the jump to Imperial politics in 1992 and represented Milwark in Parliament until 2004, when she resigned her seat to run for the Governorship. She completed two five-year terms as Governor, including the challenging period of the Hyperflu pandemic of 2012-13, when she had to make difficult and controversial decisions around curfews and the culling of poultry farms.[2] (Murmurs) On her retirement from that office, she was appointed to the House of Lords as a Lady Confederal by the grateful Confederal Assembly. (More murmurs) Who could offer more insights into our political structure, and its origins, than Lady Bidwell, someone with experience at practically all levels of government, yet also someone seen as a perpetual outsider to the Fredericksburg establishment? I want to thank you, ma’am, for gracing our humble establishment with your insights, and I know that there are many girls – and boys – in our audience who will be inspired to follow in your footsteps.

    (Applause)

    Thank you, Mr Baker. (Pause) So I have to be a life-changing inspiration now? That wasn’t on the form you sent me. (Laughter) Aydub. Listen, all you out there – the old, like me, as well as the young. I can tell you things from my experience that might help you, but if you want to change the world, the drive to do it can only come from you and you alone. (Smattering of applause) There’s no magic trick to it, just hard work and dedication.

    Anyroad. Let’s talk about our politics, and where it came from. To do that, we have to go back to the beginning. I’m fed up of people calling America a young nation; we’ve still been electing people to lead us since the first colonists rolled off the boat four hundred years ago, which is a longer history of democracy and representative government than most places. (Sounds of approval) But at least it means we don’t need to delve too deeply into the feudal past, as I would if I was talking about a European country, or China. We can start at the beginning.

    For the first hundred and fifty years after Jamestown and the Mayflower, the politics of the American colonies were mostly individualistic. Parties of a kind existed, but they were driven by religious conviction, loyalty to one place over another, financial support from one aristocratic proprietor over another back in the motherland – that kind of thing. Not ideology as we know it today, although many of our ancestors would scarcely have distinguished between their faith and their political convictions, and see us dividing them as an artifice.

    This isn’t to say there weren’t political disputes, of course! Our ancestors took sides in the English Civil War, they overthrew the Dominion of New England – which included New York – when James II tried to impose it, and, of course, sadly, they warred upon the Tortolians. And sometimes each other. But most people say party politics really started after Prince Frederick, as he was then, was exiled here in 1728. You can agree or disagree with that, it’s debatable. When Frederick arrived, the main political divide was the same old traditional one from the mother country: the Court Party versus the Country Party, the innies versus the outies, if you like. (Laughter) That kind of political divide existed in all the old colonies, but the details were different in each one, we were still growing towards a unified identity. And, of course, at that time most people would have regarded that identity as including Carolina too, not just America. (Murmurs)

    Prince Frederick built himself a support base here by working with, well, the outies, the Country Party. Back in England his supporters were called the Patriot Boys, a dissident faction of the ruling Whigs. That term started to catch on here, as well, eventually. Frederick’s moment came after the controversial Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, which ended the Second War of Supremacy. Americans were collectively disgusted that our boys had sacrificed their lives to take Lewisborough in New Scotland and other places, only for the government in London under Cumberland to order them handed them back again.[3] So we became a nation, an Empire, and fought to restore Frederick to the throne. And we did!

    As a consequence of the War of the British Succession, many former ‘Court Party’ establishments in the colonies were either overthrown or subsumed by the former ‘Country Parties’. Fused together, these formed the Continental Patriots or American Tories, the first true American political party. What scattered opposition remained were generally referred to as Whigs, sometimes Western Whigs, as frontier settlers began to feel alienated from the coastal cities.

    The power of the Patriots was demonstrated during the Troubled Sixties, when they advocated for greater representative self-rule and protested against subordination to London choosing which lands could and could not be settled by Americans. After the Crisis of 1765, the North Commission was instated to draw up the framework of government that we have all heard in school: Five Confederations and One Empire.[4] The large number of the old, variably-sized, colonies were consolidated into five roughly equal ones, each with its own Confederal Assembly.[5] They would split power with the Continental Parliament here in Fredericksburg. Henceforth, Americans would fund their own internal improvements out of their own tax revenues levied by their own governments, rather than it all going through London. Only military taxation and deployment remained partially tied to the mother country.

    Now, you may hear TPV people get teary-eyed about that being perfect (Laughter) but it wasn’t all rose gardens. Outside of Pennsylvania, relatively few men could vote – and practically no women. Governors were still appointed by the Crown, either by the Emperor or the Lord Deputy, and they sometimes held more power than the elected assemblies. The Confederations were intended to expand westward, but that left more and more voters distant isolated from the cis-Appalachian capital cities, what we now call the Arc of Power. That’s a problem we still face today (Sounds of agreement) in a different way, of course. But I’m talking about days before quisters, before Lectel, even before Optel here. If you lived in a distant frontier outpost, like, say, Milwark (Laughter) you couldn’t even write a letter to your MCP without worrying the messenger would be taken by bandits or Tortolians! The late eighteenth century was a different time.

    And yet, it still had politics. This is the first time where were really got multiple competing parties. The old Patriots shifted from being a broad-tent party encompassing almost all public opinion, to a more partisan one defined by its loyalty to Lord Washington and his successor Lord Hamilton. The first Patriots were traditionalist, aristocratic, loyal to the mother country, somewhat economically doradist and favoured a centralisation of power. Opposing them rose the Constitutionalists, more radical in terms of pushing for more American autonomy, a little more cobrist, quite a bit more confederalist and suspicious of too much centralised government. It was this tendency which would eventually split the Empire, of course. Both parties were heterogenous masses with many competing local coalitions and priorities, especially the Constitutionalists.

    Maybe there’s a version of history out there where America stayed dominated by just two political parties, but I doubt it. (Chuckles) After the Constitutionalists were first elected under James Monroe in , they began to split under their own contradictions, especially in disagreements over slavery – yes, even back then – and specifically the annexation of Cuba. Remember back then Carolina was considered part of the Empire! So an abolitionist faction of the Constitutionalists, led by Ben Rush of Pennsylvania, split off as the American Radical Party.[6] They chose that name because many English Radicals had travelled to the Empire back in 1788 in the hopes of being elected under the more liberal voting franchise here, clearly intending to use their status as MCPs purely as a pulpit to attack London politics with. Well, the voters here weren’t very impressed with being taken for granted like that. So Rush and his supporters were keen to emphasise how American they were.

    This era, sometimes called ‘two-and-a-half party politics’ as the ARP were smaller than the other two, lasted until 1819.[7] The Constitutionalists were divided between northerners who were often anti-Catholic but lukewarm on slavery, such as President Matthew Quincy, and southerners who had chosen John Alexander’s push for Catholic tolerance specifically as a tool to expand slavery into former Spanish lands. The Constitutionalists fractured further and shattered altogether when General Alexander’s ‘Southron Movement’ ran ‘Constitutionalist Whig’ candidates against official Constitutionalist ones in Carolina – and also parts of Virginia and beyond, lest we forget.

    The following era was the First Multi-party System, to use the jargon, when the parties were breaking and reforming and nobody was quite sure what was going on. The remnants of the Quincyite Constitutionalists reformed under Ralph Purdon under what he called the Frontier Party, but inevitably became known as the Neutrals due to their neutral position on slavery. Of course, nowadays we would call mere neutrality on slavery to be a loathsome position of moral cowardice. Yet Purdon remains a political hero of mine in spite of that. At a time when so many American politicians, even sometimes the ARP, were complacent about the restrictive suffrage and the needs of western settlers – Purdon raised a flag that said the west could not be ignored, dismissed by the Arc of Power just as those coastal cities had been dismissed by Cumberland’s London a few generations before. (Murmurs)

    Of course, these were the days of first-past-the-post elections and parties running against each other, or sometimes agreeing to stand down for each other and nominate fusion candidates. Soon after their founding in 1819, the Neutrals made an alliance with the ARP to fight the Pennsylvania confederal election, and they gradually entered into cooperation nationally as well. This was helped by the fact that the parties’ support bases shared some similar goals, but rarely occupied the same geographic locations – remember, this was first-past-the-post. The ARP usually had most success in cities, especially the newer western ones, while the Neutrals drew most support from the rural west and its frontier settlers. Effectively, the Empire now had three major parties – the Patriots, Radical-Neutral alliance, and yes, the pro-slavery Whigs. At that point, running on Catholic tolerance rather than pro-slavery expansion in parts of the north, they were actually winning seats in the Empire proper, even north of Virginia, which seems unimaginable now.

    But this fragile equilibrium was short-lived. Patriot President Josiah Crane dubiously tried to govern with the support of the Whigs, passing Catholic relief among less positive measures. The remaining anti-Catholics in the Neutrals broke away as the Trust Party under Arundel Ogilvy. In 1825, a scandal due to the sale of peerages – nothing changes, does it? (Laughter) – helped bring down and shatter the Patriots.[8] The Whigs ended up as the largest party nationwide then – doesn’t bear thinking about, does it? A Patriot faction under Solomon Carter then dirted their hands by helping the Whigs get into power, while a smaller Hamiltonian faction kept fighting the good fight.

    Of course this meant the Whigs, under Benjamin Harrison, were in power when the Popular Wars broke out and Emperor Frederick II fled into American exile. That led to the Proclamation of Independence, but Harrison worked himself to death and we ended up with that maniac Eveleigh in charge, just in time for the Superior Revolution and the Virginia Crisis. Fantastic. (Catcalls and laughter) The Virginia Freedom League engineered the conditions that made it possible for the House of Burgesses to abolish the institution of slavery, and then we learned just how treacherous the viper in our breast had been when Carolina invaded to try to restore it. [9] From that day forth, politics had changed forever; no longer would the Whigs enjoy any support outside of Carolina, but they became dominant to the point of monopoly within it.

    The turncoat Carterite Patriots were eliminated in the election held in the aftermath in 1832, and the Hamiltonian loyalists restored the unity of the party. However, the new government would not be formed by the Patriots, but by the Radical-Neutral alliance, for the first time. There were tensions, though, because the Neutrals were more numerous but the Radicals, closer to Arc of Power values and connections, held the presidency and more of the major ministries. Even when President Mullenburgh died in office, the Neutral leader Derek Boyd only became President until the Radical caucus could choose a successor. A lot of Neutral grumblings, about the government acting less in the interests of the West than its composition might suggest, began.

    This was the age sometimes called the National Gloom, also called the Democratic Experiment more globally, when it feels as though we crammed several centuries’ worth of political history into less than two decades. (Laughter) Many of the Confederations moved towards more liberal voting franchises – though still excluding women, of course. (Boos) More seats were also added to Parliament to reflect the expansion of the population. In New York, partly drawing on the old anti-Catholic Trust Party tendency, a new party emerged. This party was suspicious of the establishment, immigrants and Tortolians, calling for further reform to voting and to the governance of the Empire itself. Its members felt that America was failing to live up to her potential in the Gloom when she could expand and dominate the continent, and this was the fault of a corrupt and inward-looking ruling class. Sound familiar? (Cheers) Well, this party was called the Supremacists. (Mixed boos and laughter, one or two cries of ‘no!’ or ‘shame!’) I know, what went wrong? I don’t remember Stephen Martin saying that the solution to the old corrupt ruling class was to replace it with a new one![10]

    But enough partisan sniping. The National Gloom held the genesis of the Second Two-Party System that would later rule the roost from 1857 to 1927, seven decades of relative stability, but it was a troublesome birth. President Vanburen tried to weld the Radicals and Neutrals together into a true united party, and he called it the Liberals. (More cheers and a few catcalls) Well, it was no more united then than it is now, not really. A lot of Neutrals were fed up with Radicals being in the driving seat and refused to join. Some, especially those who still retained Quincyite anti-Catholic sentiments, went over to the Supremacists and helped expand their appeal to the countryside and the West. Others joined the Democrats, a short-lived cobrist national party that was spun out of Sir James Henry’s Virginia confederal vehicle, the Magnolia Democrats. Although they didn’t last long nationally, the iconography and rhetoric of the Democrats cast a long shadow over American politics for years to come.

    In 1840 the reunited Patriots managed to return to power under Nathaniel Crowninshield thanks to Edmund Grey’s ‘Richmond Strategy’. But it was a bit of a false dawn, driven by how the first-past-the-post bloc vote system used at the time could mask shifts in voters. It was during these years that politics was divided by the Flag War, when there were arguments about changing the Jack and George, as we used at the time. It was typical of the Patriots that, after months of divisive debate, they decided to change nothing.[11] 1844 was a watershed election. The Liberals became the largest party, the Democrats were wiped out, while the Patriots fell to an equal position with both the Whigs and the rising Supremacists. The Whigs, by this point, now controlled every one of Carolina’s seats and none outside it. President Vanburen returned for a second term, and formed the first ‘American Coalition’ – which at the time meant a grudging coalition between the Liberals and Patriots, as those were considered the natural two parties, the Liberals being the spiritual descendants of the Constitutionalists. But, as it rapidly became clear, this was a false assumption.[12]

    I shouldn’t need to go into detail about the slow, inevitable ramp-up to the Great American War; you’ve all heard about it in school over and over. (Ironic cheers) Suffice to say that the 1848 election was fought almost entirely over the driving question of Reform, with Supremacists and Liberals alike calling for different moves to create new Confederations and other major changes, while Patriots and Whigs opposed them. The parties ended up on very similar numbers, but a Supremacist-Liberal coalition could be formed – also retroactively called an ‘American Coalition’ to pursue the promised Constitutional Convention. However, as you all know, it came to bloodshed after the threat of national abolition was used in a failed attempt to stop the Carolinians boycotting the convention. Adams and Wragg proclaimed secession, and war came.

    The war shaped our politics into the long-lasting landscape I talked about before. The Patriots went from the ‘party of No’ on Reform to ‘the party of peace and reunification at any cost’, while the Supremacists and Liberals were both keen to prosecute the war, even if their views differed on other matters.[13] Again, I won’t go into how complicated it got, with the Carolinian Concordat with New Spain and the French rebels in Nouvelle-Orléans, and our boys helping the Californian rebels against New Spain, and—of course—the eventual entry of the UPSA after the Second Cherry Massacre.[14]

    After more than four long years of ruinous war with the UPSA, the 1853 election was a confused mess. Again, due to the vagaries of the first-past-the-post system, though more votes were cast for parties wanting a continuation of the war, in practice a pro-peace majority led by the Patriots was assembled. Francis Bassett (boos) would be the last Patriot President. Four years of trying to will the country back to 1848 and remove the Meridians from Carolina by wishful thinking failed, and in 1857 the Patriots were blasted down to a rump from which, this time, they never recovered. Reform, led by both Supremacists and Liberals, finally took place, and we finally broke out of our subordination to hidebound traditionalists clinging to five Confederations. The Empire had a new constitution in all but name. My home Confederation of Michigan was born.

    This political landscape, which lasted in some form from Reform through the Long Peace, the Pandoric War, the First Interbellum and all the way to the end of the Black Twenties, is one I heard about a lot growing up. My grandfather remembered the last stages of it, and his father had told him more. It’s also appeared a lot in films, Motoscopy, books and plays, with a lot of commentators considering it to be a golden age for political rhetoric. I said before that it’s sometimes called the Second Two-Party System, but that’s a bit misleading. There were other parties in Parliament, different ones at different times – and always the Patriots hanging on – and many times the governments formed were minority ones. However, all the Presidents came from either the Liberals or the Supremacists, and there were no formal coalitions with smaller parties until after the Pandoric War.

    There are certainly a lot of names from that period we now regard as titans of our political history. In the early days, Lewis Studebaker, who helped transform the Supremacists into a true national doradist party, and Thomas Whipple of the Liberals. The 1870s and 1880s gave us rhetoric from the Supremacist Joseph Pattison and, of course, the great Michael Chamberlain, whose decade in power forever transformed how the subjects of this country view the state and inspired many others. Not least among them was Lewis Faulkner, for many years castigated as the man who failed to confront Societism early on, yet also one whose social achievements are something many of us take for granted. (Some confused murmurs)

    It’s definitely a fascinating age of politics, and a long one, but it’s not my personal favourite to study – that goes to politics in the age of the ‘Electric Circus’, as some call it, the Second Interbellum after the Black Twenties. Without being too specific about my birth year (Chuckles) I was there to see the end of it, and heard much more about it from my parents. The trouble with the Second Two-Party System is that often all the brilliant rhetoric conceals a lack of much in the way of actual principle or commitment. Chamberlain’s vision aside, there was often little to distinguish individual Supremacists from individual Liberals, or even Patriots. It was an age of calcified, complacent political consensus, a Gilded Age as some have called it, not a Golden one. When the superficial prosperity of the upper classes failed to trickle down to the common folk, like you and me. (Laughs) Although universal suffrage for men had been realised, and moves towards female suffrage began, at least on the Confederal level, in 1879,[15] our Parliament and our government was still fundamentally unrepresentative. It’s not surprising that our MCPs often seemed uninterested in improving the lot of folk outside their own class – again, with honourable exceptions like Chamberlain.

    The Pandoric War had already begun to change things as men of all classes were mobilised to fight together, and women began to work in the factories and the fields. But the mobilisation required to defeat Carolina was less than expected, and after married women over 30 got the votefor Imperial elections under Faulkner, moves towards further liberalisation of suffrage the First Interbellum were stymied by President Tayloe.[16] (A few boos and one cheer) The Black Twenties were different. The supposedly-superficial Flippant generation had showed how hard they could fight against both mortal foes and the invisible enemy of the plague, women as well as men. There was a widespread recognition, in the ENA as in other countries, that things had to change.

    I would be remiss if I didn’t look past my own party loyalties to give credit to LG Manders, Dame Eleanor Cross and the rest of the Blue-Gold Cythereans in the Patriots in the First Interbellum. They fought for equality for women, even if they were often classists themselves who would probably have sought to deny representation to working-class women – if working-class men didn’t already have it. (Murmurs) The Patriots and the Mentians had both beome more important after the Pandoric War, when they were part of President Faulkner’s Social American Coalition. The party system was already shifting, but it was the War of 1926 that really shattered the status quo.

    I need not recap the cavalcade of failure and complacency that led to Societist Celatores landing upon the North American continent practically unopposed.[17] Again, we all learn that in our school textbooks – ‘lest we forget’. At a time when the Empire needed decisive, united leadership, the parties squabbled, fighting both against their rivals and their own internal factions – fighting anything but the Societist invaders. Liberal President Gilmore, refusing to admit his mistakes, clung to power until forced out due to death-vote attempts by the Supremacists and eventually an ultimatum by Emperor Augustus himself. The Supremacists were led on paper by Roderick Marley, but we all know that his wife Lilian was the real power in the party.[18] The Mentians continued to support their Liberal coalition partners in return for social reforms, despite the opposition of their leader, Magnus Bloom. In the end, the Mentians’ reputation would be irrevocably damaged by their association – unfair, I must say – with the Societist-infiltrated trade unions that were deliberately sabotaging Imperial transport infrastructure and slowing the movement of troops to the front line. This disruption also meant that the Liberal Postmaster-General, Anthony Washborough, (murmurs) could not return to Fredericksburg from his secret negotiations with Prince Yengalychev. This would have great implications for our political history.

    We often forget today that Dame Eleanor’s Patriots reverted to the worst of their party’s historical impulses, from the 1850s, and began calling for negotiation with the Societists. The electorate, fortunately for them, also did not seem to remember. However, it did mean that many of the crustier old party grandees were now convinced that Dame Eleanor was one of them. They would receive a rude awakening when the Thirties dawned.

    By the time the Celatores were approaching Fredericksburg, Gilmore had been forced out and the Supremacists had agreed to support a different Liberal President. Unfortunately, the only one who could be found was the dithering, aged Michael Briars. After the Alkahest rocket attacks on the Diamond Ring forts and the ensuing public panic and riots, Briars all but surrendered to the Societists and negotiated. Only Anthony Washborough, still trying to get back to Fredericksburg, stood firm and urged the Empire to fight on despite the odds.[19] Some people say he was simply callous, and could dare to call the Societists’ bluff because it wouldn’t be him getting luft-choked in Fredericksburg. Offensive nonsense. Washborough’s wife and children, and many of his friends and colleagues, were in Fredericksburg; are they suggesting he cared not for their lives?

    No, Washborough simply had good insight, or maybe just trusted his gut. Afterwards, we learned the truth. The Societists had had no real intention, or capability, of bringing their troops as far north as Fredericksburg, Their leader, Gonzalus, simply sought a terror attack to distract and confuse our government – as though it could have become any more dysfunctional then it was! – while he regrouped to face our armies. Many of us have read Markus Garzius’ account of what really happened. Gonzalus had exactly six rockets, and two of them worked, and they happened to fall on two of the forst in such a way that made the people think they were ranging attacks, warning shots. Fredericksburg would be next, they thought. But Gonzalus had no more rockets, his Celatores were running out of ammunition and supplies, and soon a hyperstorm would wreck Alfarus’ fleet. By hook or by crook, Washborough had been right. If a different choice had been made, Carolina could have been spared sixty-five years of National Coma, and the Empire could have been spared that same sixty-five years with a Societist knife held at our throat. The people remembered.

    The 1927 election was another great watershed. The Mentians were wiped out, tied to the Societist sabotage and damaged by their own infighting over support of Briars’ government. The Supremacists obtained the most seats, but only enough to secure a shaky minority with intermittent support from others. Despite Dame Eleanor’s earlier peace rhetoric, the Patriots actually gained seats. The Liberals, under Archie Cooper, were blasted down to a rump. For many years they had been considered America’s ‘natural ruling party’, the party to which the electorate usually defaulted in the absence of other events, who usually found it easier to obtain a working majority than their Supremacist rivals. Never again would they have that status. At the time, probably many expected them to disappear altogether. That has not happened – for better or for worse. (Laughter and a few boos).

    But of course the most important event of the 1927 election was the founding of a new party – my party. Yes, I’m biased. (Chuckles) But even objectively, the formation of the Pioneers changed American politics forever. Washborough had taken his so-called Overripe faction out of the Liberals, leaving them with the do-nothing Thicket of Briars loyalists. Some Liberal organisers and party machines went over to Washborough, but not many. For the most part, the Pioneers had to fight for every vote as though starting from scratch. Washborough fought that first election on his record opposing the Societists and the peace which many had begun to see as a mistake, on his work to manage the disruption caused by the plague and the sabotage to the transport and communications network, and on his vision for the future. When most of the parties seemed most concerned with the fact that the Arc of Power was now potentially under Alfarus’ guns, Washborough appealed to the rest of the country, the proud men of Westernesse who had fought and defeated the Societists on the Mississippi, the women of Ohio and Michigan who had worked in factories under quarantine conditions while their husbands fought in Alyeska. Those people did not feel like they had lost a battle. They felt let down by their politicians, and the Pioneers were there to offer something new.

    In that 1927 election, starting almost from scratch, the Pioneers leapt to being the second largest party, albeit a distant second to the Supremacists, outpolling the rump Liberals. One thing that became clear to Washborough was just how fragile and arbitrary majorities could be under the Empire’s voting system. There had been some movement towards introducing Modified American Percentage Representation, MAPR, at Imperial level after its successful introduction on a Confederal level in New England, way back in 1890. It had also been introduced in Cygnia in 1920, and former President Tayloe – who had blocked its adoption nationally – was now called out as a hypocrite for backing it on a level where it would favour his party.[20] The debate was already heating up again nationally even during the war, where it was one of many distractions for the Fouracre and Gilmore ministries.

    Washborough’s genius was to tie the voting reform debate, which many voters found esoteric and unengaging, to the push for full universal female suffrage. This issue had become particularly acute because so many young, unmarried women had worked in the fields and factories during the war, as I was saying, and still were unable to vote on an Imperial level. By associating the two proposed reforms, Washborough – from opposition – was able to assemble a coalition that extended from New York newspapermen to farm girls in Cismississippia, from Boston professors to Dame Eleanor Cross herself. Yes, via Blue-Gold Cythereanism, even the Patriots began to back voting reform. Of course, a shift to MAPR was always something that was going to benefit them as a smaller party – as had already been seen in New England for years – but the idea was anathema to many of the crusty old party grandees. The hard-Regressive, Wyndhamite tendency in the Patriots was shocked by what they saw as Dame Eleanor’s ‘betrayal’; in their minds, the goal of any Patriot leader should be to try to revert the ENA to the ‘perfect’ form it had held in 1788. Some of the more extreme ‘Old Tory’ members even argued that cities that had not had borough status back then should be disenfranchised.[21] The fact that they were led by a woman, which would have been impossible in 1788, does not appear to have entered their tiny minds. (Laughter)

    Anyway, the Pioneer identity drew on some of the parties of the past that I’ve been telling you about. There was a bit of the radicalism of the old Democrats, the rural and frontier self-sufficient spirit of the Neutrals, and they also absorbed a lot of the former Mentian vote. Maybe it was the ultimate revenge of Derek Boyd and the Neutrals; whereas they had played second fiddle to the urban Radicals a century before, under the Pioneers broad-cobrist politics would see rural voters in the driving seat. For a time, at least.

    The shaky Supremacist minority government under Marley – whether the titular Roderick Marley or the actual Lilian Marley, first female President in all but name – managed to survive until 1931 before falling. At the ensuing election, Washborough’s Patriots swept to achieve a strong minority, an astonishing feat for a new party to achieve in just two elections, though as I said, a lot of our character felt like we were continuing the spirit of ancestral strands of opinion in the Empire. Washborough was undoubtedly lucky in that he benefited from an economic boom in the aftermath of the plague years, which had begun under Marley but accelerated under Pioneer rule. The spirit of the age was one of relief after all the struggles of the last decade – but, of course, it was also a popular spirit, and one which demanded a more popular government. Unlike Marley, Washborough would deliver to that demand.

    Some have called the reforms of 1932 the most significant ones since those of 1857. While the lawyers can debate that, there is no argument that they unquestionably changed the nature of the Continental Parliament and American politics in general. From the beginning, Imperial provinces or boroughs had elected one or more MCPs according to the first-past-the-post or bloc vote system; you, the voter, had a list of names, and you made your mark against the names you wanted to vote for before putting your ballot in the box.[22] You had as many votes as there were seats to fill. Sounds familiar? Well, the genius of MAPR was that the actual mechanics of the voting are no different from the point of the view of the voter; it’s just that the votes are tabulated differently. Under bloc vote, let’s say you have three seats, the three candidates who obtained the first, second and third highest number of votes were elected. It doesn’t matter that those votes might only make up a small percentage of all those cast. In many seats, the three Supremacists might get 900, 890 and 880 votes each – a small seat, this is just an example! – while the three Liberals might get 870, 860 and 840, and the three Patriots might get 400, 390 and 380. It doesn’t matter that the first Liberal is only just behind the third Supremacist, only the top three get elected and everyone who voted for someone else goes unrepresented. In many cases the voters did split and elect candidates from different parties, but not always for the most honourable of reasons – such as voting only for those candidates whom they thought had the more Protestant-sounding names.

    Under MAPR, as I hope you all learned in school (Chuckles) the votes for only the highest-scoring candidate of each party are tabulated and we look at the overall percentages. Then seats are assigned to the parties based on those percentages using the Cooke Formula,[23] with the first one for a party going to the highest-scoring candidate of that party. Take that hypothetical example I just gave you. We’ll assume for simplicity we just have three Supremacists, three Liberals and three Patriots – which would lead to me getting on the quister to yell at party headquarters for not contesting this election! (Laughter) Our highest Supremacist has 900 votes, our highest Liberal has 870 votes and our highest Patriot has 400 votes, so add it up, work out the percentage and that’s a 42-40-18% split. Remember that under the old system, all three of those seats would be filled by Supremacists based on just 42% of the vote. (Murmurs) But according to the Cooke Formula, we award the first seat to the top-scoring Supremacist, then divide the Supremacist votes by two to get 21, the highest percentage is now the top Liberal on 40 so she gets the second seat, and then we compare the halved Supremacists to the Patriots – the Supremacists are just ahead, so the second highest scoring Supremacist gets the third seat. If the Patriots did a little better, however, they would get it – so there is an incentive to fight for every seat, even if you would be languishing in third under first-past-the-post. Under MAPR, a party that wins over 50% automatically gets all three seats, whereas under pure unmodified APR, the formula is still applied after that threshold.

    Washborough pushed through the Imperial constitutional reform alongside, finally, the Empire adopting universal suffrage at age 21 regardless of gender. The first Pioneer government would be noteworthy for many moves other than that, but it’s this that would change what it means to vote for our government forever. Many of the Confederations would also adopt MAPR in its wake, as some municipal and provincial bodies within them already had (or APR). Drakesland, my beloved Michigan, Pennsylvania and Ohio all voted to adopt MAPR in the 1930s. New York, more conservative, waited until the 1950s, and Virginia had to be dragged through a hedge backwards into MAPR in the 1960s, as I well remember.

    Of course, there’s one Confederation I’ve not mentioned. As well as the matter of Prince Yengalychev’s Russians, another great and contentious issue under the first Pioneer government would be what exactly to do about Tayloe’s Folly – the vast and incoherent Confederation of Panimaha…

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    We will terminate Bidwell’s lecture here, as she is about to venture into areas which would overlap with events elsewhere that have not yet been covered. Or – as Sergeant Ellis puts it – (sighs) – ‘spoilers’. We will supply the rest at a more appropriate time, but first...




    [1] Prior to the Great American War, ‘General Assembly’ was the most commonly-used generic term for the confederal-level legislature of a constituent Confederation of the ENA. The formal names of the original five Confederations’ legislatures were General Court (New England), House of Burgesses (Virginia), General Assembly (Carolina), and both New York and Pennsylvania had bicameral legislatures, of which the most important part was also called General Assembly or just Assembly. (Seealso Part #103 in Volume III). With this in mind, it is unsurprising that the term General Assembly was also adopted in Drakesland and Cygnia (which had internally functioned as de facto Confederations long before formal admission). However, the term began to carry negative connotations after the Great American War, when it became especially associated with mentions of the rebel Carolinian General Assembly in the news. All the other Confederations created in the Supremacist Reforms of 1857 were instead given legislatures with the formal title ‘Confederal Assembly’, as was Panimaha when it was created by the Tayloe ministry.

    [2] As alluded to in Part #281 in Volume VIII.

    [3] See Parts #1-5 back in Volume I. Note that part of the settlement after the assassination of William IV was that he was retroactively recognised as legal King, but Americans in TTL have a tendency to refer to him as though he was a usurper (and make comparisons to Blandford).

    [4] See Part #11 in Volume I.

    [5] As mentioned before, this is slightly anachronistic, but likely done knowingly so as not to confuse the audience.

    [6] See Part #62 in Volume II.

    [7] See Part #103 in Volume III.

    [8] See Part #114 in Volume III.

    [9] See Part # 124, #136, #142 and #144 in Volume III.

    [10] See Part #159 and #169 in Volume IV.

    [11] This is an error on the speaker’s part, as the Flag War debate mostly happened under Vanburen.

    [12] See Part #173 in Volume IV.

    [13] See Part #178 in Volume IV.

    [14] See Part #183 in Volume IV. Note that this narrative is a little overly sympathetic to the American position, making it sound as though the Meridians’ actions were entirely unprovoked.

    [15] Specifically in Pennsylvania, see Part #208 in Volume V.

    [16] See Part #258 in Volume VII.

    [17] A bit of a biased and inaccurate statement.

    [18] Again, a bit biased (both going for a Cytherean narrative and trying to make Roderick Marley look weak) – it was more that Lilian was unofficially his equal co-leader of the party.

    [19] See Part #300 in Volume VIII.

    [20] See Part #288 in Volume VIII.

    [21] Lady Bidwell’s use of ‘hard-Regressive’ and ‘Wyndhamite’ is employed because the original meaning of the term ‘Regressive’ (see Part #157 in Volume IV) has become diluted over time, till in 2020 it often only conveys a vague sense of ‘conservative’. Properly, a Regressive is someone who wants to revert the status of their country back to that which it held in an arbitrarily-selected earlier period.

    [22] Lady Bidwell is being a bit anachronistic here, as ballots of this type were not the norm until the nineteenth century; prior to the secret ballot, it would be more common to vote by (for example) signing one’s name or making one’s mark under one candidate’s name or the other on a collective ballot paper.

    [23] AKA the D’Hondt or Jefferson method in OTL. See Part #223 in Volume V.
     
    305
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #305: Inside an Enigma

    “‘Where do we go from here?’
    DIVERSITARIANISM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY

    An entire generation has grown up in a world without the Combine.
    Is the Prism still relevant today? Is Iverson?
    Or are we complacent towards tomorrow’s threats?

    COLLOQUIUM AND DEBATE – ALL PERSPECTIVES WELCOME

    Invited speakers:
    The Rt. Hon. Mildred Prewitt MCP (Former Minister for Information)
    Prof. Alistair Hoist (Chair of Modern History, New Corte University, Carolina)
    M. Jacques Birraux (Director, French Institute of Cultural Exchange – Directeur, Institut Français des Echanges Culturels)

    Go to Motext page 84V-126 to book tickets!”

    – Poster seen on Bezant Street, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Dr David Wostyn, October 2020

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    While we have read a number of times that the ‘Iversonian’ principles of ASN member nations allegedly require those nations to permit the free discussion of Societism as an ideology, we have noticed since our arrival here that those lectures devoted to Societism – even in a critical voice – are often subject to protests. In the case of the lecture recorded here, however, this consisted of six teenagers from different ideological factions who seemed to hate each other more than the lecturer, and after the start there were fortunately no further interruptions.

    *

    Recorded lecture on “The Other Societists” by Dr Algernon V. Stoddart, recorded October 29th, 2020—

    …thank you to security for that. (Laughs) If I had a dixie for every time that happened at the start of my lecture, I’d have (theatrical pause for thought), oh, at least four imps, three dix and fivecents. (Pause for confused chuckles from audience) Look, one time they only managed to open their mouths before they were thrown out, I’m counting that as half. (More chuckles)

    So, as I was saying…

    Lots of people have observed that it was the existence of so-called deviant forms of Societism that did more damage to the Combine than we in the free world ever could. Any nation expressing a Diversitarian response to the Combine, from the most nuanced Iversonians here in the ENA or in Europe, all the way down to simple Soviet censorship and thuggery,[1] could be dismissed as ‘the nationalistically blinded’, some homogenous ‘other’ not part of the so-called Liberated Zones. But the heterodox Societists offered an awkward wrinkle in such a simple worldview, shades of grey in the Combine’s picture of black against white.

    So it’s all the more appropriate that Grey Societism is also the term most commonly accepted for these forms of Sanchezista belief. And yes, I said forms plural – what’s not appropriate about the term is that it gives the false impression that there is only a single third force in the equation.[2] In fact, with an irony both powerful and delicious, there are almost as many shades of alternative Societist grey as there are colours of cultural diversity in the Diversitarian rainbow. And such views were seen as far more insidious by the Combine, far harder to root out by their crude tools of internal purges and censorship. Suddenly it was not enough for a man to declare himself a Societist and proclaim his commitment to the so-called liberation of the world and the unification of the human race. Now, they had to decide if he was the right sort of Societist, if he was commited to the right sort of liberation, the right sort of unification.

    This wasn’t the first time the Combine had faced this dilemma. Early on, they had had to assimilate the different ideas of the Batavian School in order to secure control over the Nusantara. But that had been in the early days, when the very idea of orthodox Combine Societism was still in flux, and it had come at a time when Alfaran pragmatism was the order of the day. It was the Second Interbellum, the Electric Thirties, which would pose a more daunting problem as ideas diverged in other lands now expressing some loyalty towards Sanchezista ideas. Alfaran pragmatism worked only so long as all Societist lands, all the so-called Liberated Zones, were under the firm grip of Alfarus himself – in reality, whatever the form of government they supposedly possessed on paper. The Viennese School was already proving itself a problem even while Alfarus was alive. But it would be the dramatic changes in the Combine after the Silent Revolution – which would, though the Black Guards would refuse to admit it, shift the Combine itself in a new direction out of step with the status quo of Societism elsewhere in the world – that would really start to cause problems.

    As I said, it was clear early on that the Combine recognised heterodoxy as a greater threat than outright Diversitarianism, or I should say Contrasanchezista Thought at that point.[3] In many ways, the principle in general philosophical debate long predates Societism, and it is telling that it is from the world of religion that the best analogy comes. The eruptions in confessional disagreements within Christianity in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were so contentious because they were seen as all-or-nothing. If only one Christian creed led to heaven, the argument went, then all others were not simply false, as (say) Islam was, but insidiously disguised as the true faith in a manner that would hoodwink sincere Christian believers in a way that an openly alien belief like Islam never could. ‘Better an infidel than a heretic’ was the same principle applied by earnest Combine Societists in the 1930s and beyond; the cult of Sanchez had indeed been elevated to a faith, in which only one interpretation of his words could lead to the true victory of the Final Society.

    This attitude was aptly demonstrated in the Iberic War, which lasted roughly between 1925 and 1931, though it is difficult to draw the line precisely. Some scholars argue that Spain and Portugal, in different ways, were never truly quiescent throughout the years of apparent peace, with the control exerted by Madrid and Lisbon sometimes not extending into the farthest reaches of the countries, and organised crime and the like ruling the roost in some parts. I’m not going to get into that debate here. Regardless of any pre-existing undercurrents beneath the surface, open war broke out in November of 1925, when Prince José, the heir to the exilic Portuguese throne, appeared in Oporto at the head of a royalist insurgency. It’s still debated whether he was truly in charge or if he’d been all but kidnapped and used for conspirators’ own ends as a figurehead – and if those conspirators were truly royalist, if they were seeking chaos to line their own pockets or to serve Russian paymasters trying to undermine the Bouclier alliance, or if even then they were working for Alfarus. Whether the last one was true in 1925 or not, certainly some elements of José’s movement appear to have been suborned by the Societists at some point.[4]

    The Portuguese Republic was shown to be a corruption-wracked hollow husk of itself when the rather ramshackle royalist insurgency defeated the army in battle, with some of the soldiers joining their side. Desperate moves by feuding consuls and generals, including ineffectual use of death-luft for terror reprisals, failed to quell the royalist advance into the Douro valley. Finally, the playboy King João VII was assassinated in France. Again, there’s huge debate over whether it had been truly ordered by the republican government, whether it was an extremist conspiracy acting alone, whether this was an act of Societist Agendes…the main argument for the latter is that the consequences of the attack certainly favoured Societist aims in the long term, but it would have been difficult to predict this at the time. The killing at the heart of France poisoned the Franco-Portuguese relations that Prime Minister Leclerc had tried so hard to build a generation before, and so the Republic was on its own as the royalist insurgency advanced – but an increasing number of the local uprisings did not seem to be royalist in character anymore.

    The war became truly Iberic after the death of the popular French Regent of Spain, the Duke of Orleans, in March 1926.[5] Spain had been held together, after King Charles V had died four years earlier, only by the Duke’s vigour and perceived success in fighting for Spanish interests. Without his strong hand, the country now began to disintegrate. The French hope had been that the death of Charles would occur in peacetime, allowing King Charles XI of France to take the throne of Spain as Charles VI in personal union. However, the poor timing with the Black Twenties meant that neither in 1922 nor 1926 was France well placed to see through this succession. Plans for Charles XI to be crowned in Madrid had been pushed back repeatedly, and would never be realised. Ordinary Spaniards began to petition for the return of their troops, which had mostly been assigned to hold down occupied Belgium, as bandits and revolutionaries began to seize control of cities.

    By the time those troops – depleted by plague – did make it home, it was often too late. Many deserted due to the lack of central authority (and reliable wages), instead turning to whichever faction controlled their home city or region. In the early period of the civil war, the most coherent alternative government faction was the Second Spanish Republic, which was proclaimed in Granada on April 29th, 1926 by revolutionaries led by Enrique Gutiérrez. Gutiérrez was a former Mayor of Córdoba, the city to which the republicans swiftly moved their capital, as well a well-known orator in the Cortes, for all that had decayed into a largely rubber-stamp body in the later years of Charles V.[6] However, as the crisis wore on, most power became consolidated in the hands of General Ruy Lafuente, an experienced military commander who defected to the republicans more out of local loyalty than ideological conviction, and who led a de facto military junta.[7] Lafuente became notorious for ruthlessly purging the more extreme Neo-Jacobin (and Paleo-Jacobin) republicans in the heterogonous coalition in favour of moderate (or, his critics said, pliable) Adamantines. Many of them fled to Portugal and its own, just-as-complex, civil war.

    Though the most significant of the opposing factions, the republicans – generally strongest in the south – were far from the only force fighting the French and, indeed, each other. A strangely popular group, considering the esoteric nature of their beliefs, were the Felipistas, who claimed that Charles V had sired a secret son who was hiding out in the mountains with a band of followers, seeking to reclaim his rightful throne.[7] Despite the fact that the possibly-bastard son of a French-imposed king was an unlikely rallying figure for Spanish nationalists, the Felipistas enjoyed some level of support, mostly in Asturias. As there was no consensus early on about the name of Charles’ legendary son, some have argued that the name Felipe was chosen precisely because it allowed a link to be drawn with the Felipista faction in the civil war of more than a century before.[8] Again, it seemed almost irrelevant that the cause of those Felipistas had been arbitary, in service of another French-imposed king,[9] and was now irrelevant and almost forgotten – but people remembered the romantic bloodies celebrating the derring-do of fictionalised irregulars loyal to Infante Felipe. And that was all that mattered.

    Yes, the people of Spain really were in a desperate situation, willing to turn to almost any cause. Probably the majority wanted some form of home-grown constitutional monarchy with a strong Cortes, but there was no consensus on who should take the throne. Many of the bandit or warlord groups occupying particular cities and regions (for example, Valladolid and Salamanca) ostensibly claimed to be part of a broader anti-French constitutional monarchist movement, but deliberately used this ambiguity to arbitrarily refuse orders when others ordered them into battle rather than looting the countryside.

    French forces themselves, in the period between 1927 and 1931, mostly controlled Madrid and its environs plus important seaports such as Valencía and Cartagena. However, the French – led by Vincent Pichereau’s fractious Rubis coalition – failed to expel the Spanish republicans from Cádiz or Algeciras. These defeats fatally damaged France’s reputation as the de facto dominant party in Spain. This would have ramifications in regions of Spain where, previously, light-touch control by a few soldiers flying the flag had previously been enough to keep them quiescent; many of them now joined opposition factions, though not always the republicans. These incidents also damaged Anglo-French relations, as Prime Minister Frederick Osborne refused to allow the use of Gibraltar as a staging ground for the French – having bought neutrality from the republicans to allow English ships to pass without harrassment, in return for the republicans quietly recognising Gibraltar as English. Osborne had no interest in damaging that hard-won treaty.

    Getting back to the role of the Combine Societists in all this, it’s easy to fall into the mindset that they were secretly behind the whole of the chaos in Spain. It’s certainly true that several of the anti-French factions would prove to be infiltrated by Societist Agendes and used for their own agenda – if you’ll pardon the pun. (Chuckles) But frankly, the Combine was far from the only power with an interest in destabilising Spain and disrupting French rule there. Romulan Italy had a particular interest, as did Russia – again, it’s debated just how closely they were working together. Fabio Veraldi, who had risen to power as Prime Minister by this point after outmanoeuvring the Alliance Party, was determined to openly send Italian troops to fight for the republicans. It was only the intervention of King Carlo himself which prevented this. At the time, it was generally assumed that the francophobic Romulans had merely chosen to back whichever faction they thought would provide the most coherent opposition to French rule. However, opinions would shift a few years later, when Veraldi felt strong enough to renew his confrontation with the King. In the meantime, it meant that Italian aid to the republicans would be relatively subtle.

    Apologists for the Romulans claim that this vacuum provided an opportunity for the Combine to intervene. However, what’s important for our discussion here is for us to note the attitudes Alfarus and the Combine took to the different factions in shattered Spain. Spain genuinely did have home-grown Societists, not just cadres operated from the Combine; as I said, the Spanish people were desperate enough to turn to almost any group that claimed to offer a light at the end of the tunnel. But these Spanish Societists, though often influenced by books and pamphlets smuggled in from South America, had often developed their own heterodox ideas – sometimes helped by visiting envoys from Vienna. It is highly instructive – and very typical – that the Combine’s aid, whether it be Agendes smuggling weapons or Celatores in plain clothes pretending to be Spanish volunteers, was happily applied to republicans, Felipistas, royalists and bandits alike, but never to any heterodox Societists they could not control. Indeed, even those local Societists who did pledge allegiance to Alfarus and the Combine were regarded with suspicion, often viewed as ticking time-bombs that would inevitably betray them. Combine policy was aimed at ensuring Spanish Societists were sacrificed on the altar of battle, while viewing republicans or Felipistas as ‘useful idiots’ who could be safely neutralised, or even converted, later. Un-Societist ideas could be temporarily tolerated; allo-Societist ideas must be exterminated immediately.

    In this, the Combine forces were more successful in Portugal than in Spain, where the elimination of local heterodox Societists was so complete that the entire war is usually presented simply as ‘royalists vs incumbent republicans, fight to a standstill, exhaust one another, then the Societists land at Setúbal, sweep in and take over’. It was never that simple, of course. Spain was large, and her terrain difficult enough, that such simplistic ideas never truly took hold even in propaganda. But in both cases, the basic Societist plan remained the same: Raúl Caraíbas’ so-called Doctrine of the Last Throw, using opposing factions to weaken one another before striking hard and fast to establish their own control.

    Of course, we all know how it ended. Héloïse Mercier was elected France’s first Prime Ministress in part due to the failures of Pichereau’s government to win the war in Spain, with mounting French casualties unacceptable to an electorate still recovering from the Black Twenties. After a few months, Mercier had concluded that the war was unwinnable in its current form. She ordered France’s forces to withdraw to what later became known as the Marche d’Espagne, named after Charlemagne’s similar fortified frontier zone established more than a thousand years before against an alien-occupied Spain (in that case by the Ummayads). Initially Mme Mercier probably saw this as a temporary measure while France regrouped, as evidence by the fact that she also continued to supply the garrisons holding out in isolated ports like Cartagena. However, in time these too would be abandoned. From Santander to Vinarós, a broad swathe of Spanish territory became treated as a military frontier extension of France, perhaps motivated by a desire to keep Combine rocket missiles as far away as possible. South of that line, Iberia was abandoned to the Combine.

    The purpose of this lecture is not to cover the Societist conquest of Iberia in detail, an event that was highly complex and full of enough unlikely, unverified – and unverifiable – stories to stock a few centuries’ worth of a corpus of myths and legends. I need only mention the persistent story that, after being chased out of Lisbon by the Societists invading from Setúbal in August 1929, Prince José – now the claimant King Joseph II following the assassination of his father – ended up hiding out with the Felipistas in Asturias and claiming to be the imaginary Infante Felipe. There is absolutely no contemporary evidence for this story, which was first recorded as late as 1940, but the glorious irony of one exilic monarch pretending to be another has ensured that it has persisted in works of fiction ever since. And, as the ASN will tell us, to persist in works of fiction is a level of reality far deeper than the truth that our eyes tell us. (Uncertain chuckles) In reality, the Prince, or King, merely disappeared without trace, as did so much of our knowledge of what went on in Iberia, for all that it took place in a land so close to free Europe and civilisation. Thus ended the ancient and noble House of Braganza, at least other than obscure distant cousins uncertain whether to act on a mere presumed death.

    That’s one story among many. What’s important for our topic today is the Combine Societists’ particularly vicious and determined actions against heterodox local Societists. The best example of this is was Salamanca. Of course, this was the university city where Pablo Sanchez himself had been both student and professor, where he had given his famous speech attacking war, only to face an angry mob.[10] It is no exaggeration to say that it was this experience that led Sanchez to leave Spain for the UPSA and, therefore, start the world down the road to Societism in South America. As such, the city had long been something of a pilgrimage site for Societists in the late 19th century days of that ideology being one associated with lodges of peculiar upper-bourgeois men desperately interested in secret societies.[11] Just as Nazareth and Bethlehem frequently play host to some of the oddest and most obscure Christian sects, Salamanca acted as a candle flame to the moths of every heterodox interpretation of Societism. (Murmurs)

    It’s important that you understand that those Societists were always a minority, more figures of fun than anything, even during the First Black Scare. As I said, Salamanca was properly under the control of one of the bandit groups ostensibly claiming to be constitutional monarchists, in this specific case led by the man who called himself, simply, El Hidalgo. His real name was Miguel Figuerola and he was a retired colonel who had served in the Belgian occupation. The Societists had no more quarrel with him than they did with any of the other minor warlords, men who could be swept aside at their leisure and, usually, quietly recycled into Celatores posted on obscure Nusantara islands in exchange for their lives. But Figuerola had the misfortune to be occupying a city with plenty of heterodox Societists in it, so his fate was sealed.

    The Societists were careful not to use the Scientific Weapon in Europe, due to strategies worked up by Alfarus’ advisors intended to split French and European public opinion from the ENA’s. It was felt that using the Scientific Weapon in what the nations regarded as ‘peacetime’ would be too much of an escalation. In addition, the lack of such escalation poured fuel on the fires of American public opinion regarding France as a fading power in the Electric Circus era. (Mixed murmurs) Though partly driven by the (mostly) later French decolonisation crisis, the other factor in this was the idea that the French had effectively been defeated by the Societists in their own backyard without a direct fight, in contrast to how American soldiers had stood and fought against the Celatores a few years earlier. (Approving murmurs)

    But the one exception to this rule was, of course, Salamanca. Without warning, in November 1930 Combine forces surrounded the city and pounded it with death-luft and Alkahest, mostly from artillery pieces. However, Sagrera’s epic painting Salamanca focused on the smaller number of luft-bombs falling from Societist Capybara bombers, so popular images of the massacre tend to assume it was mostly a bombing attack. Of course this also feels more of a violation, due to the global near-consensus on avoiding civilian aero bombing after Shiraz during the Black Twenties. But to the people in Salamanca, of course, it scarcely mattered if they choked to death on death-luft from an artillery shell or from a drome-dropped bomb. (More murmurs).

    If the Combine Societists had hoped that they could slay everyone in the city and then hush it up through lack of witnesses, they were naïve. Attempts at outright denial failed when evidence of the use of the Alkahest leaked out; at that point the Combine had a monopoly on that wonder weapon. Eventually, the official line was that a group of ‘rogue Celatores’ had collaborated with a rival bandit, and in 1931 the Combine had a number of Celatores publicly executed to assuage European public opinion. Some of them might even have been somewhere near Salamanca when the attack happened. (Nervous chuckles) This was from the only factor that led to Alfarus becoming increasingly embattled and subject to opposition within his command structure, but it was significant.

    Later, Salamanca was also an exemplar of how much the Combine has made it difficult, both intentionally and accidentally, to tease out what truly went on behind the Line. The city was resettled with ‘good Societist’ colonists from all over the Combine and a monument was erected to Sanchez, we believe in 1932. Then a few years later, during the Konkursum ad Kultura, the Black Guards decided that recognising specific historical events being tied to geographic locations, even Societist-relevant events, was itself un-Sanchezista. The first monument was thoroughly demolished and the Biblioteka Mundial ensured that all records of it were deleted along with it; it’s only due to a few fuzzy asimcons taken by French spies that we have proof it existed at all. And then, of course, a few years after that they changed their minds again and a new monument was erected – and then the BM rewrote history to suggest that it had been there since the start. This is an extreme case, but it’s an illustration in just how difficult it can be for us now to untangle the history of the Combine.

    From Alfarus’ point of view, the Iberian acquisition meant that the Societists now held knives to the throats of two out of four of the world’s greatest powers, as then recognised: Carolina for America and Iberia for France. In hindsight, it is obvious that even then, Societist strategic planning looked to replicate that feat elsewhere, and so exert influence on the global balance of power and encourage infighting…

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    A few minutes of the recording are missing here as the battery in the recorder had run down and had to be quickly replaced under cover, so as not to draw attention of other attendees to our unusual-looking technology.

    *

    …Russia was faced with a system of government designed for one powerful ruler to sit at the top, and no-one consistently occupying that seat following the death of Tsar Paul III. The underage Emperor Theodore V was initially under the regency of Alexander III, Grand Duke of Courland. However, other powerful forces were moving at court, including the Empress Dowager Elizabeth and her mother-in-law, Anna, along with Anna’s alleged lover, the Meridian Refugiado General Pichegru.[12] At this stage, Russia lacked much of the anti-Societist attitude we associate with her today, and some Russians still saw the Societists as a de facto cobelligerent against the ENA. (Murmurs) I’m not here to talk about the Societist cadres moving in Russia herself, but I will mention how Russia’s actions in the early 1930s helped pave the way for heterodox Societism to bloom elsewhere.

    Of course, the biggest and most successful group of heterodox Societists were the Viennese School, who by some definitions are the only ones ‘properly’ called Grey Societists; the fact that the term has been broadened is evidence of their impact. Danubian Societists first rose to prominence in the elections of 1918, held in the aftermath of the Panic of 1917, in which a Societist group entered government through democratic – well, semi-democratic – elections for the first time, anywhere in the world.[13] (Murmurs) Then in 1923, the Societists aided the indecisive Archking Leopold III to resist a coup by the nationalist Brotherhood of the Iron Chain, who advocated for an attack on the Ottomans in defence of Greece, but also opposed a Russian proposal to move troops through neutral Danubia to do the same.[14] In the aftermath of the defeated coup, Danubia’s shaky semi-democracy became increasingly dominated by the Societists and backed up by their street militias. There was little public opposition, largely because the Societists were credited for Danubia’s neutrality and fairly effective counter-plague response during the Black Twenties. (More murmurs)

    But as far as Alfarus and the Combine were concerned, this development was not viewed as an unambiguous positive. The Danubian Societists were not under his control. Rather than attempting to remove the Archking, they had simply proclaimed him a Zonal Rej, just as Alfarus had to King Gabriel of Peru – but they had done so unilaterally. They also did not even pay lip service to the idea that, eventually, he would be rotated to a different Zone. The Grey Societists similarly only made vague and symbolic commitments about introducing Novalatina, instead focusing on universalising the primary use of Martial Latin, Danubia’s pre-existing reconstructed form of Latin used by the armed forces, at the expense of native tongues like German and Hungarian.[15] Towns and cities mostly retained their existing names, sometimes switching to existing Latinised versions of them, with ‘Zon6Urb1’ only in tiny letters below ‘Vindobona; Wean; Bécs; Viena; Beč’ on the sign.[16]

    The increasing mutual distrust between Combine and Grey Societists came to a head during the plague pandemic, when Alfarus refused to share the Combine’s wonder insecticide Tremuriatix with the Danubians, seeing them as unreliable.[17] However, this was seen as less dramatic a break at the time as it was presented in historiographic hindsight, with the Combine still sharing precursor research with the Danubians. The Danubian Societists also became noteworthy for mass use of the poison Vienna Green to kill off rats and fleas (which, despite its name, was not an exclusive product of Vienna) and for acting as a hub for (selected) refugees fleeing the war and plague elsewhere in Europe.

    In the aftermath of the Black Twenties, Alfarus’ paranoia and the divisions with the Grey Societists continued to deepen. Attempts to give the Danubians direct orders were dismissed with the innocent-faced objection that Alfarus had always claimed to be merely the Kapud of the Celatores, a minor figure, certainly subordinate to a Zonal Rej like ‘Leopoldus Habsburgus’. According to Markus Garzius – who is scarcely a reliable source where ‘the Kapud’ is concerned, of course – Alfarus did believe the Greys had good intentions, but needed a firm hand to set them straight. In his writings, Garzius even makes comparison to some of the letters of St Paul to wayward churches in the New Testament (which, in Alfarus’ time, still survived – in a highly edited form – as part of the corpus of the Universal Church). This positive impression does rather clash with the fact that Alfarus was perfectly willing to luft-choke thousands of civilians in Salamanca in an attempt to erase all traces of other groups of heterodox Societists, but perhaps he simply saw Danubia as too big to take over in one fell swoop.

    The final straw came in 1934. The Danubian Societists, unlike the Combine, had allowed elections to continue under their rule and other political parties to still exist – not on a level playing field, to be sure, but most of those parties were nobility-backed reactionaries who had been just as happy to exert unequal pressure when they had been in power. By 1934, the warm public regard the Societists had won for their anti-plague measures was cooling, and the Hungarians were particularly unhappy with some of the Societists’ pushes for cultural homogenisation, even if far more lukewarm and voluntary than those in the Combine. The Hungarians elected a Volksrat in which the Grey Societists lost their majority – and the Societists meekly accepted the defeat and allowed a coalition of nationalists to take their place, merely trusting that their faith in Sanchez’s ideas meant that history was on their side and the public would eventually come to agree. (Murmurs)

    Whether one accepts that thesis or not, the previous election was not the last time that the Hungarian people would elect a Societist-majority Volksrat. But Alfarus was enraged. The Combine was already threatened by a Societist party that had been semi-democratically voted in to power without the cleansing flame of a violent revolution. Now, that same party openly accepted that the will of the people, as expressed through ‘bourgeois-proletarian democracy’ as Markus Lupus called it, overruled the principle that legitimacy flowed from purity of acceptance and interpretation of Sanchezista historical theory. This was, indeed, a far more existential threat to the Combine than any of the nations’ armies. (Murmurs)

    Now, events in Russia – almost certainly not actuated by Societist Agendes, no matter what the Soviets used to claim – would offer Alfarus an apparent opportunity to both threaten another great power and put his boot on Danubia’s jugular to ‘encourage’ them back to the ‘right’ path.

    In the Black Twenties, Russia had achieved one great foreign policy goal going back centuries – the conquest and subjugation of Persia – at the expense of going backwards in many other theatres. In Europe, half of Poland and Scandinavia were lost, along with an important Baltic seaport, the puppet state of Belgium and her colonies. Across the Pacific, the entirety of Russian America was under ENA occupation. Africa had seen the loss of allies such as Abyssinia and the Matetwa Empire. Even the continent of Asia, which had seen the aforementioned Persian success and the achievement of the Tarsus salient splitting the Ottoman Empire in two, hardly played host to an unmitigated series of Russian victories. The uprisings in Tartary, which had ignited the war in the first place, were never entirely quelled no matter how many ruthless generals Grand Duke Alexander sent there to commit crimes de guerre. Important lands in Manchuria had been ceded to China to buy her neutrality at the start of the war, already alienating the influential RLPC even before the loss of the American colonies. And, most visibly, Russia had lost the colony she had built in northern India in secret throughout the end of the nineteenth and start of the twentieth centuries, taking advantage of the near-silence of the Jihad-devastated ‘Aryan Void’ that had persisted for years and turned news into legend and rumour. Pendzhab.[18]

    In many ways, Russian control of Persia’s ports only made sense as part of a broader global strategy that included Erythrea and influence over at least parts of the Indian subcontinent, both of which were now gone. But Grand Duke Alexander, it seems, was pragmatic. With the Russian economy and military apparently having recovered after a few years of peace, he now sought to reverse as many of the losses of the war as he could. He obviously could not attack Poland or Alyeska without reigniting a general war, but the hope was that India would be treated differently by the great powers; after all, France was already facing difficulties in holding on to Bisnaga and was in no position to directly object. And so, in May 1935, a new Russian army crossed into northern India with the goal of retaking Fort Saltykov in Srinagar, and then using it as a staging post to defeat the new Sikh-led state now controlling most of the former Russian Pendzhab.

    Eighteen months later, a defeated and humiliated Russian army withdrew through the Khyber Pass. I don’t have time here to discuss the Pendzhab War, but suffice to say that it had a dramatic effect on not only India, but the world as well. The successful Sikh repulsion of the Russians, helped by the Bengalis and others, catalysed a new wave of anti-colonial resistance – most famously in French Bisnaga, but also around the world. The Sikhs had demonstrated that a native force, properly trained and equipped with modern weapons, could stand up to the mainstream core of a European army and defeat it; not merely the colonial outriders that the Matetwa or the Mauré had beaten in the past.[19] There were even uprisings in Persia, though they failed to truly ignite at this time, as the Shah-Advocate knew the time was not right. Nonetheless, Kalat and Rajputana, former Persian vassals, were quietly able to take advantage of the brief unrest to secure and fortify their own borders against further Russian ambitions.

    The wave of anti-colonial fervour was only one part of a complex set of falling dominoes set into motion by Russia’s failure. Firstly, and most obviously, Grand Duke Alexander fell from grace, was overthrown at court and packed off back to Courland. Initially Anna and Pichegru tried to take over, but Theodore V, now of age, had formed an alliance with Marshal Mikhail Kobuzev. The hero of the Persian conquest had had few political ambitions and had accepted Alexander’s government, but remained popular and worried that Russia would follow the wrong track under Anna and Pichegru. Ironically from our modern perspective, one of his concerns was that Pichegru was, I quote, ‘obsessed’ with the Societists as the biggest threat to the world. (Murmurs) Yes, well, quite, one can only speculate how history might have gone if his ideas had dominated in the court at Petrograd. Regardless, Theodore and Kobuzev were able to shut out Anna and Pichegru from control, and they lived out their years in a dacha in Circassia, passing away at an advanced age in the 1940s.

    The brief period of internal chaos in Russia would seem to offer an opportunity for Russia’s enemies, in particular the Ottoman Empire, to recover what they had lost in the Black Twenties – the biter bit. Though Europe remained exhausted and there was little incentive for the ENA to open hostilities, the Ottomans did plan an offensive to crush the Tarsus salient. The Grand Vizier in Alexandria, Mustafa Damat Pasha, had reached an agreement with Ahmet Ismail Pasha, who still held de facto power in Constantinople, to coordinate the attack. However, Mehveş Sultan still refused to contemplate collaborating with the man she held responsible for her son’s death. Furthermore, the Alexandrine Ottoman Empire was still suffering problems elsewhere; the aftermath of al-Jizani’s Arab uprising and the Javanese refugee crisis from the ‘One-Way Hajj’; the increasing spread of Societism in Africa continuing to threaten Sennar and Darfur; and attempting to reassert control over Tripolitania (Tunis and Algiers now increasingly looking like lost causes).

    So Mehveş Sultan threw out the plan in favour of a more modest naval attack staging from Crete – not against the Russians, but taking the island of Rhodes from Ahmet Ismail’s control. The fall of the island to Suleyman the Magnificent in 1522 had been an important foundational moment for the House of Osman, which Mehveş Sultan hoped to repeat to enshrine her grandson Murad XI’s legitimacy. As Ahmet Ismail had always insisted he was still loyal to the Sultan but was exercising control on the ground ‘for the duration of the crisis’, Mehveş Sultan also hoped that forcing his hand like this would make Ahmet Ismail either surrender or fight and prove himself a liar.

    Meanwhile, the Kingdom of Greece, reduced to the Ionian islands by the Ottoman invasion during the Black Twenties, had ambitions to retake the mainland. Through the judicious use of spies, the Greeks were able to take advantage of Mehveş Sultan’s betrayal of Ahmet Ismail to land troops and mercenaries on the Morea at just the same moment that the Alexandrines attacked Rhodes, in November 1936. In the end, though the Alexandrine attack was successful, the Greeks were quickly forced to retreat. They had planned on having the support of Italian regulars posing as ‘mercenaries’, but the Romulan government got cold feet and scaled back their support at the last minute. Reprisals by Ahmet Ismail’s garrison troops in the Morea killed many Greek civilians who had supported the invasion, and the only lasting territorial acquisition by the Kingdom was the island of Kythira. The Alexandrines’ naval dominance had quickly cleared Ahmet Ismail’s ships from the Aegean, offering this minor opportunity for the Greeks.

    Mehveş Sultan’s betrayal meant that the Russian-controlled Tarsus Salient survived, of course. Ahmet Ismail, it appears, had decided to surrender rather than split the empire further, fuming though he was. Ahmet Ismail, a brilliant general but an amateur at politics, had already been manipulated once by the Neo-Azadis who had killed Murad X.[20] In turning on those Neo-Azadis, he had clumsily made alliances with any other group that would back him in The City’s politics. Among these were Societists.

    In the immediate aftermath of the Pandoric Revolution, Constantinople had been similar to Vienna in that it had played host to heterodox Societist thinkers. As with Danubia, the multi-ethnic and non-nationalist construction of the empire seemed to offer many opportunities for variations on Sanchezista thought.[21] However, the Constantinopolitan School had been cut short in the 1910s when they were accused of being fellow travellers with the Societists that the Ottomans were already fighting around the Moon Lakes. Several had been executed and others had fled elsewhere. Alfarus, of course, saw this as a prime opportunity; by wiping the slate clean, the Ottomans had inadvertently ensured that any future Societist movement would be entirely imported from the Combine and, therefore, under his control. New cadres had been set up almost as soon as the Grand Vizier’s purge was over, and by 1936 they had been growing for two decades. The time was ripe.

    Ahmet Ismail was probably poisoned, but the exact details are unclear. Like the Neo-Azadis before them, the new Rumelian Societists seized power in Constantinople and bought the support of the people simply by offering cheap food in times of difficulty. In some ways it was, as Alfarus had thought, a great opportunity. Usually a Societist uprising in Rumelia and western Anatolia would have been living on borrowed time, with the Russians taking any opportunity of Turkish division to attack. But now the Russians were weakened and consumed with their own internal divisions and rebellions. The Alexandrine Ottoman Empire was also in no position to launch a full conquest for reunification, as Mehveş Sultan had realised. Soon Combine ships, already operating openly in the waters of the former Spain and Portugal, were travelling through the Mediterranean to challenge the Alexandrine Donanmasi’s dominance.

    It was another brilliant coup for the Societist, another string to Alfarus’ bow, another shocking threat to the nations. Or so it seemed. Combine Societist administrators moved in to Rumelia and Anatolia, working with the local Societists. They knew that, not only did they threaten Russia and the Mediterranean, but – almost more importantly – the heterodox Societists in Danubia now faced a serious threat if they decided to make any more creative interpretations of the Kapud’s orders. It was only a matter of time before the Greys were crushed, wiped out of history by the Biblioteka Mundial.

    Or so they thought. Few at the time would have dreamed that not established ‘liberated authority over Zones 6 and 25’. Instead, Alfarus had poured Celatores, Agendes and money into what would become an entity just as productive of heterodox Societists as neighbouring Danubia was: what would come to be called the Eternal State…











    [1] Note that this is a ‘translation’ by the team transcribing the lecture, as the word ‘thug(ee)’ has not entered English in TTL.

    [2] For more on Grey Societism in the First Interbellum, see Part #268 in Volume VII.

    [3] See Part #273 in Volume VII.

    [4] See Part #292 in Volume VIII.

    [5] See Part #296 in Volume VIII.

    [6] During the period of rule from New Spain (ca. 1830-1848) Ferdinand VII attempted to impose the use of the term ‘Audiencias’ for the central legislature rather than ‘Cortes’, as in the Americas the latter term had become too associated with the UPSA. However, this proved unpopular and the attempt was abandoned even before the overthrow of New Spanish rule in the Second Spanish Revolution.

    [7] See Part #289 in Volume VIII.

    [8] See Part #49 in Volume I.

    [9] A slight simplification to make a point.

    [10] See Part #121 in Volume III. Note that this skips over the fact that Sanchez was a self-funded mature student who transitioned almost seamlessly to being a lecturer due to his experience.

    [11] As discussed in Part #259 in Volume VII.

    [12] See Part #300 in Volume VIII.

    [13] See Part #270 in Volume VII.

    [14] See Part #283 in Volume VIII.

    [15] To be clear, the native tongues are still in use, just typically in smaller text below the Martial Latin on posters and so on (see Mme Mercier’s diary description in Part #300 for an example).

    [16] Vienna’s name is here given in Martial Latin followed by the four official languages of Danubia – Austrogerman, Hungarian, Austroslav (basically Croatian for the most part) and Austrovlach (Romanian).

    [17] See Part #286 in Volume VIII.

    [18] For more on the Russian loss of Pendzhab, see Parts #282 and #292 in Volume VIII.

    [19] ‘Native’ here, a rather un-PC term used by older Americans in TTL, is an essentially arbitary definition used to mean anyone from a culture historically not seen as ‘civilised’, itself a definition influenced by how successful they were in resisting colonialism beforehand. So it would include the indigenous peoples of the Americas, Australia and sub-Saharan Africa, but also Indians and Japanese – but not Chinese, Coreans or Persians, for instance, which are presented as ‘non-European civilisations’. Attempts to objectively define the difference have caused endless headaches because it is so obviously a product of a particular time in the nineteenth century – i.e. judging India by the passing chaos of the Great Jihad and not by having literate and advanced civilisations with an equally venerable heritage to China’s.

    [20] See Part #296 in Volume VIII.

    [21] See Part #268 in Volume VII.
     
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  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #306: Qu’vance la belle Pérousie

    “AMERICAN TROOPS OUT OF PLATINEA

    JUSTICE FOR THE DEL-PARA VICTIMS

    WHAT IS LORD DEWHIRST HIDING?

    MAKE THE OSIRIS INQUIRY FILES PUBLIC!”

    – Protest poster seen on Berkeley Road, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Dr David Wostyn, November 2020

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    Before going into our next lecture segments, I should explain a few things. As we have made clear from the start, the collapse of the French Colonial Empire was an important part of the history of the Electric Circus. However, this was a complex process, depending on factors across the world and across a span of time. As such, it’s difficult to present a complete picture without dragging in other sequences of events from elsewhere. We’re going to do our best by presenting excerpts from a range of relevant lectures we found, interspersed with other matters.

    (Sgt Ellis’ note)

    There was a bit of a gap in recording these because, understandably, nobody was willing to hold a public lecture when the audience wouldn’t have been able to hear anything over the Bonfire Night fireworks in the background. Which, like at home, have a tendency to creep ever farther away from the actual Fifth of November on both sides.

    *

    Recorded lecture on “Pérousie: Your Distant Next-Door Neighbour” by Dr Raoul Rouqet and Olivia Hughes, recorded November 8th, 2020—

    Hello – yes, please, if you wouldn’t mind taking a card as you come in – right – um – the lights – yes, aydub…aydub.

    Aydub, welcome to tonight’s lecture by Dr Raoul Rouquet of the Université d’Esperance, that’s the University of Esperance to you and me (Chuckles) who’s here to talk to us about the history of his home country, Pérousie. (Applause) Dr Rouquet previously studied here on an authorised scholarship in the 1980s, at the College of William and Mary (Mixed hoots of approval and boos) and is an expert on American-Pérousien relations. He has published several books on the subject – yes, some of them are available in the foyer (Chuckles) and you may recognise him from his subtitled Motoscope documentaries.

    Of course, Dr Rouquet is fluent in English, in American English no less (Approving murmur) but I’ll be here as translator regardless to keep us within the law (Chuckles) and to help out with any other matters. With that, if you would like to take the floor, Dr Rouqet…

    Merci beaucoup, Miss Hughes – that’s thank you very much. (A few chuckles) It’s good to be back here again in the capital of the great Empire of North America. (Cheers) If you want to understand the history of fair Pérousie, you need to first know your own history – because you’ve had a great influence upon ours.

    It is a strange thing, to our minds, that many Americans never think of us. If you look at your book of geography facts, you will see that the ENA shares a longer border with Pérousie than with any other nation. (Mixed noises of scepticism and realisation). And the ENA is the only country with which Pérousie shares a land border at all! Yet that border cuts mostly through a barren desert, and it’s a desert half way around the world from the core of your homeland. When one travels here and learns about your culture, as I did, it’s not hard to realise that you will not see us the way we see you. But in Pérousie itself, we frequently look to America. Not only as a neighbour, but as an inspiration. (Cheers) Hence, the title of my talk. We are your distant next-door neighbour, both far and near at the same time.

    We also have many things in common. We were settled primarily by a single European country, and take our language from that country, but our people are comprised of those from all over the world. (Mixed reactions) We are not limited by those origins, but are something greater. Just as you speak English, but are not English, you inspired us to realise that though we speak French, we are not French. (Minor cheers) Just as you seized your own destiny when you proclaimed your independence in 1828, so you inspired us to take that same path, a century later. (Bigger cheers)

    The year 2028 will be the bicentennial of that great event for you. (Applause) We will have to wait until 2042 for the first centennial of independence, but the path to that destination had begun much earlier. As we debated our future, as repeated French governments made broken promises to us, we looked to our west, to Cygnia, to the ENA, and realised that the people of Cygnia were not being run from Fredericksburg like a colony. (Mixed reaction) It was possible to build a truly free and independent nation far from Europe, and not dependent on Europe. (Approving sounds)

    But I’m getting ahead of myself. If you really want to understand Pérousie, like any nation, you need to know her history. So let’s begin. Miss Hughes, if I could have the first slide please – thank you – oh, I see, this button here? – Well, do let me know if it stops working.

    Now, this map here…uh…zut alors…at least it’s not back to front this time…c’est là...d’accord. So…yes, that’s it. Now.

    Antipodea, the continent of Antipodea is remarkable because of just how isolated it was from the rest of the world…mostly. Even more so than you here in the Novamund, where there were still Vikings coming here in the first millennium AD, and some more debatable theories…now it’d be easy to start the history of Antipodea in 1606 when Willem Janszoon showed up – he was the first European explorer to land in Antipodea, almost two centuries before La Pérouse! – but that would be unfair to les premiers colons, whose role in the country we must always remember. (Unintelligible sound)

    Eh? Pardon? Ah, oui. That is the present authorised term at home. You may know them as the Indiens, but that term is discouraged nowadays. It was never accurate, just as your own indigenous people have nothing to do with India, either. (Murmurs)

    Les – that is, the first settlers – archaeologists argue about this, but they believe they may have crossed into Antipodea as much as 65,000 years ago. (Impressed and sceptical reactions) I know, it’s un grand nombre. The whole affair causes mal de tête for the whole crew of them – I’m sorry? Miss Hughes? (Pause) Oh, I see, my apologies, I will try to stay on English! (Nervous laughter) Yes, the archaeologists don’t like it, because that would make the – first settlers some of the earliest boatmen in history, as Antipodea still wasn’t joined on to Asia, and that doesn’t seem to fit their narrative.

    But regardless of the details, the first settlers lived in Antipodea many thousands of years before the first European. Or even the first Asian, which I’ll get to in a moment. They had an Antediluvian existence in many ways.[1] They lacked technologies which the people of other lands took for granted even in their most primitive days. They had no metal, no writing – so what, nor did Europe for thousands of years. (Laughter) But also, they did not have even the bow and arrow – a weapon which was present on every other continent. To make matters worse, the first settlers on Dufresnie were cut off from the mainland and lacked even technologies like axes and spear-throwers.

    But do not go thinking that lack of technology made these people somehow less human than us. They knew how to control fire to shape the landscape to their own ends – not always with the best results, just like our attempts to master Nature today. (Wry chuckles) They had a very impressive command of oral history through song, passing down events like geological disasters which scientists have traced back thousands of years. (Impressed murmurs) And I should not speak in the past tense, for they are still with us. The Temps du rêve, the, how do you say – yes – the Dreaming-time, of their religions, and their art, they have spread around the world, influenced many cultures on other continents. When one thinks of the nations whose cultural bounties were ground down by the Societists (Angry murmurs) the first settlers have continued to leave their mark on the world.

    I said Antipodea was isolated for thousands of years, but that’s not quite true. The ourigelle arrived in Antipodea somewhere between four and eight thousand years ago, no-one knows how.[2] There are a few innovations that were probably brought by Polynesian sailors, some point in the murky history of those peoples not fully recorded by the Mauré oral traditions. There was also some contact between the trading peoples of the Nusantara and the northern first settlers, but it’s not clear if that preceded Janszoon’s first contact or not.

    When the Europeans came, they thought they knew what they were looking for. The Ancient Greeks, having deduced that the world was round, wondered if there were lands on the far side of the Equator – which some of them, extrapolating from the fact that the climate grew hotter as they went south, imagined to be an impassible wall of fire. They called these mythical lands the Antipodes, which, two millennia later, would give their name to the very real continent I am pleased to call home. Later, mediaeval and early modern European navigators also speculated about a southern continent. They had mapped much of the northern hemisphere, and knew that the vast majority of the Old World and half the Novamund was located there. Surely, in order to balance this, there had to be a southern great continent, a counterweight continent, the Unknown Southern Land. Terra Australis Incognita, Java La Grande, the Land of Beach. They gave it many names, and assumed that every tiny island they found in the South Seas and the Indian Ocean must be part of a promontory jutting out from it, or an island chain surrounding it. No-one countenanced the idea that perhaps there could just be vast gulfs of ocean, with only the small continents of Antipodea and Australia [Antarctica]. Their discovery lay in the future.

    Yet it’s also important to remember that Antipodea is still a big place. It’s the smallest of the continents, but would still stretch from one side of North America to the other. (Impressed murmurs) So talking about first contact between the first settlers and Europeans as world-changing isn’t really sensible. Captain Janszoon may have met the local native people on the peninsula that now bears his name[3] – and fought them, sadly starting a trend that would continue – but that didn’t result in much of a long-term effect. The Dutch and other Europeans were uninterested in Antipodea so long as they only encountered the less-than-hospitable parts, such as that isolated peninsula in the northeast. What La Pérouse discovered was the more clement southeastern regions, and he discovered them at the right time, when France’s treasury was empty and the government was looking for potential new sources of wealth through colonial exploitation. Of course the Revolution intervened, but the settlement still happened. It wasn’t until this prolonged contact that the first settlers encountered the consequences of a continental exchange – technology, animals, crops, and, sadly, disease. Just as with the Tortolians here in the Novamund, smallpox and other Old World diseases killed far more native people than even the most bloodthirsty Jacobin fanatic could hope to. (Murmurs)

    I don’t need to go into details of those bloody early years, when the colony nearly died out, when Lamarck and Laplace made great scientific discoveries through a ruthless attitude towards human life of any colour.[4] La Pérouse defected to the Mauré people, whom he had established contact with on the same earlier voyages where he discovered Antipodea. In time, he returned to help lead a counter-revolution against Jacobin rule. Ever since, we in Pérousie have had a…complicated relationship with the Mauré. (Murmurs)

    In those early years, a second colony was established, an outpost really, at Saint-Malo in what was then called the Terre du Robespierre. You would know it better as New London in Cygnia. (Reactions) Lisieux (More murmurs) wanted Admiral Surcouf to use it as a staging point to attack Dutch trade, which he did, very effectively. The Dutch counter-raided it when open war broke out, but Surcouf escaped, and had a second career in the UPSA. But Antipodea was seen as such a sideshow that they forgot to even discuss it at the Congress of Copenhagen at the end of the war! (Chuckles) It took until the Treaty of Blois, a few years later, to settle my homeland’s fate after the Jacobin Wars. The western part of Antipodea became American – Anglo-American, as it was seen then (Reactions) and was divided into New Kent and New London. The Dutch laid claim to the north as an extension of the East Indies, as they were then, hoping to put a barrier in the way of any future…piratical antics like Admiral Surcouf’s. But the remainder was allowed to stay a colony of the restored Kingdom of France. That is where our story really begins.

    Nowadays, people often compare Pérousie to California – a land of opportunity, a great mix of races and creeds. But things were not so in the beginning, when it was just the native first settlers, the French colonists and the occasional Mauré visitors, rarely staying at that point. At that point, there was no need for any policy to try to limit immigration; on the contrary, the French Government was having difficulty persuading people to move to Pérousie. La Pérouse had been searching, among other things, for sources of wealth and riches, of valuable trade. But in the beginning, few were interested in Pérousie except scientists, a few of whom discovered potentially useful new crops, and missionaries, who sought to bring the faith to the first settlers. Well, there was another group who was interested in the first settlers, unfortunately, and that was the blackbirders – the slave traders – (Reaction) – whether they be Mauré, Javanese, or unscrupulous Meridian or European.[5] That foul trade would not be fully controlled and suppressed for years.

    No, if Pérousie became like California later, it took the same factor as it did there. Fièvre de l'or, gold fever. In 1841 gold was discovered at Bálerat, and that changed everything.[6] That finding was made just as the California goldrush was dying down, and so we became the centre for immigration from across the world. Many came from France herself, and others from fellow Catholic nations that were felt to be just about acceptable – Italy, before she was united, of course, and Spain and Portugal in the days before… But there were also many immigrants from Protestant powers, and Muslims and Hindus from Bisnaga, and heathens from China and Siam.[7] Not all of them were seeking gold, either; as Pérousie became a more prominent destination for that reason, it was also targeted by refugees fleeing political chaos in both Europe and elsewhere.

    Vincent Yang, the great Pérousien playwright and campaigner of the 1930s, was descended from those Chinese immigrants. In his play Ends of the Earth, he divided Pérousie’s early history into five phases: ‘idealism, pragmatism, paranoia, momentum, and greed’.[8] The idealism of La Pérouse’s early voyages, the pragmatism of Lisieux seeing Pérousie as a strategic staging point to attack his enemies, the paranoia of different nations securing that same strategic prize, the momentum of the troubled colony being propped up by Paris, and then the greed of the goldrush which finally made it self-sustaining. A single Governor-General tried to govern the whole of French Pérousie until 1839, when Malraux gave the colonies limited self-government and largely symbolic elections. These institutions, intended for an under-par colonial entity that was growing only slowly, would remain virtually unchanged and hidebound as gold transformed Pérousie into something very different. As in California and New Spain, official rules requiring immigrants to convert to Catholicism were largely ignored, and only the most enforceable taxes were paid to the largely-unelected colonial administrations. Pérousie’s demos developed into a new kind of nation, almost wholly divorced from the institutions that were allegedly governing her, especially outside the major port cities which the French authorities was most interested in.

    Of course, not everyone was quite so blasé about how the continent was changing. There was quite a lot of public support for the Code Blanche when it was instituted in 1858 – a bit late, one might say, as the goldrush was already long winding down and the first wave of immigration was over. Perhaps the delay was also symptomatic of the insulation of the colonial authorities from the reality on the ground. But regardless, the Code Blanche tried to limit immigration to Catholics and, crucially, whites – hence the name. (Reactions) Its opponents called its supporters jacobins blancs – in that name, ‘white’ doesn’t apply to skin colour, but to royalism; they were saying that its advocates were just Jacobins paying lip service to the monarchy, but otherwise true believers in Linnaean Racism. Much of Pérousie’s political history has been based on reaction against that brief but bloody period of rule by the Jacobin Republicans under Lisieux, and this was an effective attack. There was a similar phenomenon in your own Cygnia, where colonists from Virginian slaveholder families were sometimes were looked down on as crypto-Carolinians and traitors against the Virginian government in the Virginia Crisis. (Mixed reactions)

    I don’t want to imply that the vast majority of enfants de la voile were very modern-thinking and outraged by Racist policies – what? Oh, I’m sorry, Miss Hughes, would you care to explain while I take a sip of your very fine Virginia wine. (Approving sounds)

    Thank you, Dr Rouquet. Yes, that is the term usually used for the original wave of French colonists of Pérousie, those who came with La Pérouse and in the immediate aftermath, and their descendants. Historically they often possessed particular privileges and wealth and were respected, even over and above later white, Catholic, French colonists. Like peninsulares in New Spain, or perhaps the First Families here (Laughter). The name means ‘Children of the Sail’, as they arrived in Pérousie before the age of steam began – at least for long-range ships.

    Quite so – thank you, Miss Hughes. As I was saying – it’s not as if the people were exactly keen on competing for land and wealth with heretics, infidels and heathens – as they were seen at the time – but anything that smacked of Jacobin beliefs was viewed with deep suspicion. Pérousie, even more than France herself, was rife with conspiracy theories about secret Jacobin cults waiting for their moment to strike. This paranoia intensified after the very real Neo-Jacobin Portuguese Revolution, from which we had more refugees fleeing to Pérousie. It was fashionable to accuse one’s political opponents of being connected to a similar, phantom movement lurking beneath the civic society of the urban ruling classes. When Societism became a popular such fraternity among some bourgeois gentry in the late nineteenth century, it was even connected with Lisieux and Jacobinism in the popular imagination – which seems rather strange now! (Murmurs)

    What really made the Code Blanche unworkable, though, was not public opposition but, again, the sheer ineffectiveness of the colonial governments. Even when laws did exist on the books in one colony, they might never have been implemented over the border in the neighbouring colony – or at least be worded sufficiently differently that a lawyer could, and did, have a field day with getting his bandit client off on a technicality. There was no central authority beyond the distant Paris and the single Viceroy in N’Albi.[9] And Paris did not care what happened in Pérousie, so long as they still had their military bases and their trade routes and could tax gold and, later, opals as they left the continent. The limits of the reforms made in the 1850s and 60s by Villon and Resnais consisted of the establishment of local conseils paroissials, which were theoretically more democratically elected than the colonial intendancies, but were not further reformed when their French counterparts were. At the time, all they achieved was to further confuse the remits of the various laws, provide more jobs for the lawyers, and create bodies that criminals and the unscrupulous industrialists could suborn and exploit.

    This kind of environment was a breeding ground for remarkable exploits, both fictional and real. Pérousie fascinated a certain kind of European adventurer and attracted them, ever since de Vougeot published La Terre Rouge in 1827. Artists like Claus Jensen came to see our landscapes and take inspiration from the first settlers’ artworks. Brave or foolhardy explorers, from Louis de Tabouillot in the 1810s all the way down to Prince Francesco, Duke of Venice a century later. Countless early expeditions faltered attempting to find a way through Les Montes Verts [OTL Blue Mountains] from N’Albi into the interior. When Guillaume Forissier finally succeeded in 1820, he found that escaped horses from the first colony had already found their way there, and had been breeding in what we came to call the arrière-pays, the, how do you say, hinterland? Away from the cities. Yes. Those horses would not be the first escaped Old World animal or plant to wreak havoc on our balance of nature.

    Other adventurers were of less high-minded ideals. While gangs ruled the hinterland between cities, the real-life master criminals controlled criminal underworlds in the cities and inspired countless fiction. Perhaps most famous are the great rivals of the 1860s, Farinole and Vizzini – usually known simply as Le Corse and Le Sicilien – who controlled crime syndicates dominating N’Albi and Béron, respectively. While the two great cities’ fashionable societies and businessmen constantly sought to one-up one another, the two criminal unions mirrored their struggle with cloak and dagger in the side streets. The two leaders themselves, of course, moved in the same fashionable circles, often controlling the appointments of intendants and mayors. Even now, their time is romanticised as a setting for historical fiction, but let us not mince words. Many in high society were perfectly aware of Farinole and Vizzinis less-legitimate interests, but were content to tolerate them providing they kept the streets safe for the wealthy who paid their menaces ‘insurance’ money. Who cared if lesser folk were caught in the wheels? Did it really matter if they were beaten by a gang enforcer or by one of the corrupt policemen? Often there was little distinction regardless.

    Some tried to fight back. In reality, few were as famous as the fictional exploits of La Flèche, the mysterious hooded archer who took his inspiration from the folk hero Guillaume Tell. As Tell had fought against cruel oppressors, La Flèche – a masked hero in the tradition of your Black Shadow – was a vigilante who sought justice, or revenge, against thinly-disguised examples of the crime figures of the day. True, La Flèche might only exist within the pages of the bloodies and sequents which his creator, Genevois immigrant Philippe Bordier, penned; but he spoke to anger and resentment amongst the wider populace. A few tried to emulate him in reality, but even in our baking red sands, the light of day is cold, and most simply came to a sticky end. Farinole and Vizzini were defeated not by a masked hero, but by weakening each other through repeated struggles and then being overthrown and killed by a new generation of crime lords drawing on more recent, less complacent groups of immigrants. Pérousie remained seen as a wild frontier, a place of opportunity where any man of sufficient ruthlessness, skill, and luck could build his own way – with little in the way of authority to stop him.

    But as Pérousie matured as a society, our people had an awakening that this ineffectual, decentralised government was not a good thing for us. For one of adolescent mindset, thinking only of the mining claim he could illegally jump with a gang of armed supporters, for the rich travellers he could steal the opal jewellery of, for the taxes he could dodge – an ineffective government seemed like a positive. But then that hypothetical man of youthful, rebellious mind is forced to confront the fact that now he is the one with the wealth and no way to protect it. His old gang members grow jealous and envious and plot to betray him for a share of his riches. The governments, which could not secure enough tax revenue to pay for a proper police force to stop his crimes, now cannot stop those who thieve from him in turn. Even if he keeps his wealth, he will spend the rest of his life in paranoia. Just as will the man who found his gold gulch perfectly legally, but again could be robbed at any time. And that is no way to live.

    In the cities, where the ruling classes dwelt, things were a little different. The colonies did create Gendarmeries modelled on that in France, often aimed at protecting the wealth of the colonial councilmen and other members of high society. Industry began to develop, too, and then that was another source of wealth and power for factory owners. But it also highlighted the inequality inherent in the system. If a poor man risked his life in a dangerous mine to obtain gold or opals, at least it was his own decision, gambling with his life for a rich reward. But increasingly, the factory jobs offered represented similar levels of risk with no prospect of reward, only a pittance of a wage. Like the UPSA and here in the ENA, Pérousie acquired a number of German Populist immigrants advocating for Mentian ideals. But unlike the UPSA – and like the ENA – we watched as Meridian corporations became so powerful that even the elected Meridian government became effectively subordinated to them. And we knew what the ENA could deliver, for we shared a border with Cygnia and watched in envy as she won full representation in your Parliament. Would we bow the knee to corporate overlords? As your politicians did in that period, we said ‘no’.

    But without a strong central government being created by Paris, we resolved to do it ourselves. The first organised labour meetings began in the 1870s. Unlike the existing political institutions, they were not localised within cities or colonies, but stretched across the whole of Pérousie, reflecting a new identity which Paris still refused to acknowledge. There were early divisions, like those in the Mentians in the UPSA, over whether these organisations would remain French-only or Catholic-only, or whether they would reach out to others as well. It was not long before the exclusivists were defeated. It was not simply a moral question, but a pragmatic one. Once again, as in the UPSA, selective travaillisme merely ensured that the factory owners would offer the non-French or non-Catholic workers a pay rise to defy the strike and fill the jobs vacated by the exclusivist strikers. It was only by uniting all groups under one flag that…

    Sorry, can I interrupt you there, Dr Rouquet? Just another definition for the audience…travaillisme would directly translate as ‘worker-ism’ or ‘labour-ism’ in English. We would most probably use the term ‘unionism’, as in the English political party.

    Mes apologies, thank you, Miss Hughes. Yes…theTravaillistes served to establish a Pérousien identity that was, at least to some extent, cross-racial and cross-confessional. But, of course, not cross-class. In Pérousie as elsewhere, organised labour was seen as an existential threat; not only by the ruling classes who had the most to lose, but by the middling bourgeoisie who merely had something to lose. So long as the bourgeoisie remained loyal to the King of France and the largely moribund colonial governments instituted decades ago, the Travaillistes could not break into the cities or stand up to the Gendarmeries. And, of course, the cities were usually where the factories and the workers were. So the Travaillistes might have been the beginning of independent Pérousie, but they were certainly not the end.

    The Travailliste movement, and other factors, were sufficiently alarming to Paris for the colonial authorities to finally be reformed, with the institution of full Parlements-Provincial in 1888. But these bodies, though named for the ones in France, proved rather more fractious. Though there was finally some level of popular representation, the franchise remained highly exclusive, giving undue weight to the urban bourgeoisie at the expense of the workers, and in particular those who did not meet arbitrary language and confessional qualifications. In a sense, this was only reflecting laws which had been on the books for years, but suddenly they were now being enforced by bodies that could govern. The problem was how they chose to use that ability. The ‘salutory neglect’ period of Pérousien history was definitively over. Crackdowns against the Travailliste movement began, and unrest bubbled beneath the surface. The rebellion on the penal colony on the island of Dufresnie was only the most obvious sign of this. The reaction in Pérousie in the late 1890s was part and parcel of the same revolt against the gilded age of the Long Peace as Monterroso in the UPSA. (Mixed murmurs)

    As with many long-running disputes, the outbreak of the Pandoric War put ours on hold for some years – in a way. Pérousie’s fractiousness probably played a role in French Prime Minister Leclerc’s decision to maintain armed neutrality during the war. (A few resentful murmurs) French troops might be needed to subdue a rebellion in Pérousie – they were needed to subdue one in Dufresnie, and failed, in part because they were being used to hold us down. That was a big moment in our history. The politicians in Paris might pat themselves on the back because they had stayed out of the war, Nouvelle-Hollande had joined us with the fall of the Batavian Republic, and the Mauré had finally become effective French vassals after Wehihimana’s failure in Gavaji. But we knew otherwise. They had exposed their weakness. Pérousien Travaillistes sensed an opportunity, while Pérousien bourgeoisie felt they could no longer rely on Paris to defend their own interests against the Travaillistes and they must take affairs into their own hands. Suddenly people from all classes were united in wanting to run Pérousie themselves, even if they did not agree on how it should be run.

    We might have been neutral during the Pandoric War, but Pérousien troops fought under the French flag in the IEF intervention in the former UPSA, which ended in failure. That sparked resentment here just as it did in France proper. Both the wealthy and the poor demanded true self-rule, with one campaign being funded by the businessman Paul-Louis Voisin. His brother Jean had been elected to the Grand-Parlement in Paris, representing some flyspeck circonscription near Bordeaux – the old one, I mean, for all seven million Pérousiens still had no representation in the Parlement in Paris. Jean Voisin became known as ‘the parlementaire for Pérousie’ for speaking for Pérousien interests – at least, that’s how the French press portrayed it, but of course he was speaking for the interests of the Pérousien wealthy industrialists and ruling classes. Still, for now, his goals were ultimately aligned with those of the Travaillistes. Like them, he called for true self-rule, for Autogovernance, as we called it. The right to elect truly powerful governments locally, and to elect parlementaires to the Grand-Parlement, like the other eighty-five percent of French subjects.[10]

    When Leclerc tried to buy off our demands with largely symbolic concessions, the Travailliste leader Yves Ouarena Touage and others organised a general strike that paralysed the country. Some moderate figures travelled to France to argue for us, like the Jansenist preacher Manuel Durand. All of this, together with the failures in Dufresnie and South America and some domestic issues, combined and the French electorate voted Leclerc and the Verts out of power for the first time in a quarter-century.[11]

    We had high hopes of the incoming Rouvier Diamantine ministry, and not all of them were in vain. But good intentions could only bridge the gap so far, for we had been growing culturally apart from France for so long, just as, say, you did from Carolina long before the Great American War. (Murmurs) Rouillard, the Foreign Minister, was friends with the Pérousien writer Auguste Migaud, which helped ensure Mercier – I mean, Robert Mercier – took the crisis seriously. He worked to try to resolve it even through his illness Madame Mercier, who would eclipse him one day of course, toured Pérousie with the Dauphin, as he then was, in 1908. It was a small gesture, looked at objectively, but the people took it in the spirit it was intended, and an outswelling of loyalty to the monarchy appeared which surprised many. It took until 1914 to ram a settlement through the Grand-Parlement, but Mercier managed to upgrade our Parlements-Provincial until they were worthy of the name, and also give us the right to elect parlementaires to the Grand-Parlement. It was strenuously opposed by the opposition Verts, and their leader Soissons even referred to us as ‘lickspittle colonials’. (Murmurs) He apologised later, but we did not forget. When we voted for the first time, we elected allies of the Diamantines for the most part, even the wealthy – though we formed our own parties, of course.

    Despite what happened later, September 19th, 1914 is still recognised as “La fête de Perousie” and is a national day at home. Our expats in France celebrate it, too, and you may even have seen a few of them here in Fredericksburg – the kangourou masks, the singing, and, of course, the traditional half-toise of beer? (Laughter and signs of recognition) I thought so. We get everywhere, you know, tout le monde.

    Paris might have thought that they had achieved a lasting settlement and sat on their laurels. But, even without the Black Twenties, problems remained. Suffrage was still not universal, there was still no strong central authority beyond the largely symbolic Viceroy, and the powerful new Parlements-Provincial bickered with each other as often as they united. Labour disputes remained a running sore, especially when the Panic of 1917 struck. Mercier launched his ‘Mitigation’ policy which helped some, but the shockwaves it sent through the French colonial economy had negative effects on Pérousie as well.[12] Unlike Bisnaga, Pérousie was not deliberately targeted with damaging tariffs to spare French business, but policies were still often tone-deaf and insensitive. Rouillard, a friend to Pérousie, succeeded Mercier as Prime Minister in 1919, and hopes rose – but then came the Black Twenties.

    Can there be any corner of the world that was not changed by those horrors? At least Pérousie was not hit as hard by the plague as some lands. Like yourselves, we benefited from being a young country, our people spread out, our cities designed rationally almost from the start, with modern sanitation. Nonetheless, many still met with a horrible fate. Not as horrible, however, as what was to come. Pérousien troops had fought alongside French ones in South America some years before, but that conflict paled into comparison besides the Black Twenties. Some young men did volunteer to go and fight in Europe. The plague and the futile meat-grinder of the nightmarish trench warfare in Poland achieved something unexpected; in an act of Paleian selection, the Polish front had the effect of winnowing out men who had felt patriotic loyalty to France and King Charles XI, while also turning many of their grieving families against those things as well. It would have been different if their sacrifice had meant something, but what did those long years of suffering change? A small chunk of European soil transferred to someone else’s hands, a patch of land that could be lost in one of the mega-agri complexes of our arrière-pays or your Michigan and Panimaha – if France thought that worth it, that just illustrated how much the values of the Old World were removed from us. (Thoughtful murmurs)[13]

    Even more so than Poland, though, there was Chambord. Admiral Chambord, who I think remains known here (Sounds of acknowledgement) for his petty rivalry with your Admiral Crittenden. Chambord commanded French naval forces in the Pacific and was eager to strike a blow against the Russians in Gavaji. Never mind that Gavaji was no threat to us or to the Mauré who were also pressed into the fight. First Chambord complained that you Americans had not sent enough forces, and then, when you did, he complained that you won a victory – at the Battle of the Goodman Sea –where he had failed![14]

    Chambord was determined to get his revenge by beating the Russians himself. Not because it was strategically vital or important to the course of the war, but because he was a petty man of small mind. He rode roughshod over our Parlements-Provincial and other elected officials, even the Viceroy himself, requisitioning carelessly wherever he went, brushing off his sailors… let us say, behaving badly in our ports. Chambord thought himself a Dictateur, and though our elected parlementaires in Paris protested, Prime Minister Cazeneuve was embattled and refused to get involved. He even talked about transferring land from Pérousie to Cygnia as an attempt to bribe you into staying in the war! (Reaction)

    So what did Chambord do with his unchallenged power? He took our young boys and hurled them against the Russians and Gavajskis in Gijlo Sanguinolent, Bloody Gijlo. His foolhardy attempt to take Veliky Island from the Russians, in 1925. After eight months of brave, bitter, but futile struggle, our forces were finally withdrawn, many of them staying there on the beaches in shallow graves. We had fought alongside the Mauré, and many of our earlier mutual tensions were healed as we earned one another’s mutual respect. When Chambord tried to introduce conscription, the Travaillistes halted our cities with strikes and all Parlements signed a resolution refusing to participate. From that moment, Pérousie might as well have been in open rebellion against Paris. It just took Paris a few years to realise that. (Chuckles)

    You need to understand that what had really held Pérousie – no, not just Pérousie, but the whole French colonial empire – together, was mutual distrust. Paris could rule over vast numbers of people with a small number of troops and administrators, because those people would never unite against them. The first settlers hated the enfants de la voile, who hated the later French immigrants, who hated the Catholic Spanish, Italian and Meridian immigrants, who hated the Protestant German and Scandinavian immigrants, who hated the Muslim and Hindu Bisnagi immigrants, who hated the pagan Chinese and Siamese immigrants, who hated the Mauré. One moment, I need a sip of this fine wine. (Laughter)

    Historically there had been no more unity in Bisnaga than in Pérousie, either; not between Muslim, Hindu and Christian, between Mysorean and Keralan, between Wodeyar and Venad. The classes were in conflict there, too, with royals and priests resentful of French rule, but fearful of the wrath of the workers and farmers being unleashed if the French military forces were removed. But the Black Twenties had exposed that this seeming French strength was hollow. Just as we had seen a generation before, with their failure to stop Dufresnie’s independence. Travaillisme was spreading among the proletarians of Bisnaga, too, and France seemed powerless to stop it. The Bisnagi royal families and other indigenous power figures began to wonder if relying on the French would only doom them in the long run, and they began to open dialogue with these rebellious groups.

    But I am here to talk about Pérousie, though our alignment with the Sortie de Bisnaga movement was also important to our own struggle for independence. Public anger grew with the ineffectual post-war Rubis government of Vincent Pichereau, which could not even stop the Societists in France’s own arrière-cour. (Sound of slamming hand on lectern) Pichereau put up a damned statue to that butcher Chambord! Small wonder that what the French referred to euphemistically as the ‘Pérousien Question’ or ‘Pérousien Problem’ continued to simmer throughout his three years in power. Three years too long. We had spent so many decades as a nation without rule of law, where ruthless crime lords would stop at nothing to get their way. Is it any wonder that bombs began to explode outside French military bases, that soldiers found their throats cut in the night by patriotic women in the guise of prostitutes?

    When Mercier – Madame Mercier – came to power in 1929, we knew that we had someone we could negotiate with, someone who had recognised our calls for action during the war. But Mercier still naïvely thought that the situation could be salvaged with Pérousie remaining part of the French Empire. Any policeman or other official who would not wear the symbol of the independence movement on an armband or sash could no longer walk the streets at night. It was a poisonous time, a divisive time, but crucial to us developing our identity today. That emblem is now on our flag today, which you have all seen: the beautiful red ourata flower.[15] Unlike the mere three petals of the French fleur-de-lys, the ouarata has countless flowerheads in a whorl that symbolises the endless possibilities and diversity of Pérousie. (Impressed murmur)

    Negotiations dragged on into the 1930s, and while the rest of the world enjoyed the peace and prosperity of what came to be called the Electric Circus, tensions continued to build at home. Mercier was the more reasonable of the options to be in power in France, we knew, and even she was proving more intransigent than we had hoped. With emotions rising in Bisnaga and Autiaraux as well, it could only be a matter of time before a spark lit the fuse…and then came the Question canadien, ah, the Canajun Question, something which you Americans are more familiar with. (Audience reaction is abruptly cut off)

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    We shall cut this recording short here, as Dr Rouquet’s talk goes on to cover events which are linked to those in Europe and India which we have not yet got to. We will return to Dr Rouquet at a more appropriate time.

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    And while he’s busy doing that, let’s have something a bit more fun for a change. Dom, go and fetch my notes on progress in pop culture…





    [1] ‘Antediluvian’ in this sense is used to mean ‘Stone Age’.

    [2] Dingo, the French word here deriving from the Dharug word for a large dingo (transliterated into English as ‘worigal’).

    [3] The OTL Cape York Peninsula. The TTL name was given to it more than a century after Janszoon’s death by the VOC, who were taking every opportunity to emphasise their alleged historic claims to northern Antipodea after the Jacobin Wars.

    [4] See Part #84 in Volume II.

    [5] Or people from the ENA and other parts of the Novamund, but Dr Rouquet is being diplomatic.

    [6] See Part #154 in Volume IV. Note that, as in historical Australia (where the Ballarat discovery was made a decade later) it was not the first discovery of gold there, but is the one remembered as it kicked off the most iconic goldrush.

    [7] While Rouquet makes it sound like there were a lot of Chinese (and will later mention an important Sino-Pérousien playwright) it is worth noting that there are rather few Chinese emigrating to Pérousie at this point (the book quoted in Part #154 even suggests there were none). Even with later waves of immigration, there are fewer Chinese proportionately in modern Pérousie than in historical Australia. This is largely because the Feng Dynasty at the time offered more economic opportunities closer to home (as did the ramshackle colonial regimes in Formosa and Hainan) than OTL’s chaotic and wartorn Qing, so only the most adventurous and reckless Chinese fortune-seekers tended to move to Pérousie (or California).

    [8] See Part #154 in Volume IV.

    [9] ‘Nouvelle Albi’ is commonly slurred to this by the Pérousiens, which is well known enough that the audience understands Rouquet.

    [10] This is not quite correct, as France herself did not yet have universal suffrage at this point.

    [11] See Part #275 in Volume VII.

    [12] See Part #270 in Volume VII.

    [13] In fact, the number of Pérousien soldiers who went to Europe was rather smaller than Rouquet is making it sound, partly because the plague hit right when many were due to leave, leaving them stuck in limbo in camps in Nouvelle Frise. More Pérousien troops were sent to Bisnaga to keep the peace than to Europe, but Rouquet is neglecting this as he wants to emphasise the later coordination between Pérousien and Bisnagi independence movements – rather than dwelling on the previous bad blood caused in part by Pérousien soldiers moving down Bisnagi strikers.

    [14] See Part #294 in Volume VIII.

    [15] Telopea speciosissima, spelled ‘waratah’ in OTL, where it was considered for the national flower of Australia and was instead adopted as that of New South Wales specifically.
     
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    Antipodea map 1930
  • Thande

    Donor
    And here's a map of Antipodea in 1930. I am also working on a world map which I will post at some point.

    ANZ 1930s.png
     
    307
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #307: To Capture the Moment

    “THE VICTIM: Our Terraqueous Globe
    THE CRIME: Attempted Murder
    J’ACCUSE: The Nations of Humanity!

    The Fight Against Climate Amelioration Is Yours And Mine
    Talk by Steward Party Leader David Potts MCP
    6:30 pm November 29th, Robinson Hall[1]

    – Poster seen on Effingham Street, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Dr David Wostyn, November 2020

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    Unsurprisingly, we haven’t been fortunate enough to find a lecture specifically on the development of popular media in the Electric Circus period. Instead, what we’ve mostly found are a few of them giving a longer history of narrower media, like, just on photography – I mean asimcony – or whatever. So if there seem to be some abrupt cuts, it’s because we’ve just taken the parts covering the relevant years. (Mutters) Which also took much longer to edit and process. Now, where’s my five thousand piece jigsaw puzzle…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “The Light Fantastic” by T. Jefferson ‘Jeff’ Ballard, recorded November 12h, 2020—

    …you understand that I have to talk about this stuff. It’s important that we all know where we came from, and that’s true of our jobs and our passions as much of us in a biological or a, you know, genealogical sense. Can I really call myself an asimconist – much less a ‘star asimconist’, as the Imperial Courant described me when reviewing my last exhibition. Whatever the heck that is. (Chuckles) Yah, can I call myself an asimconist if I don’t know where asimcony came from? If I don’t know about the folk who came before me and did the pioneering work?

    So I’ve told you about Charles Darwin and Joe Paxman and Ricardo Forteza.[2] I have to. It wouldn’t be right not to. Darwin might have been a rich – individual (Chuckles) tryin’ to get richer, but he had real passion for what he tried to achieve. You’d have to have a real stone heart not to shed a tear when he worked himself into the grave tryin’ to find a fixer. So we’re in, what, let’s call it 1838 or so, and we finally have a good asimconic process and asimcons that won’t fade away after a few hours or days. We can capture images of places, people, scenes, only monochrome, but so what, if monochrome ’simcons didn’t still sell today then I wouldn’t have a job. (Laughter) So we’ve started the history of asimcony, right?

    Wrong! Because in my view, no branch of art, no medium, is ever truly born until it’s open to everyone. There were still plenty of problems with asimcony in, what did I say, around 1838 or whatever. Some you may be familiar with, because they’re often shown in period films – sometimes exaggerated, to be honest, which can give a misleadin’ impression. You know the sort I mean. People having to sit stock still for hours due to long exposure times – so no action scenes. That, along with social values of the time, meaning we picture that time of history as being one where everyone’s sat very still with an expression like some dude’s just told ’em their dog just died. (Slightly shocked laughter) When in real life, that was an age when you had railways with steam locomotives blasting past at high speed, and wheels and cranks moving and gouting steam in factories – and, I’m sorry to say, little boys an’ girls getting’ crushed in the gears. (Reaction) But you won’t see that in asimcons taken in 1845 or whatever, and not just because of exposure times and the fact it was too dark for days before bleaklights.[3] You don’t see it because nobody thought to try to capture it – because those people didn’t matter. Asimcony was expensive. It was a hobby for the rich. And the man who wields the camera decides what should and shouldn’t be remembered about his age.

    Now, if we’ve got any experts in the audience (Chuckles) some of you may want to object to that description. And sure, there are exceptions. You can point to individual asimconists in the 1840s and 1850s who did look beyond their own class’ predilections and interests. Mary Kensitt, the Englishwoman, used her asimcony of poor washerwomen in Manchester suburbs to shock and highlight the fact that the Populist government, which claimed to be for the people, often looked the other way when it came to wife-beating. (Murmurs) Johann Stübel, the German, travelled to China and captured our oldest images of Chinese people of several classes. Here in Old Virginia you had Jonas Montgomery, who immortalised the ruin of deserted black villages and those who were all but forced into African colonisation by the government after Caesar Bell. (Reaction)

    I’m not gonna criticise any of those people. What they did was good work, and the world we live in would be a worse place without it. But with the greatest of respect, all of them were wealthy an’ privileged, and to them it was a great adventure. A passion project, to be sure, but still a project. That point tainted a lot of the early asimconists. They might sympathise with the plight of those less fortunate, but they could never truly understand it – because they hadn’t lived it themselves.

    You might say – so what? Isn’t a ’simcon a ’simcon? No! Wrong! That’s the biggest secret. Some folk wonder why we still have painters when we have asimconists, and surely no painting can ever be as… ‘accurate’ (Chuckles) as a ’simcon. That’s missin’ the point. A painter or an asimconist, if he knows what he’s doin’ – or she – well, he’s not tryin’ to create an ‘accurate’ image. We don’t see the world through some unfiltered view, any scientist will tell you that. Our minds take what our eyes see and manipulate it, fillin’ in blank space where it doesn’t matter, deciding which parts stick in our memory and which don’t. Someone who looks at a really ‘accurate’, a really high-resolution asimcon of a scene ain’t seein the same thing as a dude who was actually there and saw the real scene. Not just because it’s a still image, capturing only a moment. No. An asimconist who really knows what he’s doing, he can capture the feel of bein’ there. Same as a painter can, but in a different way. Capture what the mind and the heart feel, not only what the eye sees.

    I could talk about this for hours – and stop me, or I will. (Chuckles) But you get the picture – no pun intended. (Laughter) Asimcony has nothing to do with a camera and everything to do with the man or woman behind the camera. The way we approach takin’ a ’simcon will change how our audience sees and interprets it when it’s done. So if the folk takin’ the ’simcon are all rich dudes an’ doxies who see their subject as – well – an object, something to condescend to – that’s goin’ to change how we see that subject.

    So did asimcony in this age really capture the world? Or did it just capture the vision of the world of a privileged few? You get my point. Maybe we associate it with that Democratic Experiment age now, but it was never that democratic. The folk takin’ the ’simcons were either rich hobbyists, or experts working for rich hobbyists, or experts sellin’ their services to bourgeois families savin’ up for a family ’simcon ’cause they were tryin’ to look like they were rich. The common man an’ woman had no part to play, and made no decision in what was remembered.

    So what changed that? Not the invention of the bleaklight in the 1860s. Not Eugene Janszoon’s xyloid film in the 1880s, replacin’ the cumbersome glass plates.[4] Certainly not colour film, where there were experiments as far back as the 1870s but it took almost a hundred years to become accessible to ordinary folk – and they’re the only ones that matter, for a medium to be mature. No, the big change was Lucio Reyes’ cheap Artibol camera in the 1890s, which suddenly made decent asimcony available to the masses. You ever wonder why we think of the 1880s as being full of stiff people in stiff dresses and with stiff moustaches – not the same people – usually (Laughter) – and then suddenly in the 1890s it’s full of bright-eyed revolutionary heroes and grim hard-bitten soldiers with cigarettes and widows with children cryin’ over their young men? It wasn’t just that the war broke out, it’s that it broke out at the right time to be captured by these new cheap cameras. If we’d fought the Pandoric War a decade earlier, we’d probably think of it now as bein’ another gentleman’s war with generals in starched uniforms and troops in parade formations. The Artibol, and its imitators, suddenly meant a minority of privileged people couldn’t decide which bits of history get captured and remembered anymore.

    Of course those early cameras were also not very high quality, and most people using them were untrained and made mistakes. But it didn’t matter. That djinn could never be put back in the bottle. From the 1890s onwards, asimcony became a People’s Medium, a People’s Art. It’d take longer for the same to happen to other media, like film…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “The Tuney Revolution” by Abraham Chislehurst, recorded November 19th, 2020—

    …so from a filmmaker’s point of view, it’s easy to split history into two halves: before and after film. (Laughter) But, of course, it doesn’t work like that. What would I make my Year Zero, 1875 when Qeraxyl was invented?[5] But it took years to apply the technology to moving pictures. When Vasquez and Burattini released the first short films at the turn of the last century? Maybe. But looking at those early films, it would be hard to compare them to what we associate with the medium today. In some ways, they seem closer to a nineteenth-century stroboscope toy.

    Even when film had really got established, things have changed a lot over the past century. It can be difficult now for us moderns to appreciate even a very good film made a hundred years ago, classics like The Good Celator, The Merry Widows, Death of a Nation, Annie’s Quest or The Starlet.[6] They are monochrome and silent, requiring us to read from interstitial title cards, for subtitles had yet to be invented. Originally, they would have been accompanied by live music from musicians tailoring their playing to the on-screen action, a lost art today. These films’ acting and editing is designed for a different era’s sensibilities, a different era’s technical limitations. They are still influenced by the theatre, when the rules for acting and directing came from the stage and few had yet thought to ask the question ‘why’ they should be transferred to a new medium. It takes time for new ideas to appear.

    And so, as Edgarson observed, the history of film is not one of a sharp transition, of a brand new technology enlightening and entertaining the world overnight, but a process of evolution. Often a rapid process, though, as filmmakers and studios copied one another. In the First Interbellum, California took the lead as the filmmaking centre of the world, in part because our censorship policies were so liberal. Plenty of films were made in places like France, or right here in the Empire, but they often haven’t aged so well. Also they would be less likely to survive to the present, which I’ll get to, while there were preservationists in California from near the start – men and women who had made fortunes in films and had a vested interest in keeping collections.

    Of course, I’m talking about simmy-films [live action]. Meanwhile England was pioneering phanty-films [animated] which were starting to propagate across the world, too – especially after colour was developed in the 1910s. Nowadays we don’t often think about the often dire state that the phanty-artists were working in – and unfortunately still are, in some countries. That was especially true after the Panic of 1917. The Register of London did an exposé in 1920 over what it called the ‘modern slavery’ of phanty-artists in Bradford practically chained to their desks, painstakingly drawing each frame of Leo and Jock in one of their famous fights, or Sinbad the Sailor in his voyage around the world.[7] During the Black Twenties, studios in other countries began to try to break the English monopoly, in particular Corea and Pérousie. Even the Combine made an attempt at phanty-films alongside its better-known simmy ones.

    The plague was a huge challenge for the film industry, of course – one could no longer jam dozens of low-paying punters in a crude odeon given the anti-spread laws. One of your enterprising countrymen, John Addington of Lerhoult, Michigan (Mixed reactions) hit upon an idea – the outdoor odeon, by night, when the screen could be clearly seen. But how to get around Michigan’s particularly stringent anti-plague isolation laws? Why, ask each viewer to drive up in their mobile! The end of the plague pandemic led to the death knell of the Drivers’ Odeon, but there have been a few attempts to revive the concept out of romanticism.[8]

    If the First Interbellum had seen the shaky but promising birth of the medium of film, it would be the Second Interbellum, the age of the Electric Circus, which would raise it to maturity. Colour, just as in asimcony, would make a transformative difference. We look at even an early colour film and it feels much more ‘real’ to us than the same film in monochrome. It was clear to everyone that the first people to find an effective colour film process would make millions. The result: a lot of people who made failed processes. (Chuckles)

    I won’t go through all of those, as that isn’t the point of this lecture. Let’s cut to the chase. In 1926, only a couple of years after The Good Celator came out, Amado Umali – a chemical researcher in the Philippine Republic who had trained under Meridian Refugiados from PAWC – produced the beginnings of what we now know as Verachrome. Unlike the complex earlier efforts, which had involved multiple film strips and filters and all sorts of impractical ideas, Verachrome just utilised multiple reactive layers on negative film, a similar process to what was being tried for colour asimcony.[9]

    Though Umali had patented his idea in the Philippines, of course the Verachrome Company would be chartered in California in 1929, where the ravenous film industry was looking to be fed. It was an idea whose time had come, however, clearly, for the Danubian chemist Lajos Zachara also developed a very similar process in 1928.[10] Ultimately, Zachara’s process, patented separately, would become AnimaHue, and be used mostly by English phanty-films, which also entered the colour age. Many generations of film students have since been greatly confused by the fact that Verachrome and AnimaHue are treated as though one only works on simmy-films and one on phanty-films, even though the processes are almost identical. (Chuckles)

    But it wouldn’t be colour that would make the biggest difference – it would be sound. Now there is a reason why early sound films were called ‘tuneys’ rather than ‘soundies’ or ‘talkies’. At the time, people were already used to the idea that films should be accompanied by music. Even back in the 1910s before the Black Twenties, a handful of films had been made with attempts at recorded sound for particular scenes – and they were always musical numbers, provided with groovediscs or groovetapes and the compressed-air augmentophone. Those films had been novelties rather than commercial successes, limited by the difficulty in synchronising the music with the on-screen action, but they illustrated the fact that audiences linked films with music in their heads. Phanty-films set to music were also often tried, but owed more to the live music accompaniment than what we might imagine to be the big selling point of sound films. Few wanted to tackle the question of spoken dialogue. To which we, today, might reasonably ask – why?

    There were a number of reasons. Actors and actresses could be powerful in studios, and they had built their careers on the skills required for silent films; they feared becoming obsolete in a brave new world, or having their jobs stolen by theatre actors. (Chuckles) Yes, quite the contrast to today…but there were other reasons. There were lots of technical problems with synchronisation, which stymied attempts to use groovetapes, groovediscs or similar – very soon, people would be talking – like – this. (Laughter) The key breakthrough was made by another of your countrymen, Theo Snyder of New York (Mixed cheers and boos) who realised that if the sound could be co-recorded on the film itself as an analogue, and then translated by a device as the film passed through the projector, it could never become de-synched.

    Of course, the Snyder Process has been greatly refined and improved upon over the years, but the basic concept remains unchanged. Snyder took advantage of recent developments in other fields of technology. The idea of converting a sound to an analogue was as old as the Phonosphrage of the 1870s, and the idea of making it an electrical analogue was the foundation of the phakophone, required for the development of quisters.[11] Snyder’s idea was to use the vibration of a phakophone diaphragm to adjust the position of a lens covering a bright chemical light shining on the edge of the film, away from the part exposed to capture the scene – and therefore not shown to the audience. The vibration of the diaphragm would capture the sound from the phakophone, such as the actors’ dialogue, which would then translate to a shifting lens and a varying focus of light falling on the film. This would produce a pattern of light and dark areas corresponding to different sound levels. The analogue is then translated back into sound by a device called a reproducer in the projector; the projector’s light shines through the whole film, but whereas the centre portion appears on the screen, the light shining through the edges is instead captured by a selenium electric eye, which converts the light back to electricity and operates a reverse phakophone as a speaker.[12]

    All fine and good, but there were still serious problems with the sound quality, which left Snyder’s Audiotex as only a novelty for the early 1930s and would not be solved until the advent of the electrical augmentophone around 1932.[13] From that time, Audiotex and its competitors would revolutionise film. For a time, only music was focused on, with early ‘tuneys’ often being extracts from operas or musical shows. One of the most famous tuneys was The Orchestra of the World, directed by M. C. Miller, who was influenced by early Diversitarian thinkers. He wanted to capture the diversity of music throughout the world, with examples from many different nations – and the centrepiece being a Javanese Gamelan orchestral group he had encountered as poor refugees in California. By celebrating their music, he protested the Societists’ attempts to erase that culture from the earth. (Reactions)

    This was part of a broader cultural shift in film and music in the 1930s, the so-called Memoriam Movement. Formerly, films had been casually thrown away, their prints often recycled to recover their silver content. This may seem like mindless vandalism to us today (Assenting murmurs) but we have to remember the very different attitudes of the time. People of that generation were used to the theatre and, perhaps, Photel plays – transient, one-off performances that had no continued existence outside the memories of those who had acted in them and watched or listened to them. The script might be preserved, to be acted again by a new troupe of actors with the oversight of a new director with a new vision, but who would go back and watch the same one over and over? (Chuckles)

    It was much the same attitude that had plagued recorded music a generation earlier, and continued to persist in debate as it became cheaper and more people could afford grooveplayers. Musicians of many genres argued that to record music was to kill its soul, to reduce it to an endlessly repeated automaton, with no more soul than the twinkling of a music box.[14] Some were sincere, while others, of course, merely worried that if one could make a recording once and then play it forever, they would be out of a job! (Laughter) More seriously, after a generation they would always be in competition not only with their peers, but with the recordings of the past generation of musicians, who might be more talented – or at least seen that way by the public. After all, memory is a sundial; it only measures the sunlit hours.[15]

    Now we saw the same argument again with film. In the 1930s and 40s it was not uncommon, just like a play, for a film script to be re-shot a few years later with new actors and a new director and released anew, a so-called ‘re-make’. Critics would frequently claim that these ‘re-makes’ were inferior to the original, whether with justice or because they were being hidebound by their own nostalgia. Actors and directors feared that if prints of past films were available, odeons might simply choose to put on the original version as well and the public might follow the critics’ direction. (Pause) I dread to think what they would have thought to the world today, when everyone can buy or rent a cart to watch any old film they like at home! (Laughter)

    So what changed this attitude? Well, partly it was the same thing as had happened, and continued to happen, with recorded music. A hidebound older generation of actors and producers gradually became less relevant and, well, passed away, and a newer and more experimental one came along. Economics also mattered, as always: follow the money. (Chuckles) It was possible for companies to make a profit on selling the prints of old films to odeons, and some foresaw a day when there might be a market for showings in one’s own home – though in those days they imagined small film projectors rather than magnetic carts, of course. Indeed, even back then there was an attitude that small-scale, low-rent odeons might spring up to show old films only, with the public willing to pay less for a smaller screen and low-quality sound if they were making a nostalgia trip rather than watching a film for the first time. And they proceeded to do so, the so-called Dixie Odeons here in the Empire, and with similar institutions across the world.[16]

    Music again paved the way for change, too; lawyers had already been getting a lot of work (mixed whoops and boos) in the music industry as companies, producers and musicians hammered out deals whereby the latter might obtain royalties from continued issue of their recordings and their use. That has caused a long of wrangling and bad feeling over the years, probably reaching its peak in the 1970s – when it felt as though the copyright establishment had grown to the point where it was now impossible to whistle a tune of your own composition in your own bedroom without being served with a subpoena because it might be slightly similar to a groovedisc released in 1924. (Laughter and a few sounds of recognition) Fortunately, things have improved for all of us since then with initiatives at the ASN, but it illustrates that media owners and producers had realised that it was possible to make money off recordings. What worked for the music industry would then be applied to film as well.

    But those weren’t the only reasons for why we had a shift in attitudes, and suddenly film prints were being preserved rather than discarded. As I said before, the Memoriam Movement was founded by those who were increasingly appalled, not only at the careless destruction of film recordings in the free world, but by the Societist Combine’s quite deliberate destruction of cultural heritage. (Sounds of angry agreement) It must be admitted and accepted that few of us in North America greatly cared in the 1910s and 1920s, when the cultures being annihilated might be the Aymara, Tahuantinsuya or Javanese. (Subdued murmur) But after the War of 1926, refugees periodically flooded northward, telling horror stories of what the Societists were doing to Carolina. Now, you Americans have never cared too much for Carolina’s culture (A few sounds of agreement) but it had been a steadfast foundation of your worldview – the knowledge that those strange folk to the south had their own ways of doing things. Now the Cultural Homogenisation Authority was riding roughshod over them, trying to tear their page out of history and burn it. It was through the Carolinian refugees that more people also became aware of the Societist attempts to destroy or homogenise language and religion, and the Biblioteka Mundial’s efforts to constantly rewrite history itself. There was a great and existential fear that the common inheritance of the nations could be wiped out. As M. C. Miller put it, not only to burn the Library of Alexandria, but to then rebuild it filled with books they had written, then pretended that they were the originals and there had never been a fire.

    The Memoriam Movement spread across the world, and from thenceforth, organisations such as the Imperial Library here in the Empire, the Royal Academy in France and the Jade Archive in China have ensured that all media published within their borders includes a copy deposited for the benefit of future generations. Even failed and unprofitable works are remembered, the lessons they teach not forgotten...

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    I have edited out a segment here as it covers much of the same ground we already passed on in the digitisations we made in Waccamaw Strand – the Morne and Bletnoir aristic movements, the Societist Moralizdiko period and so on.[17] However, I’ll add a little more from Mr Chislehurst’s lecture, near the end.

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “The Tuney Revolution” by Abraham Chislehurst, recorded November 19th, 2020—

    ...may have started with music, but all the factors we’ve discussed ensured that those trying to prevent spoken dialogue from becoming the norm in film were fighting a losing battle. Unlike the impression one might get from how we depict eras in modern period dramas, there was no great period of time in which every film at the odeon was a colour soundless film. In reality colour films were still a novelty in the early 1930s, and often films counted as ‘colour’ in academic lists only had short colour sequences depicting particularly epic scenes or views.[18]

    Once the technology was proven for music and song sequences, tuneys were embraced by studios such as Bonny Vista, whose owner George Ivanov had sunk thousands into a failed attempt to show live subtitles on-screen rather than cutting away to title cards. Of course, we take that for granted now, but at the time it was quite a technological challenge. Ivanov grabbed the Audiotex opportunity with both hands. His rival, Esteban Wainwright of SierraFilm, dismissed the tuney concept, arguing that it would make it impossible to show the same film in different language markets. (Reaction) You see, at the time, it was possible to take a soundless film, insert different title cards with different language text on them, and use the same footage for audiences who spoke different languages. (Further reaction) At the time, you understand, this was seen as a harmless business practice...but in the Second Black Scare, worries over Societism might already have started to make Wainwright’s position untenable.

    An even bigger problem, though, was just that much of the poorer audience were not that literate regardless, and flocked to tuneys as possessing a deeper sense of story than the surface novelty that had often been all they could pick up from the soundless films with their title cards. SierraFilm tried to carry on by making films in which multiple takes in different languages were made, with monoglot film actors doing their best to read phonetic cue cards. (Laughter) Yes, that approach didn’t last long, and soon it became clear that different languages, different nations, would require their own separate film infrastructures.[19] SierraFilm would go down in flames, as would some other studios that had tried to bridge the gap, while the monoglot tuney would rule the day.

    Colour and sound together, along with longer films becoming normalised, would create a heady climate for the expensive epic film that we often associate with the late 1930s and 1940s. There were Biblical epics, like Exodus and The Lion’s Den, mediaeval history like La Guerre de Cent Ans and its legendary counterpart, with Le Cid and Robin Hood. From the 1940s the nascent Chinese film industry would join in with the multi-part Romance of the Three Kingdoms series, introducing a new generation of outsiders to their own tumultuous history.

    But importantly, there would also be changes in attitude compared to previous years. Biopics no longer had to be drearily worthy in tone, allowing the flawed presentation of characters like Henry IV in The Wars of the Roses or Alexander the Great in his titular film. Another important change was that depictions of war no longer had to be chronologically distant and sanitised. In a great irony, it was probably the Societists’ seminal The Good Celator which changed this; even when attempting to make war look horrifying, in practice it looked a lot more exciting and visceral than it had in films made in the nations. (Reaction) Film could now depict the Pandoric War and even the recent wars of the Black Twenties. As well as being able to depict battle scenes, the growth of nuance helped tell stories like Operation Kappa, the desperate attempt to resupply the American troops holding out in French Guiana[20], and give more life to historical figures like Jean de Lisieux than the cackling villains they had been reduced to by the previous generation of filmmakers. The Societists themselves would make triumphal films about the War of 1926 (Reactions) but their success would be short-lived, as I said before, with the coming of the Silent Revolution. In fact, the seeming glorification of war in those films would be one argument made by the Black Guards that the Combine was off track. And so would come the Moralizdiko period, and the Societists would throw away an early lead they made in the art of film...

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    We will end with another short extract from Jeff Ballard the photographer, I mean, asimconist’s, lecture.

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “The Light Fantastic” by T. Jefferson ‘Jeff’ Ballard, recorded November 12h, 2020—

    …and that’s why the lamppost in the background is upside-down. (Uproarious laughter)

    The increasing changes to copyright law in the 1930s and onwards would be another challenge for asimcony. If I take a ’simcon of the Statue of Septentria in New York Harbour,[21] and someone else takes one from the same spot a second later, can I sue him for stealing my work? (Chuckles) What if it’s a minute later, five minutes, six months when Lady Septentria’s now dusted in snow? May seem like a stupid question, but it’s one lawyers were askin’ at the time. But, again, asimcony was now a people’s medium. Even if professionals like me got caught up in red tape, ordinary folk could take as many ’simcons of her, snake and all, and admire them on their mantelpiece at home. Asimcony was freedom.

    It’s no surprise the Combine tried to ban or regulate it, o’course. Can’t claim a statue you’ve demolished was never there if someone has a ’simcon of it. They gave up in the end, but not before imprisonin’ so many people over unlicensed cameras that they probably ended up with more in prison than outside. Not that they could tell the difference. (Laughter) O’course the Combine also led the world in trick asimcony and editing; all those people disappearing from the ’simcon of Alfarus till he was the only one left.[22] At first they pretended there was no such thing as doctorin’ ’simcons, then, when they were forced to admit it, they then claimed to their people that of course you could doctor ’simcons, that’s what the cryptic reservists [fifth columnists] had done to the ones showin’ statues of Alfarus that clearly were never erected. (More laughter)

    Not that our own governments an’ corporations have ever been entirely truthful about these things, either. (Assenting murmur) Not to the same extent, but…we benefit from asimcony, too. A true record of events, even if it’s always influenced by the asimconist and the viewer – or else it wouldn’t be an art, like I said.

    But if asimcony was getting more democratic, available to all of society, so was music, and so, in time, was Photel. Of course, what would really start to cause headaches, and be a tool to both enslave and liberate society, was our own friend – Motoscopy. (Mixed cheers and boos) But as the first tentative experiments were made in the 1940s, few could’ve dreamed we’d all end up with a moth-candle in our drawin’-rooms…[23]

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    I suppose that’s it for now, as Dr Wostyn has managed to get the tape off the lock of the bathroom – I mean, he’s now ready to transmit some more history and politics stuff. Very interesting, I’m sure…







    [1] ‘Amelioration’ (improvement) was a term initially used by some in OTL to describe global warming/climate change in the 19th century, as it was then seen as a positive thing which would make cold European climates more welcoming to valuable crops which would formerly only grow in warmer climes. The term has caught on in a bigger way in TTL, and has stuck around even though the phenomenon it describes is no longer seen as a positive (in part because the word is rarely used in any other context).

    [2] See Interlude #15 in Volume IV.

    [3] This is an over-translated Diversitarian calque of German Blitzlicht, which, like OTL, means photographic flash; both ‘Blitz’ and ‘Bleak’ are derived from the same root but obviously are not synonymous. Most English-speakers would be unaware of this and assume that the ‘bleak’ refers to the harsh look of an over-exposed picture if the flash is misjudged. The term ‘flash’ is still casually used in TTL as well, but rarely to refer to the device as a noun (more its effect).

    [4] See Part #267 in Volume VII.

    [5] Qeraxyl is the trade name in TTL for celluloid; in this context it is also more generically called ‘xyloid film’.

    [6] See Part #287 in Volume VIII.

    [7] Leo and Jock are a pair of classic phanty-film [cartoon] characters modelled after the lion and the unicorn on the English and Scottish royal coats of arms, and so represent English and Scottish stereotypes. The usual short episode’s plot is for them to interrupt their endless fight (as in the nursery rhyme ‘The Lion and the Unicorn were Fighting for the Crown’) to briefly team up against some interloper representing another nation, such as the tuneless Irish Harpy’s singing keeping them up at night or the posturing of Chanticleer the French Cockerel – only to then resume their fight at the end when the problem is resolved.

    [8] Although drive-ins were most popular in the OTL United States in the 1950s, they were tried as early as the 1910s and 1920s.

    [9] In OTL, Technicolour was the first commercially successful colour film process and indeed used multiple film strips. The idea has failed in TTL for a number of ideas; the fact that the chemistry needed for more advanced dyes is running ahead of the less mature electrical technology needed to work the complex cameras; the intervention of the Panic of 1917 and the Black Twenties; and simply because, in OTL, Technicolour stayed afloat due to being the only colour process despite rarely turning a profit. The Verachrome system from TTL is more comparable to a cruder version of Eastmancolour in OTL, which outcompeted and replaced Technicolour (at least in the West) in the 1950s.

    [10] Note the combination of Hungarian given name and Polish surname, which is typical of the type adopted by some Grey Societists in Danubia, as opposed to using Novalatina or Martial Latin names.

    [11] See Part #261 in Volume VII.

    [12] Electric eye was a term also used in OTL for a while to mean photoelectric cell (which this is). They were developed in the 1890s in TTL rather than the 1880s of OTL.

    [13] About twenty years late compared to OTL, again reflecting the more immature state of electrical engineering in TTL.

    [14] See Part #256 in Volume VII.

    [15] Credit to R. Austin Freeman for this metaphor.

    [16] Recall that a dixie is a ten-cent coin in the ENA; the etymology here is therefore similar to the OTL name ‘nickelodeon’.

    [17] See Parts #278 and #287 in Volume VIII.

    [18] Although little known except to film historians, colour silent films did exist in OTL (but many of them only had a few colour sequences, as indicated here, and in early two-colour Technicolour rather than full colour). In addition, many of them are lost films, or survive only in black and white form. Usually the succession of OTL film history (e.g. what characters in a period drama might be watching to indicate a particular year) is presented as black and white silent to black and white talkie to colour talkie. By contrast, in TTL this simplified progression is usually shown as black and white silent to colour silent to colour talkie, because there were more colour silent films produced in TTL and they have been better preserved (in part due to the inventions coming in a different order). As Chislehurst says, though, this is a misleading simplification and TTL did have plenty of black and white talkie (or ‘tuney’ films).

    [19] This transitional phenomenon also existed in OTL. Some OTL film theorists indeed argued that the silent film was a universal language that could be enjoyed by all people, and thus could be a unifying force across borders (an idea which, of course, is viewed with far more suspicion in the climate of Societism in TTL). For a few years in the early 1930s, many studios made the ‘Multiple Language Version film’ (MLV) which was similar to what is discussed here – probably the best-known versions are Laurel and Hardy’s trilingual films and Bela Lugosi’s Dracula, which was also recorded in Spanish. However, this did not last, and film markets indeed became separated by language. At the time, these films were often popular in non-English-speaking markets precisely because their actors pronounced the other languages so poorly, thus unintentionally turning drama into comedy.

    [20] See Part #298 in Volume VIII.

    [21] See Part #206 in Volume V.

    [22] See Part #290 in Volume VIII.

    [23] ‘Moth-candle’ here is a dysphemism for television, comparable to OTL’s ‘idiot’s lantern’.
     
    308
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #308: Tiger Tiger Burning Bright

    “LIVEPROG YEAHMAN IN CONCERT!

    The market-toppin’ sensation from smalltown Wentworth, New Conn., is BACK for the first leg of his continental tour!

    The “EAR” calls Yeahman ‘the most innovative LiveProg since LadyBelle’ – and they would know!

    OCTOBER 3RD THE CAUSTIC ROOMS WOODFORD ST

    OCTOBER 10TH MIKE’S GARAGE CHESAPEAKE RD

    Supported by Doc Headache and The Roustabout Brothers

    DON’T BE A RUTLING – BE THERE AND GET FOOTLING!”

    – Somewhat decayed poster seen on Callaway Road, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Sgt Dom Ellis, November 2020

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    After that regrettable and unnecessary interlude by Sgt Mumby, we can now return to the important matter of decolonisation in the French Empire, turning from Australia to India...

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “Revolt and Ramification” by Dr Adrian Radley, recorded November 24th, 2020—

    ...can’t go any further without ignoring the elephant in the room – no pun intended – India. (A few chuckles)

    At the outbreak of the Pandoric War in 1896, the nations of the subcontinent of India were practically all controlled by colonial interests. Some were Occidental, others Asiatic; some were national, rather more were corporate, or a hybrid of the two. This was the culmination of a process that had been going on, in fits and starts, for four centuries. And yet, only half a century after that, the Indian nations would emerge, blinking, into the sunlight to stand on their own two feet, their colonial masters either thrown out altogether or reduced to only passive levels of influence. How did this happen? It’s this enigma that we must unlock.

    To understand how colonialism in India fell apart, we must first understand how it began. India is – ‘naturally’ is perhaps the wrong word, as it implies a lack of agency on the part of the Indian nations in their agriculture and industry – but historically, India was a source of trade goods rather than a sink. For the most part, before a pedant at the back shouts out those goods which the Indian nations did import. (Distant cheers) This tendency long predates European colonialism – it predates the modern form of European nations, as post-Roman successor states, at all. (Murmurs) The Roman Empire established overland and sea trade routes to the Indian states, especially the Tamil kingdoms of modern Bisnaga, with the help of the Kushan Empire – a very interesting state drawn from multiple influences, including the Greeks of Alexander’s Empire, which we sadly don’t have time to discuss here. Greek and Roman traders operated in many ports in the Indian region, such as the city they called Barbarikon, but which today is called Karachi. (More murmurs)

    These links declined with Rome’s own increasing problems and fragmentation, an invasion of the Panchali-led Gupta Empire by Hunnic conquerors, and ultimately the Islamic conquest of the Middle East, cutting off Europe from India.[1] European nations settled into the post-Roman and Christian paradigm, and were given impetus to develop navigational innovations and pursue new trade routes around Africa, away from the regions of Islamic domination. The Portuguese discovered such a route at the end of the fifteenth century; so prized was trade with India, as well as China, Indochina and the Nusantara, that the Spanish were convinced by Columbus to try going in the opposite direction and rounding the world. Of course, he instead discovered the continents we now stand upon the soil of – for better or for worse. (Chuckles)

    In time, and I am summarising many years of history here, the Portuguese were joined by other European traders – the Dutch, the Danes, the French and the English. At first, all they wanted was the same trade arrangements that the Romans had had. But both greed and historical imperative meant there would be other consequences. We must remember that at the turn of the sixteenth century, the Reconquista in Spain was still relatively recent history, and the Portuguese were driven by Christian-Muslim religious rivalry as much as by economics. They sought to suppress the spread of Islam, to promote the spread of western Catholic Christianity, and to control the spice trade – a threefold scheme.

    Afonso de Albuquerque, the first major Portuguese commander, had been given orders only to conquer Malacca and Muslim settlements in the Arabian peninsula, not to take over Indian ports. But events would, well, eventuate. (Laughter) The Portuguese found that the Trimumpara Rajah of the Kingdom of Cochin, an unwilling vassal of the Zamorin Rajah of Calicut, was eager to become their ally in return for protection from the Zamorin.[2] So was the Kingdom of Tanur, another vassal. The Malabarese Hindu pirate Timoji also approached the Portuguese for an alliance as early as their first voyages of exploration. There were some religious elements to these divisions, with Hindus resentful of Muslim rule, but the Zamorin was also a Hindu ruler. Mostly, it was just politics. As in the case of Timoji, often the ambitious locals were more keen to get the Portuguese involved in battles than the Portuguese themselves were – after all, they were a long way from home. But the Portuguese and Cochinese defeated the Zamorin Rajah and his other vassals at the Battle of Cochin in 1504. The Portuguese then damaged an Egyptian Mameluke fleet at Diu, but Timoji warned them it was refitting and urged an attack on Goa – which, conveniently, would be supported by his fellow resentful Hindus in the city. Soon afterwards, the Portuguese would expel the Ottomans and Egyptian Mamelukes from naval influence over the region altogether.

    And so we see that Goa, that great city and capital of the Portuguese Empire in India, the first big European possession in India, was conquered not on the urging of greedy traders, royal imperialists or Christian crusaders. It was conquered because a local Hindu pirate had urged them to, for his own reasons and because it might help them against the Ottoman and Egyptian fleets elsewhere. Timoji was even made the governor of Goa after its conquest for a time, a far cry from the Goanese Inquisition of later years.

    That is the great paradox of European colonialism in India, and it was a story that would be repeated over and over again over the next few centuries. Again and again, Europeans became involved in local power struggles and found themselves bobbing to the top of structures where they were outweighed dozens to one by numbers, not to mention operating at the end of a long supply chain far from their home nations. Often European success is attributed to technological superiority, but for the most part this is simply not the case with India. The Indian nations enjoyed comparable access to firearms and artillery, even innovating in the area of rockets, and like Europe, their constant internecine wars ensured that their armies were experienced and their military tactics were usually well-refined.

    No, the crucial point is simply that there was an economic incentive for Europeans to travel to India, but there was no such incentive for Indians to travel to Europe. Paradoxically, it’s Europe’s very lack of much in the way of trade goods – the same problem that had led the Romans to bemoan their coffers being emptied of coin to pay for Indian and Chinese goods and their trade deficit building – which has encouraged the global domination of European culture. (Murmurs) When a power struggle was being held between two Indian potentates with a Portuguese fleet parked in the bay helping one of them, there was no way it could end with Portugal being conquered by one of the Indian princes. But it could end with one of the Indian states being conquered by Portugal. It didn’t always, of course. But there were lots of fights and lots of opportunities, dice cast over and over and over again, so those conquests mounted up. And never a single die cast to decide whether Indian traders in Europe would try to take over a place – because there weren’t any.

    Otherwise, in today’s Diversitarian world we can now acknowledge that there was nothing special about Europe. (Laughter) If, for some reason, a Chinese or a Bisnagi fleet had arrived in Hamburg during the Thirty Years’ War, of course John George I of Saxony would have considered making an alliance with them against the Hapsburgs. They might be pagans, but better pagans than Papists! (More laughter) And perhaps, after help conquering Mecklenburg, they might have handed over the island of Rügen to the traders to ensure they stuck around to help in the next war. Or King James II, hiding out in Ireland with his Jacobites, might have teamed up with a Bengali fleet to retake his throne in England – and find himself giving them the Isle of Wight and allowing ‘advisors’ at his court. Indeed, in 1658 English royalists and republicans had fought on opposite sides of the Battle of the Dunes between the French and Dutch, divided against themselves by internal disagreements. European potentates were just as selfish and short-sighted as Indian ones; but Indians never had those same economically-driven opportunities to take advantage of this.

    So repeat that, over and over, for many years. Every time an Indian power won a battle against Europeans, it was a temporary setback; but the Europeans only had to be lucky once to establish a foothold and ensure the next battle would be fought deeper into India, never anywhere near their own homelands. Soon there would be more Europeans than just the Portuguese, and then there were battles between them for supremacy – first the Portuguese versus the Dutch, and then the English versus the French. Again, a paradox. Surely division between outside forces should make it less likely they would conquer Indian nations, but no. Nations, and factions within nations, sided with one European force over the other, and with each roll of the dice more and more of them lost ground.

    Do you think the Cochinese regretted being the first Indian state to, more or less, invite the Portuguese in and start it all? (Inaudible calls from the audience) Ask a proud Bisnagi patriot today and they might say yes. But ask the Cochinese at the time…in the 1700s, Cochin would be conquered and subjugated. Not by the Portuguese, or by any Europeans, but by the Kingdom of Mysore. (Audience reaction) Today both Cochin and Mysore are part of Bisnaga, but back then they did not see themselves as one nation, but as enemies. Or take Bengal, where English takeover was made easy because the state had become exhausted by constant raids by the Marathas – approximately the Concanese, we would say today. There was not even any sense of solidarity within the modern Indian nations, much less between them. And, I emphasise, exactly the same would have been true of European countries if they had been subject to similar outside pressures. But there were not.

    European supremacy really kicked off in earnest with the decline of the Mughal Empire and its nominal vassals feuding on the front lines of Anglo-French wars. The Hindu Marathas tried to take its place, but were shattered in defeat by the Durranis in the Third Battle of Panipat in 1761.[3] This was the era of Clive, of Pitt and Rochambeau. Today, nationalists in the Indian states like to single out individual rulers of the time to praise as anti-colonial heroes. As is their Diversitarian right, of course. (A few chuckles) But Haidar Ali and Tippoo Sultan, or Siraj-ud-Daulah, were as happy to brutalise their own people as they did Europeans, and were also just as happy to make alliances with Europeans when they saw it in their own interests. If history had gone a little differently, they would be castigated as collaborationist traitors by those modern nationalists, with really nothing much changed. Again, it is easy for us to judge, but what of the awkward way we think of early Carolinian figures, from the days when many of them would still have seen themselves as American? (Audience reaction) Let he who is without sin cast the first stone.

    The truly unforgiveable figure to make an anti-colonial hero is, of course, the Mahdi. In the 1840s, many Indian nations were subject to European control or influence, especially coastal ones, with the Europeans having agreed to suppress their internecine feuding in the Pitt-Rochambeau Accords and the formation of the India Board.[4] Bengal was the hotbed of English control – leavened with Americans of course (Laughter) – and the Nizam of Haidarabad was a reliable English ally. This meant that English influence was felt over modern Chola, Berar and parts of Panchala as well. The French dominated what’s now Bisnaga, the core of their empire, and the Portuguese in Goa had begun to rebuild their influence over several of the surrounding Maratha states, in what’s Concan today. And the Dutch, later the Belgians, controlled Kandy. But what I’ve described only takes in about half of the Indian subcontinent. (Audience reaction) The rest was ruled by – the term native states is misleading, as many of them had foreign dynasties, but then, do we consider our royal family to be German? …Don’t answer that. (More laughter and a few oohs)

    But I digress. Much of modern Rajputana, Delhi and eastern Kalat was ruled by the Neo-Mughal Empire, as history calls it, a partial revival of the corpse of the old empire by one of the Durrani factions. Gujarat and much of Panchala were ruled by Maratha princes not subject to much foreign influence. The Sikhs and Kashmiris ruled parts of Pendzhab. The Europeans had not had much success, and frankly all that much interest (except perhaps in Gujarat) at undermining local independent control in these parts of the subcontinent. And then, of course, the Mahdi came along and ruined it all.

    Yes, the Great Jihad beat the Europeans out of some parts of India, mostly by burning it down until there was nothing worth left trading. (Audience reaction) The Rape of Lucknow is only the most famous of the horrific depredations of the mujahideen.[5] The Jihad left a scar on the Indian subcontinent far deeper, and far slower to heal, than all the European colonisers put together could have inflicted. And what happened as the shattered interior slowly rebuilt? Why, new outside colonisers moved in, of course! The Chinese, the Russians, the Kalatis and Persians, and a whole host of other Europeans and Novamundines operating through private companies.[6] An anti-colonial hero? The Mahdi ensured colonialism in India probably lasted for decades longer than it would otherwise, and killed millions of people to achieve that. Ugh, when I think…

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    Though entertainingly impressive and doubtless justified, I have cut Dr Radley’s diatribe here for relevance. We resume the lecture a few minutes here.

    *

    …it began in Bengal. We all know the name of Nurul Huq, and there were many more less-sung heroes like him. Only in Bengal could the people of a nation buy its freedom in the most literal sense. “We have learned well what the Ferengi have taught us,” Huq wrote, using a term meaning Europeans or Christians. But, without wishing to minimise the successes of the campaigns of Huq and others, they were fundamentally helped by a shift in attitude on the part of the colonial powers.

    I say powers plural because Bengal, perhaps more than any other part of the old Hanoverian Dominions, was contested for influence between Englishmen – or Britons, back then – and Americans. Not between Britain and America in a governmental sense, you understand, but between individual Britons and Americans. The East India Company, which once had managed trade between Britain and Eastern nations in general, had become increasingly synonymous with the governance of Bengal specifically. The British government had neglected the Company thanks to Britain’s own internal turmoil of the Inglorious Revolution and the People’s Kingdom. The Americans might have filled the gap, the power vacuum and some of us did as individuals, but not our government. For a time it looked possible, but then the Great American War broke out here just as the Great Jihad did in India. Commodore Cavendish, whose British fleet helped the Bengalis resist the mujahideen, had actually been trying to reach California to take part in the war here. Our attention was fixated on the Meridians for decades to come, and Bengal never became a focus for the direct influence of the Imperial government.

    In the absence of this outside pressure, the plans of men like Huq, along with many businessmen among the high-caste Hindus who dominated the Bengal Army’s sepoy soldiers, allowed more and more control to slip from the hands of distracted Britons and Americans. Bengal did not need a violent revolution to transfer control; her people, via indirect means such as Huq’s fraternal building societies, slowly bought out the Court of Directors stock by stock. This worked for a number of reasons, because the distraction of Fredericksburg and London proved to be a vicious circle. Bengal had barely managed to fight off the Great Jihad, and the Company had lost its influence over areas such as the old kingdom of Oudh, in what is now Panchala. But as the Jihad burned itself out and left rival powers reeling even more than Bengal, it seemed inevitable that the Company would seek to take advantage of this by expanding its territory and influence once more.

    Yet this did not happen. Such a project would have required investment from the Company’s shareholders in America and Britain, funds to build back Bengali military power in the hope of future trade more than paying back the down payment. In the aftermath of the Jihad, few were willing to risk it. Instead, they saw India as a volatile market, a money sink rather than a source, perhaps a place where they should cut their losses and run. Their governments agreed. And so, the successive sell-offs of the Privatisation of Bengal saw more and more shares in the hands of local Bengalis. The controlling government stake had been lost long before, almost anticlimactically, as ambiguity reigned over which parts of it fell under the jurisdiction of London and which under Fredericksburg’s. Such division would only help Huq and the Hindus – but, paradoxically, in time would also help preserve disproportionate influence for the wealthy white minority in Calcutta and Dacca. As the driving questions in Bengali society became internal ones of creed, caste and class instead of a unifying resentment against foreign ‘Ferengi’ rule, the ‘Anglo-Bangla’ whites who had, if you’ll pardon the phrase, ‘gone native’ found a new role as neutral arbiters between the Hindu and Muslim, or high- and low-caste, or rich and poor, factions. The Bengal Army also remained an important arm of the corporate state.

    Now remember, all or most of this had happened by the time of that year I gave you before, 1896. So my picture of India dominated by outside colonial powers was already starting to ring a little hollow if you scratch the surface. But, of course, the Pandoric War was the final nail in the coffin of any Anglo-American influence in Bengal. Britain – and then England – had the Third Glorious Revolution and broke with America (Audience murmurs) and America got a new President, Lewis Faulkner, who chose to withdraw from many of the global commitments he had inherited and allow Bengal and Guinea to go their own ways. (Rather more fervent audience murmurs) Whatever you think about President Faulkner, in many ways he was just recognising the inevitable. Perhaps the Empire could have enforced its will in Bengal in 1901 still, but it would have required a full military intervention of the sort that the exhausted American people were simply unwilling to fund.

    So English influence in India, which had begun in 1608, came to an end three centuries later, and the derived American influence with it. Just as economics had brought Europeans to India and drawn them into politics there, economics led them to abandon such entanglements in due time. But if Bengal had bought its own freedom and trailblazed an example for other Indian nations, this wouldn’t be the pattern they would follow. In the Second Interbellum, which some people call the Electric Circus – but which certainly wasn’t an accurate description in most of the Indian nations – there were two main wellsprings of anti-colonial thought, at opposite ends of the subcontinent in the north and south. I won’t make the crass error of treating them as naturally linked simply because they fall on the same landmass! (Chuckles) Panchala was, and is, very culturally different to Bisnaga; it would be like attributing two revolutions in Scandinavia and Italy to the same source.

    Back then, there was no Panchala as we know it, although its borders were already beginning to be defined. There was Jushinajieluo, or Jushina for short, a Chinese-created colonial entity that covered the entire middle part of the vast Gangetic Plain. Though its cities and old kingdoms had been devastated by the Jihad, the fertile soil of this plain meant that Panchala, or Jushina, was well placed to bounce back if its reduced people were given some years of peace and a chance to rebuild.

    This is where we have to be careful, because this subject is highly politically charged in China, as well as in Panchala itself. As far as the Chinese narrative goes, they sent armies to Jushina to protect its people from the mad mujahideen remnants, helped replant its fields and rebuild its cities, built roads and railways to link them, and after fifty years of rule Jushina was as advanced and wealthy as it had been at the height of the Gupta Empire, a jewel in the crown. And the Panchalis should be damn’ well grateful for it and stop whining, say the Chinese. (Laughter and reactions) Meanwhile, the Panchalis say that the Chinese were only there to loot the place, and built only what would help them do so. They taxed their farmers, they pushed their religions on the people by giving tax breaks to Buddhist practitioners, and they disarmed the people so the Chinese army forces had absolute power to enforce the will of the viceroy. Some claim that the Jihad had already died down, and there were no significant mujahideen bands left, with Chinese claims of defending the region being merely a cover for holding down a proud people.

    I am personally more inclined to sympathise with the Panchali point of view, despite the…eccentricities of some of their post-colonial leaders (Nervous laughter) but in all fairness, our truth should probably lie somewhere in between. Post-colonial Panchala did benefit from the infrastructure the Chinese had built, but it is also true to say that the Chinese hardly built it for the Panchalis’ benefit. Fundamentally, Jushina was indeed run in part as a tax farm, and also as a pleasure-garden for Chinese Buddhist pilgrims who wished to see where the Buddha had walked and where Xuanzang had voyaged to find the Greater Vehicle scriptures.[7] It was an insult to a proud people to be treated as the mere background denizens of a history that had little meaning to them.[8]

    Now Panchala was influenced by the apotheosis of Bengal to the status of a fully independent, albeit corporate, state – just as Bisnaga was. But both were inspired by what Bengal did in the Black Twenties rather than what Bengal was. In Panchala’s case, or Jushina’s, it was the fact that Bengal had helped the Sikhs and other Pendzhabis overthrow their Russian colonial rulers and eject them from India altogether. Russia’s abortive attempt to reclaim the territory in 1935 also ended in disaster, showing that the Pendzhabi triumph had been no flash in the pan. There was no way for the Panchalis to buy their way to freedom from the Chinese as the Bengalis had from the Americans and English, but if an uprising like the Pendzhabis’ could succeed, given sufficient distraction by other matters…

    The process began as early as 1928, when Hindu adventurer Sakharam Bhari travelled into the Himalayas in order to seek out the Gorkha hillmen. The Gorkhas were fellow Hindus who had once conquered and exacted tribute upon Buddhist Tibet, only to eventually have the tables turned on them by the Chinese.[9] Sakharam, part of the banned group known to the Chinese as Tuichu jushina yundong or ‘Leave Panchala Movement’, admired the half-legendary tales of the Gorkhas’ successes and sought to forge an alliance. The Gorkhas were initially suspicious, and the tests of loyalty they made Sakharam undertake have formed the basis of a half-dozen impressive Panchali propaganda films. But in the end, his perserverance paid off, and a deal was struck.

    Of course, the Gorkha alliance was only one small part of the work that the LPM and other anti-colonial resistance movements quietly continued throughout the final years of Chinese rule. Though Narayan Kumar would later become the most famous leader of these networks, back then he was just one anonymous organiser among many, an ally of the rising star Paresh Anand. LPM and allied members ranged from trade unionists in cities fighting for workers’ rights under Chinese rule, to Sanskrit religious scholars, to romantics nostalgic for past glories. Many of them, including Anand’s group in Sangam, also had ties to groups of bandits who operated in the countryside, though few would risk confrontation with Chinese regulars these days.[10]

    In those early days, there was even an attempt by the LPM and others to build solidarity across Jushina’s different faiths. But perhaps this was doomed to failure. The small number of Buddhists – Chinese settlers, local converts and a few ancestral holdouts – naturally would side with Chinese rule which gave them a privileged position. More significantly, Muslims made up almost one-fifth of the population, many of them Durrani settlers from more than a century before. They feared mass revenge attacks motivated by memories of the Jihad (not helped by the Chinese whipping these up to remind the people of the importance of the Chinese army to protect them). Most Muslims in Jushina would also side with the Chinese authorities, and so the anti-colonial movement became increasingly Hindu-supremacist in character. Even sympathetic descendants of the old, overthrown Nawab of Oudh were viewed with suspicion due both to being Muslims and being painted as just another set of alien rulers (in their case, from Persia). Already some Muslims were moving to the other Chinese-influenced state, the last Mughal remnant, Delhi. The seeds were being sown for tragedy later.

    In 1930, Prince Zhuzhong withdraw much of the Chinese army from Jushina in order to cross the Himalayas and intervene in the growing power struggle in plague-wracked Feng China. The majority of the ordinary people of Jushina watched with trepidation, for many believed the Chinese propaganda that only that army stood between them and chaos, invasion or a new Jihad. It was only after several months of peace that public anger began to grow, and that played right into the LPM’s hands…

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    This next section mentions events in China we have not yet covered elsewhere, so I will temporarily pass over it and instead go to Dr Radley’s final relevant segment, on Bisnaga.

    *

    …Bisnaga’s history made it very different to either Bengal or Jushina-Panchala. Both of those countries had had forces directed against them which served to trample much of their former internal divisions and forge, or rather rediscover, a national identity. (Murmurs) Bengal had been a coherent subah, or province, of the old Mughal Empire for many years, but had always had its internal divisions. British and then Anglo-American rule provided something to react against, especially when catastrophes such as famines induced by forcing farmers to grow opium provoked resentment among the Bengali populace. But it was the invasion by the Mahdi’s Mujahideen in the Great Jihad that forced all Bengalis, Hindus, Muslims, their Christian rulers, all castes and classes, to unite in defence of their land. In this they were largely successful, and the unity they had forged would pave the way for Bengal’s independence through privatisation. By contrast, Panchala was flattened and devastated by the Jihad, then ruled through a centralised viceroyalty by the Chinese afterwards, again creating a unity beyond the lands which Oudh alone had controlled a century earlier. Once again, war and foreign rule had created a single set of institutions for anti-colonial forces to seize.

    The same can’t be said for Bisnaga. Bisnaga had never been, to use the word brutally, ‘rationalised’ by the French. The French East India Company had sought to build trade and to deny it to their English and British rivals. Later, when the two had allied against the Tippoo Sultan during the Jacobin Wars, they had agreed a mutually-beneficial peaceful division of India’s lands into spheres of influence. Unlike the ruthless annexation of Bengal by the BEIC after Siraj-ud-Daulah’s betrayal, the French did not try to administer the powerful Kingdom of Mysore directly after Tippoo’s defeat. In part this was because the FEIC was operating as part of only the western remnant of Royal France in Brittany and the Vendée at the time, and would not have had the resources to administer Mysore anyway. Instead, the French restored the Hindu Wodeyar dynasty to the throne, reversing the usurpation by the Muslims Haidar Ali and his son Tippoo Sultan, which also created a debt of gratitude (or, more cynically, a dependence) by the Wodeyars on the French to maintain their shaky throne.

    Elsewhere, parts of Bisnaga did pass into something more akin to direct French control. The Nawabate of Arcot, also called the Carnatic Sultanate, ruled most of the eastern coast of Bisnaga and was theoretically tributary to the Nizam of Haidarabad. But this was an old Mughal imperial decree, which increasingly meant as little as the Holy Roman Emperor had authority to decide affairs in northern Germany, back in Europe.[11] The authority of the Nawab was also fraught even without European influence, with the Carnatic having suffered in wars with Mysore and others. The French empire in India was run from the cities of Madras and Pondichéry which, farcically, were still theoretically under the Nawab’s authority. The French were soon running the Nawab’s tax affairs in his name, and the extinction of Wallajah’s dynasty led to the appointment of a ceremonial puppet ruling in name only.[12] The final nail in the coffin was the conquest of Haidarabad by the Mahdi’s Mujahideen in 1852 and the end of the Nizamate; from then on, the French were able to ignore the legalities of the Nawabate of Arcot and control the Carnatic directly.

    The French also exercised strong influence over the Kingdom of Travancore, which did, however, still maintain its Venad royal family and independent institutions. The same was true of the Kingdom of Cochin to its north, that same state which had started it all back in the early 1500s. Despite conquest and devastation by Mysore at some point, technically it survived, albeit under heavy French influence. As though to illustrate how money talked, even further north up the coast of Queralie were Calicut, a Dutch colony the Belgians had inherited, and North Malabar and Coorg, old British or English colonies; but none of them were actually controlled by their theoretical colonial powers anymore, instead having sunk into the French economic hegemony of Bisnaga. Old colonial regimes were no less susceptible to being drawn into the French orbit as independent Indian monarchies.

    So much for Bisnaga; that blandly homogenous triangle of territory at the bottom of the Indian subcontinent, so familiar from maps, actually concealed a great deal of complexity – and in many ways, it still does. The Wodeyars, with their powerful Kingdom of Mysore, retained the most independent power – but had their own reasons for wishing to support French dominance as the lesser of two evils to protect their own throne. The Venads of Travancore and the Varmas of Cochin had the French bootheel to their neck, and knew any rebellion would be met with an iron fist.[13] The defunct colonial regimes in Calicut, Malabar and Coorg were content with the status quo, while the Scandinavians in Tranquebar had been bought out altogether. There was plenty of anti-colonial resentment against the French, but no obvious central rallying point. And this described the situation for decades at the end of the nineteenth century, and the start of the twentieth.

    What changed? Many things. Like the Chinese in Panchala, the French pursued developments for their own ends which had unforeseen consequences; railways linked up these groups of discontents, industrial factories and the growth of cities like Bangalore, Coïmbatour and Madurai led to a new mobile, resentful, organised working class. The University of Trivandrum, intended to turn out placid Bisnagi civil servants and scientists to help run the empire, instead ended up being a hotbed of anti-colonial ideology. And then came world events. Neutrality during the Pandoric War was popular, (Murmurs) but the French risking the lives of Bisnagi sepoys to seize influence over Concan, what was then called Senhor Oliveira’s Company, was not.[14]

    The Panic of 1917 led to widespread resentment among the suffering working classes, especially in directly French-ruled territory in the Carnatic and in the industrial city of Bangalore in the Kingdom of Mysore. Not only were jobs lost and wages cut, but the ‘Mitigation of Mercier’ policy favoured support for the people of France – who could vote – over those of Bisnaga, or even Pérousie. The Mercier government also sold off French government assets in Bisnaga to raise money and scaled back military commitments. As well as leading to a further loss spiral of jobs as bases and shipyards closed, this alarmed those powerful Bisnagi figures whose positions were invested in the assumption that stable French rule would continue. Mercier’s move was interpreted as a fear that France was drawing down its focus in Bisnaga and planning to withdraw, which ultimately became a self-fulfilling prophecy. Most significantly, these powerful figures included none other than Chamaraja Wodeyar XII, the Maharajah of Mysore.[15]

    But the most significant shift would come with the Black Twenties. No sooner had the French reduced their military commitments than they were fighting the Russians and Belgians in Bisnagi waters. Admiral Van de Velde sought to provoke a response from the French by launching terror raids on Nagapatnam, Pondichéry and Tranquebar, among others, with the local French forces unable to stop them.[16] Not only were the people resentful at being dragged into the war, but the French had inadvertently damaged their own reputations. Arguments were made that if the French lacked the capability to defend Bisnaga, they also lacked the capability to suppress an uprising there. Furthermore, this led to a boost of anti-colonial sentiment on the ravaged Carnatic coast in the east, whereas previously anti-colonial sentiment had been focused more on the western Queralie coast and in parts of Mysore.

    All this erupted into the so-called Bisnagi Mutiny, which was really more a series of labour strikes. The ‘mutiny’ name stems from the fact that local sepoy troops refused orders to put down said strikers, though in reality this was not always the case, and only the refusals are remembered as part of heroic history. In addition to the resentment factors I mentioned, the Bisnagis were also influenced by the fact that the Pérousiens had obtained Autogovernance, and some moderates wanted it for themselves. This was before the Pérousiens and Bisnagis were seen as natural allies against the French government, you understand, which largely came with them fighting side-by-side in Bloody Gijlo later on. Chamaraja Wodeyar XII initially opposed the Mutiny as a potential revolution and backed the French, as did the other monarchs, but when the French failed to effectively suppress it, he decided that his position was doomed if he relied upon the French. Henceforth, he (and later the others) would tacitly support the mutineers and the Autogovernance movement.[17] Chamaraja would shock society when, against the explicit instructions of Governor-General de Fontenoy to treat the labour organiser Thomas Mathieu as persona non grata, he met with him to discuss the dispute.[18] Of course, the effects of the plague sweeping across Bisnaga, and an ineffectual and uncaring French response, also played a part.

    Another important factor was a parallel with how the Panchalis were inspired by the Bengali-backed Sikh resistance to the Russians in Pendzhab. In this case, it was how the Bengalis, again, intervened in Kandy – then called Ceylon.[19] Kandy is physically close to Bisnaga, separated only by the Gulf of Mannar, with a chain of islands described in both Hindu legend and modern geography as being a former land bridge. Furthermore, Tamil people are found on both sides of the water and have long shared trading connections. Technically, the Bengalis did not conquer Kandy; rather, the Russo-Belgian authorities surrendered the island to them rather than face the vengeful French after the terror raids they had inflicted. Some Bengalis initially had ambitions to turn Kandy into Bengal’s own colony, but in the end the Pitt-Bannerjee Doctrine of building up independent allied states prevailed.[20] Though post-colonial Kandy certainly had its problems, the example of a neighbouring nation going from colony to independent country was a powerful example to the anti-colonial forces, both proletarian strikers and pragmatic monarchs, of Bisnaga.

    Still, though it’s controversial to say nowadays, it might still have been possible for the French to retain some influence in Bisnaga if they had contemplated the idea of Autogovernance before it was too late. But it was not to be. Madame Mercier did attempt a placatory policy during her years in power, but was regarded with suspicion for her involvement in the economic policy following the Panic of 1917, not to mention the war policy of the Black Twenties.

    Mercier attempted to introduce the same kind of conseils paroissials as had been adopted in Pérousie some decades before, giving Bisnagis at least local representation. But this was stymied by an uncooperative FEIC administrative structure and complicated legalities of jurisdiction. Not only were the conseils subject to property, literacy or registration requirements which limited the electorate, but they only covered areas subject to direct French administration. This took in most of the old Nawbate of Arcot (or of the Carnatic) but it was riddled with holes like a piece of Swiss cheese, for areas which remained under the theoretical control of local aristocrats. It also did not include Travancore or Cochin, even though most meaningful decisions there were made by the French instead of local monarchs. And, of course, it did not cover the coastal cities theoretically under the corporate control of foreign trading companies, much less the Kingdom of Mysore, where French authority really was somewhat limited. Ever since, bitter French historians, putting forth a francocentric version of history as is their Diversitarian right, (a few chuckles) have argued that at leas they tried to institute local representation; the Maharajah of Mysore, that darling of anti-colonial histories, did not attempt to institute parliamentary representation under his own rule until years later.

    It was clear that discontent was building in Bisnaga, and that reflected a climate of change stirring across the whole of the Indian subcontinent – though, as I’ve said, these were very different regions, they could still indirectly impact and influence one another. We should not forget the Concan Confederacy and the Guntoor Authority. These bodies did not have a single strong colonial power governing them, but rather were ruled by miscellaneous, overlapping corporate bodies and local rulers. This disorganised system had only functioned because it was anchored at three points by the Chinese in Jushina, the French in Bisnaga and Bengal, formerly Anglo-American, and these three powers would enforce a collective agreement on the two pseudo-independent corporate entities, similar to the pre-Jihad India Board.

    This system was now crumbling. The Russians had first upset it by their influence in Pendzhab being revealed, then upset it again by being thrown out of it. The Bengalis had turned towards supporting local independence in both Pendzhab and Kandy. Chinese rule in Jushina-Panchala was looking shaky. Kalat (also called Balochistan), freed from its Persian overlords and now a rising power, was interfering in Gujarat. And now, with consequences for Guntoor and the Concan Confederacy, even the comfortable old anchor of French Bisnaga was beginning to lose its grip on the metaphorical seabed.

    Trouble in Bisnaga would not truly ignite until 1936, however, when Mercier had left power for the first time, to be replaced with men lacking both vision and ambition…


















    [1] The Gupta Empire is here described as ‘Panchali-led’ because its capital, the now-ruined city of Pataliputra, is in territory which in TTL is part of Panchala in the present day. Historiography in TTL tends to describe the empires which unified all or most of India as temporary constructs, treating them as dominions established by one modern Indian nation over others before reverting to the ‘natural’ state of India being divided. Also, ‘the Islamic conquest of the Middle East’ is summing up eight centuries of history here, with the overland trade routes not being completely closed until the Ottoman conquest of the last Byzantine remnants.

    [2] Today in OTL Cochin and Calicut are usually referred to as Kochi and Kozhikode.

    [3] See Part #32 in Volume I.

    [4] See Part #82 in Volume II.

    [5] See Part #200 in Volume IV and Part #222 in Volume V.

    [6] See Part #218 in Volume V and Part #262 in Volume VII.

    [7] ‘Pleasure-garden’ is the term used in TTL for theme park (coming from the phrase ‘garden of earthly pleasures’). It does not literally mean a garden, any more than theme park literally means a park to us.

    [8] This is a bit of an oversimplification driven by an historical climate that presumes that Hindu-Buddhist enmity is the norm – one would assume that, as most interpretations of Hinduism do claim the Buddha as one of the avatars of Vishnu, most Hindus would care about his life and background to some extent.

    [9] This process has been much more drawn out than the OTL version. Qing China in TTL lacked the Qianlong Emperor and had a longer reign from the Yongzheng Emperor, one consequence of which was less emphasis on westward expansion (with the Dzungars being shut out by a wall of forts rather than conquered). More significantly, the Three Emperors’ War and the ensuing division left a power vacuum for the Gorkhas (Gurkhas) to exercise a much deeper and longer-lasting period of control over Tibet, before eventually being thrown out and vassalised by the Feng Chinese in the mid-to-late nineteenth century.

    [10] ‘Sangam’ refers to the city of Allahabad, which in OTL was recently renamed Prayagraj. The area is home to a confluence of three rivers, referred to as Triveni Sangam(a) in Sanskrit and derived languages, held as holy in Hinduism. There are other such triple confluences elsewhere in India but this is the most prominent (although technically there are only two physical rivers, the Ganges and Yamuna, with the third being the Saraswati river in a spiritual sense – as this river, named in Vedic texts, has never been satisfactorily identified with a present-day one). In TTL the term Sangam has been applied to the entire city by the later regime.

    [11] The author’s being a bit vague with the chronology here, talking about nineteenth-century events before briefly mentioning eighteenth-century ones, hence the mention of the HRE as contemporaneous.

    [12] In OTL Muhammad Ali Khan Wallajah (whose birth predates the POD) allied with the British against the French; his French alliance here reflects the different tides of history after France kept Madras after the War of the Austrian Succession / Second War of Supremacy.

    [13] Referring to the royal family of Cochin as the ‘Varmas’ is slightly misleading from the naming terminology.

    [14] See Part #229 in Volume VI.

    [15] See Part #270 in Volume VII.

    [16] See Part #279 in Volume VIII.

    [17] See Part #280 in Volume VIII.

    [18] Although not explicitly mentioned here, Thomas Mathieu is from the large community of Thomasine Syriac Christians in Kerala/Queralie. The Maharajah’s move was particularly shocking to the French because they saw the Christians as natural allies fearful of Hindu and Muslim rule in the absence of French power. On the office of Governor-General, note that while the French East India Company was never fully nationalised and retains some corporate independence over trading affairs, in practice its other institutions (such as its sepoy military forces) were brought under de facto French government control following reforms by the Bouchez ministry in the 1870s, in the aftermath of the costly Great Jihad.

    [19] See Part #290 in Volume VIII.

    [20] See Part #292 in Volume VIII.
     
    An announcement
  • Thande

    Donor
    I hope everyone is enjoying Volume IX of LTTW, and I am somehow finding time to write it on a fortnightly basis despite other commitments.

    As usual, I will be taking the Christmas period and January off from posting updates, so updates will resume on January 29th.

    In the meantime, I have the exciting news (which I teased above) that, at long last and after many people persistently asked for them, SLP finally has a new paperback pipeline so paperback editions of Look to the West Volume III - and soon Volume IV - are well on their way! There is already a paperback out of my non-LTTW work (though it has some LTTW in-jokes in it!) "The Twilight's Last Gleaming" if you're interested (click link for details). Volume VI is currently still being proofed for (Kindle) publication but that is also on the way.

    If I don't post here again before Christmas (I may do so if the first paperback is ready before then), I wish all of you a very Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year 2023, a restful break and a winter enlightened by the light that is coming into the world. See you again at the end of January!
     
    Look to the West Volume III Paperback Release
  • Thande

    Donor
    Dear all,

    Look to the West Volume III: Equal and Opposite Reactions is now available in paperback!

    I know people have wanted this for a long time (and I've wanted it for my shelf, for that matter) so glad it is finally here.

    Please note that, due to recent inflation and the book being GIGANTIC, it is rather pricey - for the record I don't make significantly more on this than I do on the Kindle version, most of the price goes to the printing process. Many people prefer to enjoy the LTTW books via the KENP / Kindle Unlimited thingy on Amazon and I still get royalties from that if you were wondering, so please feel free to read LTTW in whichever way you find best.

    A Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year 2023 to everyone!

     
    309
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #309: Here and There

    “Was your English vacation this summer cancelled due to ‘Cambridgeshire Syndrome’? No travel insurance? Worry not! Quist Fairgrieve-Londsdale free on FR-24-52120 and see how much you could claim for your travel disruption! Put that smile back on your children’s faces with a free trip next year! No win, no fee! Call today!”

    - Advertising poster seen on Hamilton Crescent, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Sgt Bob Mumby, November 2020
    Sgt Mumby’s note: This poster was vandalised, with the words ‘Cambridgeshire Syndrome’ underlined in red and accompanying handwritten text reading ‘WHAT IS THE GOVERNMENT NOT TELLING US?’

    *

    (Lieutenant Black’s note)

    I understand David is still collating the right lecture fragments in the right order – I can hear you doing the Morecambe and Wise joke in the background, Bob, stop it – to continue his narrative about decolonisation and the growth of Societism in Africa, or whatever it was. In the meantime, here’s a bit of an interlude from a talk we recorded from a famous traveller and documentarian, bit of a Michael Palin type maybe. There’s some interesting stuff about cultural differences between regions in this timeline and the history they derive from, which will help prepare us in future missions here. (Under his breath) Also he talks about trains a lot and I like trains…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “A Life in Alighting Lounges” by Aloysius Jefferson Cooper, recorded November 21st, 2020—

    …if you believe some folk in Russia, and a few extremists here, well, the only way to truly preserve this world as (Puts on Russian accent for next few words) beautiful diamond of iridescent rainbows – yes I own a thesaurus (Audience chuckles) is to lock everyone in his house and stop anyone talking to each other or interacting. Because then we might spread our ideas around and stop everywhere being unique, you see. Well, in my considered opinion, that’s, to use a technical term, poppycock. (Audience chuckles and one or two oohs) What’s the point of everywhere having unique cultures if you can’t go there and experience them? If the Societists had been clever – well, they wouldn’t have been Societists (More chuckles) but if they’d been clever, it’d have been a lot less effort to just leave everything the way it was they found it. Just stop everyone from travelling, and tell people in ‘Zone Pi’ or whatever (Laughs) that obviously the whole world is like their culture, the one true culture, and say the exact same thing to people in ‘Zone E’ who have a different culture. Very easy, if nobody can go and check to see. If you don’t mind keeping everyone in ignorance, the way our Russian friends feel.

    No, the point of having a diverse world is not just to stop Societism, it’s to build a place where we can wonder in just how difference people can be, while still being people worthy of respect. If you don’t go to another city, another country, another continent, then you might go your whole life thinking there’s only way to – say – cook an egg. That there’s only one spice that goes with this fish or that meat. Imagine how richer our lives are, compared to our forefathers’, because we have cinnamon from Kandy and candy from Cinnamon – I mean, Egypt (Laughter). Would we ask an Italian to remove the tomatoes from his pizza because they come from our continent?[1] Should we ask the Irish to survive without potatoes, while the Scots retaliate by demanding we stop eating oatmeal for breakfast? Are only Mexicans allowed to eat chocolate? Are only Antipodean Indiens permitted to eat gurangue meat?[2]

    Hopefully, such a proposition is self-evidently absurd. And yet the histrionics of some so-called Diversitarians have genuinely reached such heights. Panchali leaders have boasted of their commitment to purging so-called ‘foreign’ influences, while continuing to happily chomp down on curries including delicious Novamundine chilis, which the Aryan ancestors they idealise would have had no clue about. Nor do we have to go as far afield as India. We all remember the so-narrowly averted tragedy of the attempted October Fest death-luft attack in Michigan last year.[3] (Subdued audience reaction) That pair of sick young murderers claimed to want to rid the land of German influence – while, it came out at the trial, toasting their vile plan beforehand with a couple of tins of Wagonknight Kellerbier. They were too idiotic to even know that was a German introduction!

    No, there’s no future for anyone in pride in ignorance. It was that pride, that refusal to see beyond the edge of one’s valley, that made countries so vulnerable to the Societists – and other threats – back in the bad old days. Only by broadening our awareness of the world we live in can we truly appreciate that diversity. (Pause while he takes a sip of drink)

    Now, the first thing that travel teaches you about the world’s diversity involves, well, travel itself. You might start out thinking that surely things have got to be the same everywhere – you can’t take off in an aerodrome here and land in a carytic steerable at the other end, can you?[4] (A few chuckles) But even as a traveller, it’s easy to remain blind to how different things may be. We’re used to eating an American menu we recognise, whether on internal drome flights or cross-national ones to Europe or China. But remember only half the drome, maybe, is devoted to outgoing travellers like ourselves. The other half, usually behind the curtain divider (or sometimes upper and lower decks on the real super-dromes) consists of visitors to the ENA who are now heading home, possibly along with some cargo, depending on the time of year. Anyway, whereas you and I may be tucking into fried ham and beans with an oilcake to follow, those homeward-bound voyagers behind the curtain might instead by snacking on boeuf quéralien or, going west, duck-stuffed wontons with spring rolls.[5] (Beat) And that’s just the Californians. (Audience laughter and a little, scattered, applause)

    So yes, we don’t even stop to think about how the aerolines are tailoring their menus so everyone gets their own cuisine – well, at least in theory, because in practice they have to compromise due to supply issues, and not even the ASN complains about it anymore if an Italian gets served apfelstrudel. When, of course, that should’ve gone to the Michiganite gentleman in the next section to him. (More laughter and a few oohs) And don’t get me started on how you can put your foot wrong with food descriptions, either. Go to a big city here with a Siamese district and you might find something called ‘cuaicab’ or ‘pho-bo’, a hearty beef noodle soup, and be told it’s a Siamese dish. Say that in a bar in Tonkin and at best, you’ll end up thrown out; the Tonkinese are very touchy about their cuisine being associated with the people they view as colonial oppressors.

    It’s one of those dreaded ‘travel botches’[6] I’ll be giving you a few of this evening (Chuckles) but forgive me for that…you don’t actually have to eat what they give you, or even sit in that section, if you find a traveller in the other section willing to swap. (Intake of breath from audience) No, really. Listen, even the most doctrinaire anti-Iversonian Russian would probably take me up on my offer after he’s spent three hours with the kid behind him kicking his chair. (Laughter) If you’re not feeling so adventurous, keep your seat, but feel free to ask what else the drome is carrying. It’s usually a nightmare for the crew to balance the logistics of the different meals and they might be quite grateful if you want to try their extra consignment of schnitzel for the German who missed his flight.

    Just one word of warning, don’t take what you get as being representative of that country’s cuisine in real life – if you do, there’ll be a lot more wars. (Chuckles) No, I’m afraid there’s one true universal there, but one not even Pablo Sanchez would be happy to note the existence of. Just what is the deal with aeroline food—

    (Cut in recording due to editing)[[7]

    …and then I said “That’s funny, it couldn’t do that before!” (Uproarious laughter and applause that goes on for several seconds) No, really. I should say it was fine afterwards and I was walking normally again after a week. He and I actually became good friends. He’s now working as a security guard at Versailles, stopping foolish tourists from sneezing on De Nachtwacht.[8] Which I think is still a more pleasant job than aeroport security.

    Where was I? Oh yes. There are many social faux pas to avoid when travelling, though many people will be understanding if you just try to be respectful and make it clear you are a visitor. But, as I was saying, many things that seem as though they are ‘obviously the only way one could do’ something, you’ll find, have very different approaches overseas. Tipping is an obvious one. France is one of several countries where it remains purely discretionary – a real Aryan Void situation, where you just sort of have to guess what’s polite in that circumstance.[9] (Audience reaction) Of course, the same thing happens in reverse, too. French travellers – and English and German – routinely get into trouble here, or in New York, Boston or Chichago, because they think you can tip whatever you please. It’s not just that they leave your big restaurants without completing the tip section of the cheque – they also sometimes try to tip convenience-diner waitresses (Audience reaction) Well, they don’t really have that distinction between the two types of eateries in their countries, and they don’t get that it can be seen as an insult, like they’re implying the unions haven’t got them good wages to start with. In one case this poor fellow from Leipzig even got accused of trying to bribe his waitress for – well, enough of that. Suffice to say, things are different, and do your research before you get there.

    How you get around is also a big difference. European cities typically grew up by an organic process over centuries, so they have narrow, winding streets that don’t have any logical layout. There are a handful of Arc of Power cities here, and some farther south in Mexico, which are like that, but not many. Here, the grid design was popularised as far back as the mid-eighteenth century. It wasn’t even new then, being used by the Greeks and Romans in antiquity, and a few European cities were built with it in the Middle Ages, but it never caught on there. Try to be sensitive and be prepared to be patient about trying to figure out where everything is. Or, even better, just get a metercab.

    That’s the other thing about a lack of grid systems – they’re not a good fit for trams. It could be made to work – actually there were some quite extensive steam-tram networks in European cities in the past – but the armchair alienists tell us that Europeans have all got a complex about Jean de Lisieux trying to centralise everything, and want the freedom to drive around the city in their mobiles. Even when the streets get clogged up. Really, it’s more just that it proved such a challenge to put in the electric power grid when steam-trams got succeeded during the 1930s, and a lot of the schemes ran out of money and were never finished – remember this was after the Black Twenties. Whereas over here, our grids meant that it was easy to put in overhead lines, and update them when needed, while keeping the same rails we’d had for the steam-trams. So in Europe, expect to travel on a lot of multis [buses] instead. China’s done a better job with trams; they may sometimes have the same problems of very old city layouts, but they adopted trams later and were able to design the networks for electricity from the first.

    What about getting from city to city? Well, if we’re talking about the big places, you won’t notice that much difference to here – except maybe that the trains are a bit more punctual. (Chuckles) Paris to Marseilles, say, is straightforward and now takes less than six hours. Remember, though Europe as a continent is decent-sized, individual countries are a lot smaller and you often spend as much time in customs on borders as you do riding the train. Contrast with China, where they’ve now abandoned internal passports and you can ride those fast new trains of theirs to cross the whole country in barely more than half a day. Where things get a bit different is in reaching smaller places off the beaten track. Europe has struggled to build and maintain the kind of low-level branching networks we take for granted here – remember, when land claims might go back centuries, it’s a lot harder to buy places to put the rails.[10] China has a similar problem, if not as severe. So it’s back to the multis – unless you want to brave renting a mobile and learning the local traffic laws! – to get around.

    Now, riding a multi, or a train or tram for that matter, will need a few things you’ll probably take for granted at home. It’s easy to miss these off your mental tick-list so make sure you think through the process in advance. What do you do – you get on the vehicle, the conductor comes, you decide what type of ticket or pass you want, and you pay for it. Well, first of all, in some places you’re expected to buy in advance at the station rather than on the vehicle, so make sure which it is! But even if it does work the way you’re used to, why, you’re taking for granted the fact that you know what tickets and passes are available, and – this is a big one – how money works. (Audience reaction) Easy to forget, isn’t it? But, I hate to break it to you, not every country uses good old I.d.c – despite what the financial markets might make you think.[11] A lot of countries have only two tiers of coins, some aren’t decimal, many use paper money in contexts where we’d find it inappropriate or vice-versa. And obviously don’t expect your credit plaques to work unless your bank specifically has a deal with one in that country – it’s best to assume by default that they won’t. You can get around this with a special temporary traveller’s plaque which some banks will supply you with; some are now even looking at renting quist nodes for emergency calls. Pretty soon our businessman will find their troubles following them wherever they go. (Chuckles)

    And I’ve left out one big thing, of course. Even if you know how the tickets work and how the money works, you need to be able to communicate with the conductor. Language is a minefield. You know it’s a touchy subject with the ASN. Again, I think the more extreme attitudes do more harm than good. I once saw a Frenchman trying to speak to a Siamese gentleman and some Bisnagi locals in Trivandrum, and the only language they had in common was…Novalatina. (Audience reaction) Exactly. Not exactly doing your job of countering Societism if you end up promoting their language, are you.

    Of course, all reputable tour companies will include a professional interpreter, which saves you difficulties. If you’re travelling privately and want to employ an interpreter in a private capacity, just be warned and take advice before choosing one, as there’s a lot of unscrupulous people out there. Look for a company which is based in your destination of choice, but which has a subsidiary desk in the ENA, if only so you can find someone to sue afterwards. (Laughter) Sometimes I think we’re all turning into Californians. I wouldn’t recommend resorting to that old standard of the comic tourist in farces, the foreign phrasebook. Pronunciation is often difficult – especially for Chinese – and the books are very variable in quality. Italian ones in particular tend to include mistakes that will leave you embarrassed. There’s some rumour that deliberate mistakes were introduced because of one of those arcane ASN rules, but I personally just think the Italian phrasebook writers enjoy watching tourists make fools of themselves.

    Well, anyway, despite all the proscriptions and difficulties, you may find a surprising number of people around the world speak English regardless. Why? Well, funnily enough, it’s not just Californian media – whatever languages that’s supposed to be in – which is popular worldwide. Our films and motoshows are often considered to be the epitome of quality and something to be emulated. Yes, I was surprised as well. (Laughter) They must be exporting all the good stuff and leaving me with the rest on my network channels. Of course you must remember that a location a show is sert in that feels everyday to us may be exotic and interesting to someone from another clime, and vice-versa.

    It can be really hard to predict which shows may be popular in which countries, sometimes it seems really arbitrary and random. Oh, you’ve got your old colonial links, like Bengal tends to enjoy Billy Jackton Frontier films, and Bengali filmmakers even make their own versions set on their own frontier during Jihad days.[12] But there’s also some quite unexpected ones. If you thought only Philly viewers kept “My Two Daughters” still going, well, it has a huge following of fans in Thonburi, in Siam. (Audience reaction) Yes, really. Don’t ask me why. I’m sure Mary Theresa will get married any day now. (Chuckles) Bangalore, over in Bisnaga, prefers “The Family Otto” from Chichago. I could give you a dozen more. Sometimes I worry what image of the good old E of NA we’re putting out there with people judging us by these shows…

    That reminds me of something important, actually. One thing travel broadens is your appreciation for how complex a place the world is. It’s easy for us to reduce other countries to stereotypes – the hard-working, hard-playing Chinese, the anxious German, the enterprising Egyptian. In reality the world is a far more richer place, with as many varieties of spirit among the people of any nation as those you see in your own street. But we tend to judge whole peoples by the simplistic pictures we obtain from depictions in film and motoshows. What becomes an unpleasant shock, however, is when you realise that the same is true in reverse. As an American travelling abroad, you may find yourself being judged by association with whatever American media your hosts may have seen or read. Sometimes it may not even be a work you’re familiar with, like the cases I mentioned of the shows which are surprisingly possible in seemingly-random places. You know the phrase ‘no man is a prophet in his hometown’,[13] well, there can be cases like that, too. Let me tell you about one that happened to me recently.

    It first happened in France, but then happened to me again in Mysore, in Bisnaga, and I heard something about it in Espérance in Pérousie – evidently the work I’m going to mention has been released recently with French subtitles, and it might spread further. So in, I think it was, 2008, a fellow called Ivan Red Eagle Gartreaux – no prizes for guessing where he’s from – wrote a book called The Road is Long and Paved with Tears, which was a dramatised account of the history of Superia’s fight for independence. (A small reaction from the audience) It was well-received by historians and made a small splash in the more popular markets, but you could be forgiven for not hearing of it. However, in 2011 a playwright from Milwark named Jacob Ironborough thought that the book had potential for being turned into a stage play – shedding some of its historical accuracy, I might add.

    Ironborough had a good script, and trialled the play in small showings in his local theatres in Milwark and Chichago, making changes. Finally, he recruited the cast he needed, and was ready to launch it on Nassau Street.[14] In October 2012. (Audience reaction) Yes, exactly. The Hyperflu hit the city just after a favourable opening night, and then all the theatres were closed down. Ironborough was devastated, and wouldn’t you be. The cast drifted apart and he moved on to other projects.

    That might have been the end, but a couple of years ago, Émile Boisserie – the French film director, you may have heard of him – approached Ironborough to resurrect the script and convert the stage play into a film. I should state that film-plays are more popular in the French-speaking world than they are here; if you’ve not seen one, basically picture a radio play but with pictures. (A few chuckles) Aydub, that sounded more obvious than I thought…

    Even though it’s been made for the French market, Boisserie has a bee in his bonnet about making things ‘authentic’, whatever that means, so all the characters speak English – except when they’re natively speaking French, Russian, Lakhotiyapi and other Tortolian languages, or Superian Pidgin, of course. It’s all done with French subtitles. This does have the unfortunate consequences that all the French-speakers I spoke to on my trip assumed that this was a film which had already been successful in the ENA, and was now being shown elsewhere. They refused to believe me when I told them that it had not actually been shown in film-theatres here. This was a problem, because they were judging me and this country for how the film depicts it, and I had no idea what they were referring to, to respond to their points.

    I have since seen it, so to save you running into the same trouble, (A few chuckles) here’s a quick rundown. It’s based on historical events, but, like I said, plays a bit fast and loose with the details for drama. As you hopefully remember from school, Superia existed as an independent republic before the 20th century, but was effectively taken over and divided with Russia after the Pandoric War. In the Black Twenties, the whole of what was then Russian America was taken and controlled by the Empire. This was easier than it might have been because Prince Yengalychev, the Russian commander, realised that he was being hung out to dry by Tsar Paul and told to fight to the death, in plague conditions no less, just to slow us down. Out of compassion for his men and the Russian civilians in the area, he refused, taking full responsibility, and surrendered to General Dawson.[15] Later, with our troops in Kamchatka facing reversals and the Societist invasion of Carolina (Audience reactions) Yengalychev negotiated with President Washborough from a surprisingly strong position for a surrendered prisoner of war. Yengalychev’s men would help with the logistics of bringing General Bissell’s men back from Kamchatka, before they could be trapped by the Tsar’s men, and then in sending them east to fight the Societists.[16] In return, Washborough had pledged to support Yengalychev’s call for the one and a half million Russian subjects of the former Russian America to be granted autonomy, rather than folded into an existing Confederation.

    Now Washborough is sometimes a divisive figure (Muted audience reaction) but one thing he indubitably was, was a man of honour. He had made his promise to Yengalychev, and it did not matter that the Yengalychev’s men were in a much weaker position to negotiate once the war was over. Washborough called for their autonomy throughout the Marley presidency, not a popular position or one that won him many friends, but he fought for it in Parliament. He often compared it to how Carolina had been left to decay into somnolence and vulnerability by indecision in Government. As I hope you remember from your civics classes, Washborough became President in 1931 and implemented the voting reforms we all enjoy today. He was also able to pass the Baranovia Autonomy Act in 1933.

    ‘Baranovia’, a name which we often pretend today has always been there, was actually hastily made up to try to find one that would be palatable to the American electorate. One could no longer call the area Russian America (and besides, the autonomous area was only a small part of the land, the rest remaining under Imperial control) and the names of its individual components were too evocative of Russia itself and the Tsar’s regime. Names like Novorossiya and New Muscovy (the most populous former province) were rejected, though you still occasionally see them in old sources. Baranovia won out over two other B-names named after early RLPC explorers and merchants, Beringia and Benyovskaya.[17] It took a while to gain cachet among the people themselves. The great irony was that Baranovia did not actually control the coastal city of Baranovsk at that time, with it remaining under Imperial occupation – the authorities had no intention of the Tsar smuggling weapons in for any group that might try to launch an uprising. Baranovsk would be a landlocked country, at least for the present, and one whose foreign and economic policy were firmly set by Fredericksburg.[18]

    All fine and good, but this reopened, or intensified, another long-running dispute. Nobody was happy with what they called President Tayloe’s Folly, the old Panimaha Confederation, which tried to put together a lot of areas in the interior with the troublesome Superia Tortolian and creole peoples. The old Confederation was this great big huge strangely-shaped thing that had never functioned properly even at the best of times. Not that a diverse Confederation can’t be made to work, of course, just look at Westernesse and how it brought together white farmers and miners with black rivermen and city folk to make the fine land it is today. (A few cheers from the audience) But Panimaha had never been made to work, it was a botch job that just barely held together enough to fool the politicians into thinking a problem had gone away. The problems that they’d had shifting troops across the country to fight the Societists in the War of 1926 – that was mostly sabotage, but it was also that old Panimaha’s infrastructure had never worked properly at the best of times. How could it, when the government refused to even speak to itself in a common language? How could one confederation stretching from Lake Winipick to St Joseph in North Arizpe possibly function?[19]

    With the Russians of Baranovia given autonomy, of course, the Superians began demanding the same – and the southern Panimahans were all too eager to be rid of them, as well as struggling with other divisions. Though widely criticised by some, Washborough grasped the nettle and split Panimaha into three. The name Panimaha was retained by the middle, landlocked Confederation, the one we know today. In the south, the mostly Spanish-speaking lands became the Confederation of New Navarre, a revival of an old Spanish name reflecting a significant number of Basque colonists there.[20] Washborough favoured smaller and more functional Confederations, something that was contentious among the older, more established and more populous Confederations. Given the greater support of his party among rural and western voters, some Patriots and Supremacists even accused him of trying to pack the House of Lords with additional Pioneer-voting Lords Confederal.

    Sorry, I’m getting too much into the detail here. The important thing is that Washborough split old Panimaha into three not because of the wishes of the Superian people, who yearned for their old independence, but to appease the farmers of present Panimaha and to try to make the government more functional. Like I said, he didn’t always make friends for himself. By setting a precedent of allowing existing land bodies to be split out of a kind of sop to self-determination – reflecting the growing Diversitarian values of the age – these actions helped kick off the Canajun Question in New Ireland. That’s something else French-speakers sometimes hold against us.

    Getting back to my point – the film. Which is actually quite good, by the way…the film depicts Superians campaigning for their freedom and getting disappointed, Washborough’s cabinet meetings…all told through the lens of ordinary families, Tortolians, Métis creoles, even Dashwood relatives…kids falling into the wrong gangs and getting beaten up by the police… (Audience reaction) The bathos is that at the end, after all that, Superia finds herself separated from old Panimaha – what was that, 1936 – but she’s still a Confederation of the ENA, still subservient to Fredericksburg. She doesn’t have even the symbolic autonomy of the Russians in Baranovia. And, well, kids, ask your grandparents about what happened as a result of that. The film isn’t shy about introducing an audience to all the atrocities – on both sides – (Emotional reaction from audience) – that would plague this continent for three decades, off and on, before the Superia Brushfires were brought to a close. There is an epilogue set in 1970 when the Republic was finally granted independence. I won’t spoil the details, it is worth watching as a piece of art, regardless of your politics. (Sceptical sounds)

    But where was I – oh yes. Don’t be put off when I talk up the difficulties, that’s the last thing I want. Travelling to places like Europe, China, Pérousie, Mexico, Siam, today, is a lot easier than I make it sound. Even Egypt, Persia, Bengal, Bisnaga. There are some special considerations for, say, Guinea, Gavaji or Autiaraux, but ultimately things are better for travellers than they’ve been for a long time.

    But maybe you’re not satisfied with that. Maybe you want a real adventure. (Audience reaction) Well, you haven’t heard of me because I’ve sat in all those aeroline alighting-lounges over the years. (Chuckles) Let me tell you what it’s like visiting the Former Zones as a tourist-

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    Give me back that thing, you foolish rosbif, nobody wants to hear about that idiot’s travel journals. (Pause) Same to you. (To microphone) My apologies for that interlude, sir, but I now have the necessary extracts prepared. Now it’s time to talk about how the French Empire finally crumbled – and how Diversitarianism became the dominant ideology we see around us in this timeline today…













    [1] (Lt Black’s note) We don’t normally comment on different pronunciations in this transcript or we’d be here all day, but it may be worth mentioning that Mr Cooper pronounces ‘tomatoes’ as ‘tommer-toes’ and ‘pizza’ as ‘pizzer’ to rhyme with ‘fizzer’.

    [2] ‘Gurangue’ (rhymes with ‘meringue’) is the most usual word used in TTL English for kangaroos. It is derived from the Dharug language word ‘baragarang’, borrowed via French and abbreviated.

    [3] See Part #278 in Volume VIII.

    [4] (Lt Black’s note) Given that ‘carytic steerable’ essentially translates to ‘atomic dirigible’ or ‘nuclear airship’ in our terminology, it’s interesting to hear that this timeline shares some of the same clichéd stereotypes of technological dead-ends wrongly foreseen by past generations of attempted prophecies of the future – or, at least, that seems to be the implication.

    [5] The term ‘doughnut’ is also used more generally in TTL (though ring-shaped doughnuts are not well known) but ‘oilcake’, an anglicisation of Dutch olykoek, is used to signify a particular variety from New York which has a reputation for being of superior quality. Boeuf quéralien refers to the dish known in OTL as Kerala Beef Fry or ‘Beef Ularthiyathu’, which has become popular in France due to the colonial connection to Bisnaga (south India).

    [6] The word ‘botch’ is also present in American English in TTL but has a slightly different meaning, closer to the related British English word ‘bodge’; both terms imply a hasty, incompetent repair job, but the OTL American term tends to emphasise the incompetence whereas the OTL British (and TTL American) term emphasises the fact that it’s still implied to have worked. In TTL, this word has become the preferred term used by ypologists (computer programmers) to signify a hasty, messy, but functional fix to computer code. Then, by loose connection, a ‘botcher’ is an expert on coding, like ‘hacker’ in OTL. By a similar process of broadening of meaning as OTL, ‘botch’ is now used more generally to signify shortcut or useful trick, like ‘life hack’ in OTL, which is the meaning that Cooper is using.

    [7] (Lt Black’s note) Not every cultural parallel to our world is worth exploring, I feel.

    [8] ‘Versailles’ here signifies the art museum built on the site of the old palace (destroyed during the French Revolution) partly incorporating structures already built there for the 1884 Paris WorldFest (see Part #266 in Volume VII). The lack of a Napoleonic Wars in TTL’s history means that France’s national art collection is not so impressive as OTL, but they did mysteriously acquire a great number of of Dutch Masters (including Rembrandt’s The Nightwatch) in the aftermath of occupying parts of Belgium during and after the Black Twenties.

    [9] ‘Aryan Void’ in this context (referring to the long lawless period in northern India following the Great Jihad) is intended to imply a similar meaning as ‘Wild West’ in OTL, i.e. ‘every man for himself and no rules are enforced’.

    [10] A significant difference to OTL is that railway development in Europe was mostly delayed until after the Popular Wars, after which point some societies had become more democratic and it became harder to forcibly buy up land to build railways.

    [11] I.d.c = slang for ‘Imperials, dixies, cents’, the currency structure of the ENA (1 imperial is worth 10 dixies, 1 dixie is worth 10 cents).

    [12] (Lt Black’s note) Cooper doesn’t really talk about these places having their own film and TV, I mean Motoscope, industries, only how they interact with American ones. I suspect this says more about the audience he’s aiming his talk at than the countries. ‘Frontier films’ appear to be similar to what we’d call Westerns.

    [13] A paraphrase of Christ’s words Matthew 13:56 “A prophet is not without honour except in his own town and his own home” (also recounted in Mark 6:4 and quoted in John 4:44). As in OTL, this phrase is often quoted to describe cases of a person or their work which is widely respected outside their own home town or country, but little known within it.

    [14] ‘Nassau Street’ has the same metonymic implication as ‘Broadway’ in OTL, being the centre of ATL New York’s theatre district.

    [15] See Part #284 in Volume VIII.

    [16] See Part #298 in Volume VIII.

    [17] Associating Bering with the RLPC is, of course, anachronistic.

    [18] Baranovia roughly corresponds to a loose trapezium shape whose corners are (OTL) Abbotsford, BC in the southwest, Houston, BC in the northwest, Medicine Hat, AB in the southeast, and Smoky Lake, AB in the northeast. Essentially, the Americans tried to draw the line that would put the most Russians in the smallest box possible, but the Russian colonists are so widespread that this proved difficult. (Although a lot were ‘encouraged’ to leave areas outside this, such as Alyeska, and move there).

    [19] I.e. from Lake Winnipeg to Guaymas, Sonora, Mexico.

    [20] In OTL terms, the new, reduced Panimaha roughly corresponds to most of Montana and Wyoming, the western halves of North and South Dakota, all of Nebraska, and smaller parts of Colorado and Utah. Its capital remains Flatwater Station (OTL Omaha, NE). New Navarre corresponds to most of Utah as well as Arizona and Sonora. Its capital is the aforementioned St Joseph, reflecting its strategic importance as a naval base (it has been much more built up than the rest of the territory since Imperial takeover).
     
    310
  • Thande

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    Part #310: Dusk of Lilies, Dawn of Rainbows

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    - Political poster seen on Foxbury Street, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Sgt Bob Mumby, December 2020

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    After those…unfortunate interludes, I can now present my opus, without false modesty. Yes, it is a transcript scrapbook of others’ words, but as we have not been fortunate enough to find a single lecture that captures the entire narrative of this vital historical process, I have been forced to combine extracts from multiple lectures. These include two, or three I suppose, speakers we have already heard from, as well as a new lecture on women in politics. I hope the narrative flows without disjointed transitions and my work is appreciated. Now read on…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “A Century of Cytherean Progress” by Dx Jane Lacklin, recorded November 22nd, 2020—

    As I’ve said, there have been many names in the history of just the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that every little girl – and boy – should know, the women who blazed the trail for us today. As well as the countless anonymous workers and strivers behind them, of course. I’ve talked about Lydia Taft, Liberty Grey, LG Manders, Dame Eleanor Cross, just from our own fair shores. Elsewhere, Lady Rachel Russell, Horatie Bonaparte, Emilia Mendoza, Archqueen Henrietta Eugenie,[1] from a handful of other countries. I could speak of others in China, or those whose fight was much longer and harder in Germany or Italy, those who never realised their dreams in the old UPSA before the fall.

    But there is one name that everyone knows. Even a child who knows almost nothing else about France will recognise the name of Madame Héloïse Mercier, née Rouvier. (A little applause) Madame Mercier would have been a great trailblazer for Cythereanism even if her career had ‘only’ reached the heights of serving as Controller-General or Foreign Ministress. But she did far more than that. She was an elected female head of government in an age when that was unthinkable in most nations. Nor was she notable only because of her gender, because she shepherded France through a period of peril and change unlike any other. And, of course, she was instrumental in building the world order that we take for granted today.

    Let’s not get ahead of ourselves, though, but start at the beginning. Héloïse Rouvier was born in 1868, two years later than her longtime nemesis Tsar Paul of Russia, whom she would long outlive. She was born into a political family, albeit not a major one, aligned to the National Party or ‘Verts’ who, at the time, were the major party on the doradist end of French politics. When Héloïse was growing up, the Verts were also the dominant party in the Grand-Parlement. The last government by their rival Diamantine or ‘Rouge’ party had ended in 1878, when she was ten. While she was studying for her university degree – another recent innovation for women in France – and helping her parents campaign, the Verts governed France under Prime Minister Jean Charpentier and then Charles de Saboulin.

    Growing up, Héloïse’s political heroine and icon was Horatie Bonaparte, daughter of Napoleon Bonaparte – or Leo Bone as we often call him – and mother of a son named in his honour, Napoleon Leclerc, who was already a rising figure in the Verts. Horatie, as we’ve discussed, had been a great force fighting for Cytherean rights in France, and had been elected as a femme de robe to the Paris Parlement-Provincial, the highest office for which women could stand at the time (1870). Recognising this inspiration, Héloïse’s father Gabriel envisaged his daughter directly following in Horatie’s footsteps to become a femme de robe herself, but Héloïse had loftier ambitions. In 1891, de Saboulin’s government passed legislation that allowed women to be elected to the Grand-Parlement for the first time, as well as expanding the very limited female suffrage that had formerly existed.

    The first woman elected to the Grand-Parlement was Fabienne de Gontaut in a by-election in 1892, followed by six more – five Verts and one Rouge – at the 1893 general election. Héloïse missed out then, being rejected for her youth, but then had an unexpected turn of luck when Rouge parlementaire Thierry Anciaux resigned only months later. Anciaux’s circonscription (we would say constituency) was the small city of Sens, Champagne Province.[2] Few among the Verts thought the seat was winnable, as Anciaux had run a strong Rouge electoral machine there and de Sabolin’s government had just passed some unpopular tax laws. There was thus little appetite for prospective candidates to try for the race, leaving it open to the ambitious Héloïse.

    Héloïse only had any campaign resources at all because of her parents’ influence, with the party organisation in Champagne Province seeing it as a lost cause. She was dismissed by Anciaux’s presumed Rouge successor, Pierre Lespiau, as ‘une jolie petite fille dans la robe de sa grand-mère’, referring to Héloïse’s practice of wearing the now-outdated ballon juppe dress in honour of Horatie Bonaparte.[3] She retaliated by a broadsheet campaign using the slogan ‘Sens ou Non-sens?’ in which she attacked Lespiau’s lack of local connections and accused his policy positions of being against the economic interests of the people of Sens.

    But it was not by a mere clever slogan, or by family connections, that Héloïse succeeded, but hard work, patience, leadership, and refusal to give up. She had luck and good fortune on her side, yes, when it began to emerge that Anciaux had not retired for health reasons, as he had implied, but to escape prosecution before an embezzlement scandal emerged. But that would not have been enough for the Verts to win the seat, if they had not already had a campaign infrastructure and fired-up volunteers in place to take advantage of the sudden, unexpected Rouge weakness. In the end, Héloïse was elected in a shock upset, at the age of just twenty-five. She had won over the people of Sens, and would continue to receive their support for the remainder of her long political career, despite party changes along the way. Remember that only one woman in five had the vote at the time, too, so she had been elected off the back of winning support from more male voters than female.

    Three years later, the Pandoric War broke out. We are privileged that Héloïse was an inveterate diarist, and captured a record of her impressions throughout much of a chaotic century. Those diaries have now been released in an – almost – unexpurgated form. Of course, she has also exposed herself unintentionally to ridicule by doing so, by preserving the same misconceptions and poor predictions which we all make, recognisable only in hindsight. Her first impressions of her future husband were negative – of course they were, he was a senior figure in the opposing party, and would soon rise to lead it! Who could have truly predicted how the Pandoric War would have gone in those early days of madness? Let us not get sidetracked by such nonsense.

    As you’ll be aware, France adopted a policy of armed neutrality during the war. Prime Minister Leclerc brought the opposition Rouges into a coalition government and appointed their aforementioned leader, Robert Mercier, as Foreign Minister. Héloïse, who had proved herself with tireless work on parliamentary committees, was effectively appointed as his deputy to keep an eye on him for Leclerc. When Mercier fell ill during the ‘Peace Flu’ at the end of the war, Héloïse had to negotiate directly with then-Tsarevich Paul, and the two became nemeses thereafter – though Paul seemed to think about Héloïse much more than the reverse. Héloïse also had to negotiate with the equally misogynistic Lodewijk de Spoelberch of Belgium.[4] She held her own and proved herself, and for that reason alone, became a target of jealousy and innuendo by men of lesser vision – and a few women. Invented rumours of an affair between her and Mercier circulated, and worse.

    After the war, the coalition government broke and Prime Minister Leclerc needed a new Foreign Minister. Héloïse had impressed him enough that he wanted to promote her to the office, whose duties she had effectively already carried out when Mercier was indisposed. But prejudice and pressure led Leclerc to appoint Philippe Soisson instead, a lesser man whose tenure led, in part, to the failure of the IEF, which could have strangled Societism in its cradle.[5] Angered and distressed by the lack of support from her party, Héloïse semi-retired from politics, crossed the floor to the Diamantines and began a relationship with Robert Mercier. Some have said she did so out of spite alone, but that, again, represents the words of her envious rivals. Sens re-elected her despite her party switch and marriage – at the time, it was considered an unspoken rule that while women could have jobs, married women were expected to terminate their careers to focus on their families.

    Robert Mercier was a successful Prime Minister, but also prone to repeated bouts of illness, and – once again – Héloïse would often informally deputise for him. It was a similar arrangement, in some ways, to what we’d later see here in the Empire with Lilian Marley. Héloïse was certainly part of the ‘Mercier Mitigation’ policy that helped shore up French finances in the aftermath of the Panic of 1917, but also ended up hurting Pérousie and Bisnaga. She always retained some popularity in Pérousie, though, because she accompanied King Charles XI on a visit there in 1908 and made an impression the Pérousien people, inspiring women there to fight for representation too. Along with her husband, she had been instrumental in pushing through the 1914 settlement that gave representation to Pérousie in the Grand-Parlement.[6]

    When Robert finally passed away in 1918, leaving Héloïse a widow with two children, Renée and Valéry, the King was so impressed by her that he encouraged the Diamantines to make her the first Prime Ministress then and there. However, aside from prejudice because of her gender, the Diamantine caucus was also rather suspicious of her as a former Vert who still remained on the doradist end of the new party. Instead, Camille Rouillard became Prime Minister, but Héloïse did rise to become the first female Controller-General. It is remarkable that this is technically the first ministerial office she officially held – everything prior to it had been informal deputising!

    The Verts returned to power under Cazeneuve in 1920. When the first phase of the Black Twenties conflict broke out in 1922, Cazeneuve approached Héloïse in opposition and asked her to be his Foreign Ministress as part of a war coalition. Héloïse saw it as a potentially poisoned chalice, knowing that Rouillard and Vincent Pichereau would not follow her and it would split the Diamantines. She would also be painted as a serial traitor. However, both a desire to do the right thing and an ambition to finally be recognised for her work at the Tuilleries inspired her to agree.[7] By doing so, she inadvertently set the first pebbles of the avalanche in motion that would lead to the destruction of a French party system that had endured for more than seven decades.

    At the end of the war in Europe, that party system crumbled. Politics in France had become defined by one’s support or opposition to the continuation of the war in the midst of the plague pandemic, with formerly defining economic questions falling by the wayside. Héloïse was effectively the leader of the pro-war Rouge faction in coalition with Cazeneuve’s dwindling pro-war Vert faction, while on the opposite side, Vincent Pichereau of the anti-war Rouges now plotted to team up with Roger Marin’s anti-war Verts.[8] Both sides adopted a coupon election strategy in which selected candidates would be endorsed on the basis of their war positioning, regardless of their pre-war party membership. With Cazeneuve caught offguard – and this being presented by Héloïse’s enemies as another example of her alleged ‘serial backstabbing’ – French politics would now be dominated by the division between the pro-war Saphirs, as they became known, and the anti-war Rubis. This would become an ancestral distinction important long after the war itself retreated into memory.

    When you read about this in history books, the writers often act as though the parties had just transformed overnight. That’s not the case. Both sides were still extremely loose alliances of people who had been in bitterly-opposed, mutually incompatible factions before the war. Héloïse was a good manager of her party, especially with help from her right-hand man Alain Orliac, but both she and Pichereau could not rely on a solid majority in the way that the pre-war parties had. A government in a seemingly-comfortable position could unexpectedly fall when certain factions withdrew their support over a crucial bill without warning. It is important to understand this when seeing how volatile and unstable French politics were in the Electric Circus era, with governments rarely lasting a full term before fresh elections were called.

    Pichereau managed to lead a Rubis government from 1926 to 1929, at which point it collapsed and Héloïse was swept to power – helped, according to some, by a certain Cytherean incident at the Paris Technological Expo just before the election. France’s first female Controller-General, her first Foreign Ministress, had now become her first Prime Ministress. It was an extraordinary rise. Some say Héloïse is not a good role model for girls because she came from a privileged family with political connections. But that is, as she might say, Non-sens. Yes, those advantages helped give her a shot at the Grand-Parlement, but everything else was her own work. She certainly faced more opposition than a male politician from a poor background in this era would have. Her success and popularity survived multiple occasions of burning bridges with her original party and all the connections it brought. Nor was her rise meteoric; it required years of patient hard work, and being unrecognised for much of it, before she reached the highest elected office in the land. At the age of sixty-one, she was the first elected female head of government of a major country in the history of the world.

    Nor was her first term in power an easy one. Héloïse inherited a growing crisis in both Pérousie and Bisnaga…

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    After that introduction, I will avoid repeating sections covering events in those countries during Madame Mercier’s first term, and instead quote the parts describing what followed on from the end of that term.

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “Revolt and Ramification” by Dr Adrian Radley, recorded November 24th, 2020—

    …before I go on, I should try to give a fair hearing to Loïc Caouissin. In France, and certainly in Bisnaga and Pérousie, he is popularly known simply as ‘the man who lost the Empire’. It is inarguably true that his policies, at the very least, hastened the split between France and her erstwhile colonies. Nonetheless, M. Caouissin has seen some attempts to rehabilitate his legacy of late. There are a number of comparisons to be made to our own President Faulkner. (Audience murmurs)

    Caouissin was a member of the Breton minority within France, born outside the city of Nantes. Although the region has been politically stereotyped as being on the ultra doradist end due to the number of politicians who run on its Chouan loyalist history during the Jacobin Wars, there are also plenty of cobrist Bretons, and Caoussin had been a moderate Diamantine. He was born in 1874 and served in the IEF as a medic, coming from a medical family – his father and brother were both qualified doctors and his sister was a leading nurse. After the intervention in South America was over, Caouissin studied economics at the University of Bordeaux, then worked for Caisse Française before deciding to enter politics in the aftermath of the Panic of 1917.[9] Ironically, he was partly inspired to do so due to being impressed by the ‘Mercier Mitigation’ policies of Robert and Héloïse Mercier, and feeling the Diamantine Party needed economically literate voices to defend those decisions against populist attacks. Of course, the primary disadvantage of the Mitigation had been that it had allowed the hammer to fall on Bisnaga and Pérousie rather than France herself, and Caouissin’s approval hinted at his own legislative priorities.

    Like many doctor’s sons, Caouissin was morally opposed to war, and his experiences in South America had only sharpened that resolve. In the Grand-Parlement, he found himself opposing Héloïse Mercier when she joined Cazeneuve’s war government. Caouissin became a prominent speaker during the Black Twenties, arguing that it was inhumane to continue war while the plague was ravaging Europe. He faced many attacks, verbal and occasionally physical, for supposedly being a crypto-Societist as a consequence. But he also volunteered to help with the plague-fighting efforts, efforts which would rob his brother Arnaud of his life, like those of so many doctors and nurses who put their own safety on the line to save others.

    As the end of the war loomed, Caouissin worked with Vincent Pichereau to forge the new Rubis alliance with Roger Marin. He served as Controller-General in Pichereau’s post-war Rubis cabinet from 1926 to 1929. When Pichereau lost power, most expected Marin to be his successor as party leader, but Caouissin was able to outmanoeuvre him and secure more support from the diverse, chaotic party caucus. During his time in opposition, Caouissin became noted for a critical style of holding the government to account, often praising the intentions and efforts of Madame Mercier and her government whilst critiquing the details. Le Courrier Français famously described his approach as ‘cold, precise, examining, like a coroner pronouncing a policy deceased’.[10]

    That sums up both Caouissin’s advantages and problems as a politician. His intelligence and knowledge were obvious and widely respected, with most opposing ministers dreading to go up against his cross-examination. But he could also seem cold, emotionless, unfeeling, despite all his compassion during the plague years. Marin disparagingly nicknamed him ‘Le docteur anglais’.

    Madame Mercier had won the election of 1929 and, after her shaky majority fell, secured a slightly stronger minority position in 1933. However, the volatile nature of French parties at the time meant that this would not last. Late in 1934, her government fell and Caouissin was able to weld together his own coalition, then secure a narrow majority at the 1935 snap election. Mercier stepped down as leader of the Saphirs, but would return in 1937 when her successor, Jérôme Mesnard, found himself unable to hold the fractious caucus together.

    Even without a divided party and the bitter Marin sulking on the backbenches, Caouissin would have had a troubled portfolio. Shortly after the 1935 general election, King Charles XI passed away and was succeeded by his son as Henri V, a regnal name that had not been used since the seventeenth century. The erstwhile Dauphin, whose more than adequate supply of middle names would have allowed him to be the more conventional Charles XII or Louis XIX if he had preferred, was sending a message. The 1930s were a time of change, new ideas, new technology. Henri had been good friends with Prince Francesco, Duke of Venice, who at the time was mostly known as a wastrel adventurer grandson of the exiled and deposed King Paolo of Sicily.[11] He had made his name in the 1920s, while the rest of the world was consumed with the Black Twenties, by exploring unsearched regions of the Pérousien Arrière-pays, and had become a popular legend in Pérousien society with both rich and poor.

    So one of Caouissin’s first headaches was organising a coronation for King Henri. All sorts of controversies erupted to cast a stain on Caouissin’s overseas policies; until the King himself intervened, there would have been no recognition of Pérousie or Bisnaga in the ancient ceremony. An asimcon of Caouissin looking uncomfortable next to a Pérousien Indien tribal leader holding a spear, about to pledge allegiance to the King, was widely circulated in the Pérousien press. Caouissin also allegedly described Bisnagi banners there as ‘garish’ or ‘savage’; researchers have since found that the comments were made by one of the footmen there and misattributed to the Prime Minister. However, the fact that he found himself unable to separate himself from the accusations illustrate that Caouissin’s genius for economics did not extend to the vital skill of managing the media.

    And genius he certainly was. Today, revisionist historians in France claim that Caouissin’s profound reforms to France’s tax code and state are largely responsible for its continuing reputation for economic strength to this day. Many of the economic good times of Mercier’s two premierships, they argue, are actually the fruit of policies passed by Caouissin, first as Controller-General under Pichereau and then as Prime Minister himself. While Mercier had already liberalised the voting franchise, it was Caouissin who finally made French suffrage fully universal and equal for the Grand-Parlement. He created the Crown Insurance (Assurance de la Coronne) scheme which underwrote pensions and basic free health insurance for French subjects, and formed the basis of more comprehensive institutions later.[12] Of course, England had had similar institutions for decades (lending fuel to Marin’s portrayal of Caouissin as an Englishman) but unlike England, France had a stable and widely trusted economy that could be trusted to underwrite the scheme. By contrast, Scotland, with a smaller and less stable economy than England, had already scaled back the national insurance scheme it had inherited from the People’s Kingdom, after several pension funds collapsed during the Panic of 1917. Hence all those ratiocinic stories from the 1930s and 40s involving plots where Scots try to cross the River Tweed to access English hospitals…but I’m getting off-topic.

    I mentioned that Caouissin is sometimes compared to President Faulkner, and yes, some say he took inspiration from Social Americanism. (Murmurs). But though he focused much of his attention on building the foundations of what would become the modern welfare state, he has received remarkably little credit for it, until recently. No, all we know about Caouissin is that he lost the Empire. And he lost it mainly because he was not interested in it. Again, we could make comparisons to Faulkner.

    A lot of the abuses and mistakes that are laid at Caouissin’s door are really an indirect result of him relying on inadequate and brutal men to cover the colonial portfolios. Remember, he was horse-trading between many factions of his fractious party, and when his own priorities were domestic, why not throw his party-balancing political sinecures at the colonial offices? While Caouissin focused on balancing France’s national debt – very ably, I might add – he was putting former Noir Party Linnaeans in charge of administering mostly non-white, mostly non-Christian Bisnaga, or having stuffy aristocratic ultraroyalistes be the ones whom Pérousien campaigners had to talk to. It is small wonder that those two countries, their patience with France already deteriorating, now began to build towards open revolt…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture on “Pérousie: Your Distant Next-Door Neighbour” by Dr Raoul Rouqet and Olivia Hughes, recorded November 8th, 2020—

    In the mid-1930s, few among the casinos of Jersey and Pampelune would have given you good odds for a bet that a crisis was coming with Pérousie – and Bisnaga. Madame Mercier had been unable to come up with a permanent settlement, and now she had been replaced by that idiot Caouissin, who cared not for events beyond the borders of his balancesheet. Conflict seemed inevitable. And, perhaps, it was, but few could have foreseen the three triggers, the events that together ignited what became known as the Crise de ’37.

    Firstly: the one closest to home for you Americans. As you know – hopefully (Audience chuckles) – during and after the Pandoric War, the exilic Irish people living in what were then the Mexican provinces of Nueva Irland, formerly Norte Nuevo Santander, and Tejas y Luisiana, were encouraged to break away and fight for the ENA in return for independence. The ENA government kept their promise – it does happen occasionally (Audience laughter) – and the independent Kingdom of Nueva Irlanda, or New Ireland, was created. At first it was in personal union with the Empire, but later switched to being in personal union with old Ireland. The Irish abroad could finally travel freely home, to find that the ‘Auld Sod’ was not always what they had expected. Perhaps more importantly, the old Irish discovered the joys of cheap holidays to sun, sea and sand, and promptly got badly sunburnt. (Audience murmurs of agreement)

    The unforeseen problem at the time was that, while the old province of Nueva Irlanda had had most of the Irish-descended people of Mexico, a substantial minority were in Tejas y Luisiana. But the majority of the people there were Canadiens, or Canajuns as you call them, descendants of the people expelled or…‘encouraged’ to leave Quebec, Cubwick as you call it, after the Wars of Supremacy.[13] Some American politicians wanted to annex these lands to the Empire, but in the end, as one of the compromises at the peace table, they ended up being appended to the independence Kingdom of Nueva Irlanda. This left Nouvelle-Orléans as a separated part of Westernesse, and soon the problems of trying to include Nouvelle-Orléans in Westernesse and Imperial politics – though they would eventually be resolved after the Black Twenties – discouraged further attempts from taking these lands for the Empire.

    In the early years after the Pandoric War, the large Canajun minority in the new, expanded Nueva Irlanda were largely content. They had allied with the New Irish in the past against what they saw as Mexican government tyranny. They were both Catholic peoples and had most feared being ruled by Protestant-supremacist Americans, as well as including some black and Tortolian blood which could potentially run afoul of the American prejudices of the day. Nueva Irlanda seemed a pluralistic state in which both Canajun and New Irish could live in harmony. Then came the War of Tongues, as it was known.

    Nueva Irlanda’s lingua franca had always been Spanish, the language of Mexico, New Spain, and the Hermandad. When the New Irish had arrived, they had come speaking English or Gaelic, but had largely forgotten both, especially the latter. The Canajuns continued speaking French…their form of French within their community, but conducted outward-facing business in Spanish.

    In 1936, a new government was elected in the capital of Laredo, led by Patrick O’Flaherty Hernández. Hernández felt that Nueva Irlanda needed a new, forward-looking identity to seize the opportunities of the future, and not simply being subsumed beneath the economic giant of the ENA within the Philadelphia Bloc. Though he had grown up in a Spanish-speaking family, he found that Spanish was an increasingly less relevant language on the world stage when conducting business. The Societists were busy trying to eradicate it within the territory they controlled, which coincided with most of the areas in which Spanish had ever been spoken. Only Mexico, Guatemala and a few other nations remained free, and were a global irrelevance compared to other powers like the ENA, France or Russia. Hernández argued that in order to be able to compete globally, Nueva Irlanda needed to adopt English as its lingua franca, which would also bring it into line with old Ireland.[14] In other words, from now on all schools would teach primarily or exclusively in English.

    This was received with little controversy among the New Irish, who had had sufficient contact with the old Irish by now not to associate English with the English people or the ENA, especially as Hernández intended to use an official version of English that at least paid lip service to the unique dialects and usagees within old Ireland. However, it was seen as an existential threat by the Canajuns and radicalised them into high-level protest and a violent campaign of terrorism led by future political leader René Perrault. Shocked by the response, Hernández called on help from the ENA to subdue the uprising, which led to outrage in turn among the people of France. Opposition leader Jérôme Mesnard called upon the government to invoke the Malraux Doctrine and fight for French-speakers under foreign oppression. Open conflict between those erstwhile allies of the Black Twenties, France and the ENA, seemed possible. (Audience murmurs)

    The second trigger of La Crise came in Poland. The old Duc de Berry, who had led France as Dictateur during the Black Twenties, had been installed as King Louis II of Greater Poland after the war. In 1937 he passed away unexpectedly, leading to a diplomatic crisis. Succession to the throne was electoral, and even though the French had the Election Sejm in their pocket, they still needed to provide a credible candidate. Berry’s own son was not interested and was considered unsuitable. Caouissin’s government scrabbled around desperately trying to dig up a Polish king, and they were fortunate that the Russians were too busy blaming each other after the Pendzhab debacle to take advantage of the situation. After King Henri suggested his friend the Duke of Venice, and was quietly told non (Audience laughter) the Election Sejm was eventually persuaded to pick the Duc de Broglie, who you may remember as France’s ambassador here in Fredericksburg during the Black Twenties, and he became King Victor.

    The third trigger was perhaps the biggest and most significant. None of the ones I’ve mentioned so far came in Pérousie, or Bisnaga. And, technically, nor was this. The third trigger was the Mauré War of Independence.

    Now I am a Pérousien and I would not claim to speak for our Mauré brethren. So I will not discuss this conflict in detail. Of course, on paper Autiaraux was already independent; but since the Pandoric War, the nation had become a subordinate vassal of France for protection against Russia, fearful of revenge for Wehihimana’s attack on Gavaji. As I said, I won’t go into detail about the economic and other factors that provoked resentment among the Mauré people and united their fractious iwis into a coherent response. Suffice to say that they did, expelling French residents and troops, cutting Lectel lines, defying orders from Paris.

    Caouissin’s response – or I should say, his government’s response – was to send in the fleet. The fleet in question was commanded by Admiral François Guibal. He was the younger brother of Alain Guibal, a politician, who had served as Controller-General under Cazeneuve.[15] Guibal had fought in the Pacific in the Black Twenties and had served under that fool Chambord, so he was well aware of how we Pérousiens might react to a new French fleet in our back yard.

    What made it such a crisis, in French eyes, was that opposition forces were now working together. Striking workers and revolting sepoys in Bisnaga teamed up with the Wodeyars and other aristocracy there, and secretly sabotaged elements of the fleet when it refuelled and rearmed in Bisnagi ports. The same happened with our own workers in Pérousie, and French sailors on shore leave…well, let’s not get into that. Guibal took on board some Pérousien troops to subdue the Mauré uprising. I must be quite frank and say that there have often been…tensions between we Pérousiens and the Mauré, and there had been race riots in Mauréville when news of the rebellion arrived. I am not proud of that. I say it only to explain why, despite the fact that most Pérousiens increasingly hated the idea of a French fleet visiting, Guibal nonetheless got plenty of troops ready to kill Mauré rebels.

    To be honest, though, all that sabotage was more symbolic than anything. Guibal was a good commander with good captains under him, capable of managing problems, and by the time his flagship – the ill-named Amiral Chambord – reached Autiaraux, most of those sabotages had been found and undone. What happened at Waitemata Bay was not thanks to the work of those saboteurs, brave and principled though it was to show solidarity with the Mauré, but thanks to the decisions made by one man. Guibal is a complex figure, but at the end of the day, he was a good man who believed in French honour, and there were lines he would not cross...

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “Revolt and Ramification” by Dr Adrian Radley, recorded November 24th, 2020—

    “Admiral Guibal’s Non”, as it became known, has entered the founding mythos of both Bisnaga and Pérousie, and arguably marks the beginnings of modern France as well. I shouldn’t need to describe it to you, as it’s been depicted in film many times – albeit often with a slant on how it is presented, of course. Diversitarian interpretations aside, I wince at how the 1978 version of L’Affrontement portrays the Mauré fleet lining the bay as being composed of old armourclads with sailing masts! The Mauré were certainly at a profound disadvantage, but their ships were 1890s post-Liaodong coal-fired sub-lionhearts and protected frigates, many of them sold to them by the Siamese when they had updated their own fleet after the Pandoric War.[16] They were certainly not helpless lambs to the slaughter, and the world had already seen what even outnumbered and outgunned Mauré could achieve when Wehihimana took Gavaji from the Russians.

    But I will avoid nitpicking. Guibal defied his orders from Caouissin, or rather, Caouissin’s rather brutal and unreconstructed war minister, Olivier Fiquet, and refused to open fire on the Mauré fleet protecting the capital of Tetaitocquerau [Auckland]. Pérousien troops had already been landed on the peninsula, and a pernicious rumour spread that Guibal had abandoned them there to the mercies of the Mauré – keen to take revenge, doubtless, for the race riots directed at their compatriots in Pérousie. In fact, Guibal had retrieved the Pérousien troops under cover of darkness, but the secrecy of the operation meant that, as they say, a lie can run around the world before the truth can get its boots on.

    It is important to distinguish between specific incidents and the broad tides of history. Bisnaga and Pérousie did not seek to break away from France because of the Crisis of 1937. It merely brought to a head the resentment that had been boiling beneath the surface for years, growing more organised and united. Various disparate groups were being brought together, both in Pérousie and especially in Bisnaga. A little earlier, in 1936, what became known to history as the Concert of Bangalore united travailliste – sorry, ‘worker-ist’ – lower-caste movements, discontented aristocrats, sepoys, Hindus, Muslims, Christians, even a number of Métis, or Franco-Bisnagis as they are known today. Figures from Maharajah Chamaraja Wodeyar XII, to Thomas Mathieu, to Haider Arshad and Ram Mahesh, now stood shoulder to shoulder. A fresh rolling wave of strikes had already begun to cripple Bisnaga before Guibal’s fleet called in for supplies and received a rude awakening. Governor-General de Fontenoy and the FEIC, through their pocket sympathetic parlementaires in Paris, clamoured for a resolution. Pérousien-recruited police and militia switched sides to join the Concert themselves.

    In another era, especially in a less chaotic political landscape, perhaps there might have been a climate in Paris whereby a Prime Minister could rally the people’s anger to subdue these upstart colonies by force. Some certainly tried...

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “A Century of Cytherean Progress” by Dx Jane Lacklin, recorded November 22nd, 2020—

    ...as I said, when Héloïse took power for the first time, Pérousie and Bisnaga were already drifting away from the old united French Empire that some crusty old aristocrats and businessmen in the Grand-Parlement dreamed of. Héloïse did what she could to stem the bleeding, but she could not work miracles. And whatever one might say of his domestic achievements, Caouissin had thrown away what progress she had made. Bisnaga and Pérousie were now both, in very different ways, in open revolt against Parisian rule.

    Olivier Fiquet resigned his post for failing to subdue the Mauré uprising. There were calls from conservatives to recall Admiral Guibal and subject him to a court-martial. This naturally angered his brother Alain, who shifted from a neutral back-bench position to support Héloïse. Her new coalition became known as ‘Les Deux Alains’ because she had always been supported by Alain Orliac in addition. The aged Admiral Chambord, who had been elected to the Grand-Parlement largely as a sinecure, made an impassioned speech. To his credit, he expressed regret that his actions during the war had poisoned relations with Pérousie, stating that in Opération Quiberon the Pérousiens had ‘fought so bravely that men should compare the Spartans to them, and not the other way around’. He also praised the Mauré, albeit with the rather left-handed compliment that ‘there are no finer warriors in the world, when under French leadership’.

    Chambord stated that no man should relish the prospect of war, and that if brother slew brother it would be a heinous shame. But, he said, with a heavy heart, war was necessary to subdue these rebels in Bisnaga, Pérousie and Autiaraux. All three shared historical links to France, the French language and culture, in different ways; and if France allowed them to go their separate way without a fight, she would be called weak, helpless. She would become the target of expansionist powers closer to home, and those countries that lived free because of French protection would no longer feel protected. ‘A brief and bitter war now or a never-ending one later’ was how he summed up his view.

    Naturally, the significant number of Pérousien parlementaires in the Grand-Parlement – though some had become abstentionist in protest – reacted violently to Chambord’s words. Héloïse, however, rose and called for calm. She acknowledged Chambord’s war service and that he had not shied away from the costs of war. She made two counter-arguments, which have become known as ‘the Price of Peace’ and ‘the Freedom to Be’.

    Firstly, she referred to an itemised economic analysis completed by Alain Guibal, which looked at state revenue from Bisnaga (in particular) measured against the estimated costs of a bloody campaign to subdue the Concert. Héloïse showed that the vast trade wealth of the early years of colonialism in India had tapered off; though Bisnaga had been largely spared the Jihad, the costs of recovering from the Jihad was not the only reason why other colonial powers had begun retreating from India. Even if Bisnaga magically returned to quiescence after only six months of conflict, Héloïse demonstrated, the current economic model showed that it would take the French treasury decades for postwar Bisnagi trade and tax revenues to outweigh the cost of that war. A similar argument applied elsewhere. This argument is less often referred to, but had an important short-term impact, as we’ll see.

    Secondly, and more importantly for world history, Héloïse argued for the freedom of nations to choose their own identity and path. Surprisingly, considering this speech’s importance for the genesis of mainstream political Diversitarianism, Héloïse recorded in her diaries that she only came across that term for the first time in 1926, and initially found the Diversitarians of that day rather strange people.[17] However, like many politicians, she had become more and more concerned about Societism, especially after spending much of her first term attempting to shore up the ‘Spanish March’ against the Societist regime growing to the south. The Societists, Héloïse argued, tried to suppress differences for their own ends. In order to fight them, then, nations should embrace diversity and freedom of expression. A land should not simply be regarded as a slice of the French state transplanted to a far corner of the globe, but as a rainbow shard in which French language and culture would merge with other elements to produce something new. So long as Paris tried to declare how Pérousie should think, Pérousie could only ever be an inferior copy of France; but if Pérousie was allowed to embrace its own identity, a new nation was born – and every unique nation was another bullet in the magazine of the global struggle against Societism.

    There was more to it than that, of course. At the time, the exchange most publicised was quite different to what has been remembered. The former Noir politician Thierry Vachaud, who had been uncomfortable partners with Héloïse in the Duc de Berry’s war government, stated that unless the unity of the French Empire could be saved, Héloïse’s ‘new nations’ would be ‘no more friendly to France or French interests than Abyssinia or Corea...a newly painted part of the world map, with our historical connections forgotten, all the Frenchmen who lived and died to build those lands wiped from history’. Héloïse retorted that ‘unity through bondage is no unity at all... better fair-weather friends than sworn enemies...if we fight for unity at any cost, as the gentleman advocates,[18] the cost of our treasury, our boys’ lives, our honour and reputation...we will succeed only in creating another UPSA to our Spain. Ask the Spaniards today whether they regret that decision!’

    Her words struck home in part because she was drawing attention to the failures of the French to prevent Spain from being taken over by the Societists. The implication was not only that the UPSA had risen in opposition to Spanish colonial rule, but it had eventually fallen to an ideology that now was in the process of destroying Spanish history and culture itself. Héloïse went on to argue that the French crown could not invoke the Malraux Doctrine to argue for the freedom of the Canajuns in New Ireland, whilst simultaneously suppressing Bisnagi culture, enforcing the use of French as a language of administration, and depriving Pérousiens of the freedom to choose their own destiny. Why did the mostly European-descended French-speakers of New Ireland deserve the right to rule themselves – no-one was advocating bringing them back under the rule of Paris – and the Pérousiens, from a similar background, did not?

    It would be understating the case to say that not everyone agreed with her, of course. The debate over the Crisis of ’37 split France, not simply in geographical or socio-economic terms, but in a way that divided families and villages against themselves. For decades later, to call someone a trente-septard or “37er” implied that they had been a radicalised firebrand for one side or the other at the time, and that had influenced their politics ever since. The term is even used today, though it no longer literally means someone who had their formative political years at the time, as few of those are still with us.

    Nonetheless, Héloïse got her way in part because of her first argument – today almost forgotten – her economic argument, backed up by Guibal’s analysis. Caouissin himself examined Guibal’s work, made a number of changes and corrections, and concluded that Guibal was right. It is important to remember that Caouissin himself had never been too directly involved with colonial matters, merely trusting in the men of little ability that he had thrown in the relevant ministries to shore up the balance of his divided party. Now, the Crisis had made him truly care for the first time, and Héloïse’s economic argument genuinely changed his mind, making him feel that decolonisation was inevitable. Let it be made by choice and not after a bitter, bloody and ultimately futile war.

    There was probably no majority for Héloïse’s position in the Grand-Parlement, but by the sitting Prime Minister publicly switching sides, the pro-unity or ‘Chambordiste’ position disintegrated. Caouissin’s government fell and fresh elections were called, with Héloïse returning to power at the head of a still-diverse but more united Saphir party. The election had been seen as a referendum on the future course of France in the world, and the people had endorsed Héloïse’s push for negotiations over bloodily suppressing the revolts. They were also receptive to Alain Orliac’s argument that to try and fail to suppress them would hurt France’s position far worse than Chambord’s warnings about France being seen as weak for giving up.

    Chambord was not entirely wrong. Here in the ENA, perceptions of France as a fading power began in part due to Héloïse’s decision to begin negotiating towards decolonisation. Traditional French allies from the Marseilles Protocol and the Bouclier became jittery about French support in the event of future wars, and likely only Russia’s internal paralysis and labour unrest at the time meant that such wars were not immediately realised. Furthermore, once begun, the decolonisation process would be long, harsh, and divisive, with much bitterness on both sides. It would not truly be completed until the 1950s, by which point Héloïse’s time in power was long over.

    Nonetheless, there were also unexpected positives to the move. Through happenstance of history, other than the outpost of Arguin, France had never colonised Africa – though many of her allies had. I emphasise that this had never been a deliberate decision. Few now know that France actually possessed Dakar in Guinea before the Third War of Supremacy, or that Resnais had had ambitions of making Algiers French in the 1850s. (Audience reaction) But intentions don’t matter, reality does. France was admired by many African rulers, who had been sending their sons to the University of Paris for years.[19] Now, by choosing of its own free will (sort of) to embrace a policy of decolonisation, particularly in Bisnaga, those Africans – and others in the colonised world – began to see the French government, and Héloïse in particular, as a potential champion. Her rhetoric was an attack not only on colonialism, but also on the foe that the Africans were beginning to see as even deadlier than the European colonial powers.

    A few years later would come the Toulon Conference and the beginnings of what many would call mainstream political Diversitarianism...

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    There is much more to say about this, of course, but I am afraid I will have to cut it short there – I have just heard that there is an exhibition on Chinese aerospace history in Philadelphia! It is about to end, so I am going to travel there by train (this version of America is far more civilised in some ways). I must apologise for leaving you hanging in this manner, but I am sure that I will obtain some new insights there to bring back for a future session...au revoir.

    *

    (Capt. MacCauley’s note)

    There, I knew that would get rid of him. OK, Bobby, bring in those other transcripts.












    [1] Lacklin is being inadvertently anachronistic with the title here – when Henrietta Eugenie was consort of Francis II of Austria, the title was still Empress (ostensibly Holy Roman Empress).

    [2] Lacklin is using a typically American way of identifying provinces which would sound unnatural to a French-speaker.

    [3] See Part #228 in Volume VI.

    [4] See Parts #243 and #250 in Volume VI.

    [5] See Part #253 in Volume VII. Note the common mistaken assumption that the purpose of the IEF mission was to stop the Societists, which was never the case.

    [6] See Parts #270 and #275 in Volume VII.

    [7] See Part #281 in Volume VIII.

    [8] See Parts #291 and #297 in Volume VIII. Note that Lacklin is giving a simplified version of events, such as ignoring the Jet/Noir split or the Emerald League distinction.

    [9] (La) Caisse Française is the central bank of France. The French in TTL have carried over the stigma of the word ‘bank’ (banque) in their language which it acquired after the failure of John Law’s Mississippi Company and the associated Banque Générale in 1720. In OTL Napoleon successfully cleansed the word of its negative association by establishing a new stable Bank of France in 1800, which endures to this day.

    [10] Not the same as the OTL newspaper of that name published between the 1880s and 1910s.

    [11] See Part #210 in Volume V. Note that Francesco’s title is just a meaningless claim; Paolo claimed the kingship of Naples or ‘the Three Sicilies’, which had never even controlled Venice.

    [12] The use of the word crown here is meant in the sense of state. ‘National’ and ‘State’ adjectives for the centralised insurance are being avoided here because one of them has political partisan connotations and the other evokes Lisieux’s abuses.

    [13] See Part #27 in Volume I.

    [14] Irish Gaelic is effectively extinct as a living language in Ireland as of the 1930s, aside perhaps from a handful of isolated rural areas, though in a few years there will be attempts at cultural revivals and its use for signage and terminology.

    [15] See Part #296 in Volume VIII.

    [16] I.e. the Mauré ships, though still outdated for the 1930s, incorporated post-Lionheart protection against Boulin shells as described in Part #220 in Volume V.

    [17] See Part #300 in Volume VIII.

    [18] Héloïse Mercier is deliberately using the ‘gentleman’ terminology to irritate the performatively egalitarian Vachaud (see Part #296 in Volume VIII).

    [19] See Part #293 in Volume VIII.
     
    311
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #311: Failure to Launch

    “DO ULTRATELLURIANS WALK AMONG US?
    Learn the Real Facts, Know the Controversy

    Professor Paul X. Zoroaster (As Seen On Motoscopy)

    November 14th, East Falmouth Social Club, York Street
    Part of the ALTERNATIVE Fairfax LectureFest!”


    - Home-made advertisement poster seen on Beverley Crescent, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Sgt Bob Mumby, December 2020

    *

    (Capt. MacCauley’s note)

    Right…it looks like we finally have an opportunity to cover some important matters, like improvements in science, technology, and of course military hardware.

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    They say this was an era of peace. But that’s a relative term, and Eurocentric or whatever you want to call it.

    (Capt. MacCauley’s note)

    OK…but there were still a lot of developments and theorising in the military sphere. Let’s see how things worked out – while we can. You put together a few different extracts, right?

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    Right. And I don’t feel the need to go on about it…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture “The Age of the Steerable” by Jimmy Goodville, recorded November 17th, 2020—

    …they say that the Pandoric War killed the steerable. That we have to end there. Well, ladies and gentlemen, if you check your watches, you’ll find that either I’ve misjudged the length of this talk and you get to go home early (Audience chuckles) or ‘they’ are wrong.

    We like big, simple stories so we don’t have to hurt our heads thinking about history and progress. Optel replaced the mail courier, Lectel replaced Optel, Photel replaced Lectel, Motoscopy and quisters replaced Lectel. Except you know that’s not how it works. You probably got a letter in the mail this morning. Lectelgrams aren’t common anymore, but they still have holdover purposes. We still listen to Photel, in our mobiles and often at home, too. Technologies do not simply replace each other according to a simplistic succession. The same that’s true of communications is also true of my field, aerospace engineering.

    I’ve told you about the heyday of the steerable, between the 1830s and the 1890s. Yes, it became clear in the Pandoric War that steerables had been left behind by a new era of warfare – too slow and vulnerable to newer counterdrome weapons and, of course, dromes themselves. But if steerables were no longer fit for frontline fighting, they still had a role to play in that war and thereafter. War journalists flew about Carolina in steerables dyed purple for neutrality, covering that climactic fight.[1] Before Photel, and with dromes short-range, when Lectel cables were severed steerables could often still be the fastest way to communicate with such cut-off regions. Steerables played an important role in the West Indies and Drakesland fronts for that reason. And that is just speaking of the Empire, of course; in regions with fewer dromes, such as the war in the Cape and the Sino-Siamese front, steerables could remain relevant in scouting and even bombing roles.

    It is true to say that, in the First Interbellum, opinion began to turn against steeerables. There were even accusations that they were somehow ‘unsafe’ due to the number of high-profile incidents of them being shot down by the newer, more glamorous dromes. Furthermore, the use of dromes in the Scientific Attack by the Societists had shown their terrifying potential. (Audience reaction). Throughout this era between the Pandoric War and the Black Twenties, aerospace attention typically focused on dromes – aeroscrew dromes, that is, or propeller dromes as they were often called at the time – and not on steerables. Steerables were yesterday’s news, it seemed. Yet, again, there was plenty of fighting in this supposed era of peace, especially with the Societist invasions of the Nusantara, and steerables played a major role in these fields away from the growing drome armadas of the great powers.

    Nonetheless, most people in 1922 would see steerables as a fading technology, relegated only to civilian and support uses, increasingly overshadowed by the drome by reputation even in non-military cases. Indeed, war in the the early part of the Black Twenties saw a great emphasis on dromes – whether the aero heroics of famous pilots, or the shock of the bloody Shiraz Massacre. Like the Scientific Attack, it showed what dromes could do in the hands of the truly ruthless. (Murmurs)

    But the story of dromes in the Black Twenties is similar to the, perhaps better-known, story of the protgun. After years of fear of the ‘Tsar’s Armart Legions’ and the Russians crossing the Oder, the plague ripped through Europe and brought the front lines to a standstill. Protguns and dromes both require not only skilled pilots, or drivers, and crews, but they also require a well-trained engineering support team behind the scenes. The plague constantly tore holes in this organisation and made it difficult for both the Protocol-Bouclier and Vitebsk Pact forces to assemble enough dromes, or protguns, to achieve a breakthrough. War regressed into mass marches of infantry supported by ruinous artillery, both roles for which replacements could be trained to at least a basic level on a short timescale. Brutally speaking, an army could replace an infantryman, or even an infantry officer, much more easily than it could a trained pilot or engineer with years of experience. (Audience reaction)

    In this bleak new era, little noted at the time, the steerable enjoyed something of a revival. Steerables also required trained crews, of course, but there was a substantial pool of older steerable operators who were, generally, not called up for frontline infantry service. Steerables could not only provide support behind the lines, but even sometimes return to their old role of reconnaissance, trusting in the woeful state of the enemy’s drome forces. Even in cases like the War of 1926, where the Societists were able to achieve aero supremacy (Murmurs) their celagii could not be everywhere. Steerables still had their role to play. And, like the Pandoric War, I’m talking about the clashes between the great powers here. In places like Abyssinia, Pendzhab and especially the Matetwa Empire, non-European or -Novamundine powers often had access to steerables that had been sold off by others, and recruited trained crews to fly them. And over the capitals of both types of nations, steerables flew displaying slogans urging men to volunteer, women to work in the factories, and everyone to do their part in changing their behaviour to combat the plague.

    After the Black Twenties, then, steerables enjoyed something of a revival. Their time in the frontline military sphere was recognised to be over, once drome forces were reconstituted, but their appearance as a symbol of hope overhead during the dark times had captured the public imagination. The passenger steerable, which had only appealed to a small minority of wealthy travellers and for short distances when it first appeared in the early 1890s, now underwent something of a democratisation. The size and scale of the steerables ballooned – no pun intended (Audience laughter). The first transatlantic steerable flight had taken place in 1911, but had been nothing more than a novelty at the time. Now, the 1930s saw a craze for gigantic, luxurious steerables, largely capturing the market from the ocean steam liners that had been popular in the 1910s.[2] We have all seen the pictures of the Leif Erikson majestically docking to the mast out on Long Island. Nor were all the steerables in the Atlantic. Pérousie built the Mouroan and her sister craft to shave days off the rail journey from one end of the continent to the other, and beyond to Autiaraux and Singapur.[3] We think of them less here in the ENA because the same setup did not catch on here.

    The same is true in the Combine, of course (Murmurs) but, again, steerables remained a useful tool in Africa, as the Societists sought to expand their control. But let’s not dwell on those dark times.

    Steerables declined once again after the Sunrise War, when economic instability endangered the wealthy classes who had been the market for the luxury sky-liners. The question we ask ourselves, now, is whether they could ever return today, in a new form. Perhaps not even limited to the atmosphere of our Earth. In this last segment, I’ll—

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    That’s the relevant bit. Now onto a different extract. This is going back to one of the earlier recordings we quoted from. This is from a later section of that recording, which was initially unrecoverable from the recording, but we’ve managed to fix it up. (Mutters) And for the record, it was Marmite, not Bovril…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture on “Bea M’Naughten: The Myth and the Legend” by Captain Deborah Vine (IAF, retd.), recorded October 10th, 2020—

    …now, if you really want to understand the world of aviation as it was when Beatrice entered it and achieved her great deeds, I’ll give you a quick rundown. First of all, aerodromes had been hugely important for war in the Black Twenties, though the war situation – especially in Europe – had made them difficult to maintain and field in large numbers. But I think we all have at least passing familiarity, (mutters) from those damned misleading Califilms if nothing else…with the most iconic aerocraft of the Black Twenties.

    First of all, here in the Empire we have the LA-31 Osprey seadrome from Linneway Aero, the Halford Aero HA-12 Buzzard bomber and the Halford Crossley HC-4 Blackhawk fighter-interceptor. (Audience cheers) Opposing us were the Societists’ celagii, their Piranha fighters and Capybara, Alpaca and Llama bombers. (Audience boos) Note that in this time they were still willing to name things after South American-specific animals! Our boys also faced Russian Polzunov Po-24 Pustelga flying artillery, Po-19 Orel bombers and Saratov Sa-4 Burevestnik seadromes. The latter were especially important in the Pacific war near Gavaji for their groundbreaking use of mobile Photel – which seemed impossible at the time! But more important was Julian Worth demonstrating the effectiveness of Buzzards to sink enemy capital ships, though the hidebound Navy didn’t recognise it for a time.[4]

    Over in the Old World, some you may have heard of include the English Astra Salmon seadrome, the French Vautour fighter-interceptor and Épéiste flying artillery, the German Raubtier fighter, the Belgian Adelaar bomber, the Italian Cardellino fighter and the Ottoman Korsan flying artillery. (Pause for breath) I could go on. (Audience laughter)

    The point I’m making with this list is that nearly all of these iconic aerodromes of the Black Twenties shared certain commonalities. They were aeroscrew driven, of course, almost all multi-deckers,[5] with construction that still owed something to wood and canvas. There had been major breakthroughs in alumium extraction and the discovery of new alumium-copper alloys during the First Interbellum, but it took time for metal to slowly replace these materials in aerocraft construction.[6] Likely, this process would have been faster had the war not been interrupted by the plague, which slowed such research and development efforts to a crawl. The Societists, benefiting from their neutrality and the chemical industry they had inherited, fielded the first all-metal single-decker drome, the Anaconda, in the final days of the War of 1926.

    By the end of the Black Twenties, it had become clear that such craft were the future, like it or not. Beatrice and her fellow sky-dancers[7] enjoyed success in part because of the large number of obsolete multi-decker dromes that became available in the war’s aftermath. The nations’ military arsenals scrambled to upgrade their aerial armadas accordingly, fearful of being left behind just as they had with lionhearts in naval technology, a couple of generations before.

    The great irony is that, like the Long Peace into which pre-lionheart armourclads and then lionhearts had intruded, the Second Interbellum, the Electric Circus, was a long period of peace – in general – in which the vast majority of those shiny new single-decker dromes never saw use. The 1930s and 40s saw a succession of metal aeroscrew dromes from all nations, and the Societists, with gradual improvements in technologies that saw frantic attempts to stay ahead of the curve. Yet hardly any of their names are as familiar to us as the multi-deckers of the Black Twenties or the surgecraft of the Sunrise War.[8] Of course, in reality there was fighting in this supposed era of peace and these aeroscrew single-deckers did see use in it, and some of the later ones were used in the lower-priority fronts of the Sunrise War. But who has a picture of a Linneway Aero LA-62 Falcon on their bedroom wall? Or, in other nations, a Brunel Vipère or a Saratov Sa-26 Drakon?

    There are a few examples of front-line military aerodromes from the 1930s and 40s which you may have seen, albeit often in dubious contexts. The Romulan regime in Italy loved big military displays as shows of force, and passing columns of ponderous, looming Torino-14 Aquila bombers can often be seen in the background of propaganda posters, or period films depicting the era. Chinese Jindouyun flying-artillery can be seen – and their screaming dive-sirens heard – in the background of Panchali films depicting their struggle for independence.[9] But in many of the places where there was conflict in this alleged era of peace, the dromes being used were those same obsolete wood-and-canvas multi-deckers, often even alongside steerables. The Matetwa and the Abyssinians, say, did not have access to more modern craft, and usually nor did their second-rank Societist opponents, as Karlus Barkalus’ African empire was mostly being fobbed off with older equipment.

    So we have this irony that this era of aerocraft, this era which saw so much blood, sweat and tears – and money – poured into it, was one which is often forgotten. It’s a shame, as many of the craft developed at this time are undeniably beautiful, though many others are an awkward ugly-duckling step between multi-deckers and the sleek surgecraft of the 1950s and 60s. Because they were never really used by sky-dancers, they lack a lot of the romance and charm of the earlier craft, too, at least in the public image.

    A major change that the Black Twenties had wrought was that there were now concrete aerofields across large parts of the world, built to support war aerodromes but capable of landing civilian ones after the war as well. Again, this wasn’t true everywhere, and seadromes or even steerables often remained the preferred method for fast long-distance travel in places like Africa, India and in the West Indies and Nusantara. But the balance had shifted in favour of making land-based aerocraft the default going forward.[10] If you have seen all-metal aeroscrew craft in works of fiction, you’re more likely to have seen the earliest real passenger liners that began to appear around this time, rather than military craft. These remained an exclusive province of the rich, at first, but the prices gradually came down until they could even start to compete with the railways here in the Empire.

    Weaponry also began to shift. Standard cingular guns supported by unguided rockets had been the norm on fighter dromes for some time, but were now supplemented with incendiary bullets and then cannon. Interrupter gears allowed guns to be mounted behind aeroscrews and safely fired through the blades – though I wouldn’t have wanted to be the first pilot to test it at twenty thousand feet! (Audience laughter)

    The war had proved the effectiveness of tooth bombers and flying artillery against ships, though it took the old admirals some time to wake up and admit it. (Audience chuckles) Level bombers, by contrast, were beginning to look like a dubious investment. They had shown a lack of precision against military targets, and the world had, thank God, pulled back from the precipice of them being used indiscriminately against civilians in cities. (Quiet audience murmur) Today we often act as though that was inevitable, but people are not civilised by default, sadly. Perhaps there is a better world where we have the same kind of stigma towards the use of death-luft, but perhaps that is too naïve.

    Anyway, level bombers did continue development, but partly because their large airframes also made them suitable for uses such as long-range cargo craft or even those civilian passenger liners. Fighters specifically designed to counter flying artillery, which had proved highly effective on certain fronts of the war, began to appear. We never really found out how effective they would have been, because both would be obsolete by the time of the Sunrise War. The bombs dropped by flying artillery, and the steelteeth by tooth bombers, also saw continued further development.

    Portable Photel was another technology that had shown its worth. The sets were gradually miniaturised, helped by the general pace of electrical development in civilian life, from vast things that took up a whole bomber to small devices that could be mounted in even a small fighter. Again, it’s interesting to speculate how battles might have been fought with squadrons of fighters whose mobility was not too dissimilar to those from the Black Twenties – lacking the speed and agility of the later surgecraft – but with the ability to communicate in real-time via Photel rather than operating independently.

    That was the world in which Beatrice and her fellow sky-dancers were performing. The public eye wasn’t on these newfangled all-metal single-decker warcraft that would end up barely being used; it was on the sky-dancers and their retro craft of the vanished Black Twenties. That is, when the public was trying to forget war altogether. When they did worry about it, they could spare little attention for mere aerocraft; rockets were now the thing…

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    I was quite proud of that transition, I could be a Radio 4 continuity announcer…and now we go to a new lecture.

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture on “Struggle to the Stars” by Dr Gordon Ford, recorded November 14th, 2020—

    People and nations learned a great many lessons from the harrowing experience of the Black Twenties. Some were undoubtedly positives, such as a new awareness on how it was possible to defeat deadly disease outbreaks by organised and conjoined activity, the power of science to deliver new drugs and vaccines. That probably helped tackle many other disease outbreaks in the twentieth century, to the point that you may have barely heard of them. Of course, it also meant that we got complacent by the time of the Hyperflu pandemic a few years ago. But that’s not what I’m here to talk about.

    The Black Twenties were certainly a traumatising period. As well as the plague, the matter of Cytherean rights for younger women came to the fore after they had served in the factories and the fields. As far as the battlefield itself was concerned, the war had been something of a bonfire of the ideas of theorists in the First Interbellum leading up to it. I suppose to some extent that’s always inevitable in a war, but it seemed especially pronounced then. The theorists had envisaged the so-called ‘Tsar’s Armart Legions’ sweeping decisively across Europe, while French diplomacy focused on containing and surrounding Russia on all sides through alliance-building. In the end, the alliance fractured when China withdrew,[11] the armarts burned as the Germans and other Bouclier nations wielded new counter-protgun weapons and tactics, and then the plague brought everything to a halt. The aero bomber failed to live up to its potential, becoming seen as more of an ostracised indiscriminate terror weapon rather than the precision strike to the enemy’s heart that had been imagined. By contrast, flying artillery proved effective in conjunction with protguns, and of course Julian Worth demonstrated the effectiveness of aerocraft and hiveships against traditional naval forces.

    All fine and good, though military experts will debate all of those points. But all of them pale into comparison to the impact of one invention upon the war, that invention that is at the heart of the period I come to discuss tonight. The rocket.

    Of course, it would be very wrong to say rockets were invented in the Black Twenties. The technology has a long and venerable pedigree from its inception in mediaeval China through its further development in Bisnaga, Europe and the Novamund.[12] War rockets were a mainstream weapon by the Pandoric War. But these were short-range, unguided weapons, no more destructive – though sometimes more intimidatingly unpredictable – than artillery shells. Arguably, the real great innovation of the Black Twenties was the success of the flying-artillery drome, as I mentioned, which effectively dropped the equivalent of artillery shells from a precisely-targeted, piloted aerocraft. Rather than a general having to order a mass bombardment with many artillery pieces to have some chance of hitting a vague target, he could order a flight of flying-artillery dromes to, essentially, just drop the six or seven shells among his hundreds that would have hit it. Rockets were no more precise than conventional artillery, and often less so. So what changed?

    On the face of it, other improvements in military technology certainly did not seem to bode well for rockets. Small rockets had been used as counter-steerable weapons for decades, as well as weapons used by steerables to shoot back, but both uses fell into decline as steerables were proved obsolete by dromes. Dromes, though sometimes armed with rockets for ground attack, were too fast, agile and manoeuvrable for rockets – well, the rockets of the day! – to hit, and counterdrome arsenals often fell back on refined versions of the venerable light cannon long used for the purpose. Small rockets remained somewhat more successful as some of those counter-protgun weapons I mentioned which helped put paid to the so-called ‘Armart Legions’, but certainly there was little sign that rocket technology was about to explode out onto the world stage. Uh, no pun intended! (Audience laughter)

    What changed matters, of course, is the research of Professor Umberto Pazzaglia – among many other figures less celebrated by history, of course. Pazzaglia was certainly not the first to try to build a rocket with a liquid fuel engine rather than the solid ones that had been the norm since those early days in Song Dynasty China. But he was the first to build an effective and reliable design – well, by the standards of early technology in any field, that is. It may sound simple on the face of it, but designing the plumbing required to mix fuel and elluftiser, under the right conditions, without an explosion or harmonic instability[3] – it was one of the greatest challenges ever faced by engineering.

    Today we recognise that breakthroughs are not the exclusive province of one great man; if Pazzaglia had been hit by a multi while crossing the street in 1910, we would not lack rockets and artimoons today! (Audience reaction) You laugh, but speculative romances of not too many decades ago used to promote that kind of silly idea. In hindsight, we recognise the work of people like Campeau, Kolenkovsky, the Empire’s own Miss Harrison. (Audience cheers) But Pazzaglia had the connections in the Italian government he needed to obtain funding, and the venue, in the form of Sicily, that would grant him the privacy he needed to continue work. After the successful flight of Mercurio-3 in 1920, his work continued apace and three years later, Venere-4 crossed the 55-mile altitude limit that we now consider to be the boundary of outer space.[14]

    The potential of Pazzaglia’s rockets to war was recognised by the Italian General Anibale Fioravenzo.[15] Importantly, Fioravenzo – who had seen many short-term advantages in the ‘Two Years of Hell’ frozen Oder front squandered through premature action – determined that the rockets would only be effective if kept secret, improved to the Marte war version, manufactured in large numbers and then launched en masse in a surprise attack. This action, Operazione Fulmine, that is, Operation Thunderbolt, shocked and impressed the world when it began in December 1925.

    We are so used, now, to seeing Fulmine as the turning point of the European war that it is easy to forget how much it was overblown by propaganda. Less than half of the rockets even came within a French league of their intended targets, and only the controversial use of death-luft ensured they would have any effect – explosive warheads would have blown up only random fields, or, of course, Polish civilian villages. (Audience reaction) And many did suffer in the death-luft strikes, as you are doubtless aware.

    Nonetheless, Fulmine came at the alienistic moment to achieve a breakthrough against the Russians. Though the war came to an end more thanks to mutual exhaustion after the front stabilised once again, to the east, it was an inescapably dramatic moment after so many months of brutal slog and suffering with nothing to show for it. People everywhere began to look towards rockets with both fear and hope. And, of course, the Societists were among them. (Audience reaction) A rocket attack on the Diamond Ring forts would also be crucial to concluding the War of 1926 on Societist terms.[16] (Angrier audience reaction)

    Both Fulmine and the Diamond Ring attacks, due to their circumstances – which I won’t retreat in the latter case due to how painful the irony still is – were blown out of proportion by postwar opinion. I don’t just meant among the general public, but also among the military, scientists and engineers, both in the nations and among the Societists. Rockets were THE FUTURE, in block capitals. It could only be a matter of time until they were potentially carrying death-luft warheads from one continent to another (Chuckles) or, more hopefully, lifting men into space to look down on the Earth below. Money and resources were thrown at their further development. Every nation must have the weapon that had decided the Black Twenties wars after years of deadlock.

    It would take a number of years for the truth to become apparent. The successes of long-range rockets in the Black Twenties had been highly situational, and partly down to flukish luck on the part of their operator. The biggest problem was of guidance and precision. The necessary mathematics and logic concepts were well understood, indeed having long predated solution engines at all in many aspects, but the problem was the execution. Initially, Pazzaglia and the Italians had rejected the idea of an on-board solution engine after experimentation, finding that the mechanical engines of the day introduced too much of a vibration and recoil effect from their movement. Designed to move manoeuvring fins on the rocket to correct its course, every time they made a calculation they only introduced another error to correct, and they mounted up. The Societists had, it seemed, managed to overcome this problem by using specialised solution engines built from fine lightweight alumium parts. But even these proved unreliable.

    The alternative approach, which the Italians used in Fulmine, was to have the rockets guided by Photel control beams, with all the calculations done prior to launch on the hefty mechanical solution engines of that time. This worked to some extent for Fulmine itself, but then the Russians worked out that they could corrupt [jam] the Photel signals, and that approach was rendered useless overnight. It was clear to everyone that it was in refining the solution engines that a permanent solution – no pun intended (Chuckles) – would be found.

    Except, it wasn’t. Have you ever heard the term ‘conceptual revolution’? (Slightly world-weary sounding audience reaction) Right. Nowadays it’s been reduced to some nonsensical slogan spouted by corporate speakers. (Audience laughter) Originally, though, the term actually had a meaning…it was developed by the historian and philosopher Adam Courtenay. He was referring to the idea that people, a nation, an institution, can be wedded to a particular way of thinking, and it holds them back when the world changes around them. They try to fit the new events into their old framework, desperately adding complications and corrections – he called them ‘epicycles’, after the silly little extra twists that astronomers tried adding to planetary orbits to explain how the planets could still orbit the Earth, as Ptolemy had said. It took Kepler and Galileo to come along and sweep it all away by showing that things could be explained by planets orbiting the Sun in elliptical orbits, no epicycles needed. Courtenay refers to this as a ‘crisis moment’, and sometimes the change is only fully affected when the old hidebound generation just dies off. (Pause) A circumstance I’m sure none of us are familiar with from our workplaces. (Audience laughter)[17]

    In the late 1920s and 1930s, rocketeers needed a conceptual revolution, yet it wasn’t happening yet. Everyone was fixated on the idea of improving mechanical solution engines, as the Societists had, to make rocket guidance more accurate. In fact, rocket engine technology had outpaced that of several others needed to partner with it, ypologetics being only the most obvious case, and many tests at this time ended in frustrating failure. The world of fiction, film in particular, imagined many tales of spationauts being launched into orbit atop rockets and meeting ultratellurians, often just using propaganda stock footage of existing military rocket tests. Perhaps the best remembered of these is the Societists’ Navis Estela, but that wasn’t made until the 1950s.[18] Reality consistently failed to live up to them. Even the reckless Romulans and Soviets were reluctant to try to launch a rocket with a man at the top in this era of ever-present disaster.[19]

    The conceptual revolution that rocketry needed was the abandonment of mechanical solution engines altogether, in favour of surfinal ypologists. But in an age where ypologetics research was otherwise mostly focused on encryption and codebreaking – which had also been important and decisive, if lower-profile, breakthroughs in the Black Twenties wars – there was little incentive to move away from bigger and better versatile engines that could fill a whole room. Increasingly, these were no longer purely mechanical devices, but made logical calculations using the recently-developed TSL limino technology.[20] Liminos would eventually be tried on rockets as well, but at that early stage were far too unwieldy, fragile and unreliable, even if most of the rocket engineers had not been futilely obsessed with perfecting the mechanical solution engines instead.

    In the Combine, liminos tended to be neglected in favour of refinement of an alternative technology, the magnetic gate or magate, which controlled current flow through magnetic saturation rather than electrical pressure. Mostly dismissed in the nations due to its cumbersome nature and inefficiencies, the Societists were able to improve the technology due to their advanced chemical industry – and access to African and Nusantara resources – leading to the development of very pure iron-nickel alloys which allowed magates to be miniaturised and made more reliable. Technically a solid-state device, lacking the vulnerability to shocks that the limino did, the magate could be applied to rocket missile guidance.[21] We should count our lucky stars that the Silent Revolution’s purges led to a purge of the Combine’s scientific talent at a crucial time, or the nations could have been left in the dust.

    The inventions of the surfinal varifex and then the atenic circuit would make both the limino and the magate obsolete, of course. They woud also make the kind of onboard ypologetics needed for a rocket missile relatively trivial, would come much later and from unlikely sources.[22] In the 1930s, they were still decades away.

    So, the Electric Circus period – especially the early part – would see a lot of propaganda trumpeting of rocket test launches, often followed by quiet noncommittal press releases or cover-ups as it turned out that the rocket in question landed fifty miles from its target in the opposite direction. We in the Empire were at least fortunate in that we have a great deal of land out west in which any wayward rocket was very unlikely to actually hit anyone. (Audience chuckles and a few boos) The same was true of the Russians and, when they joined the race later on, the Chinese, and presumably the Societists, though the details of their own experiments naturally would be hard to track down even without the Silent Revolution destroying records. France, Germany and Italy struggled, by comparison, due to lacking such vast swathes of land. The French and Germans mostly tried tests at sea from small islands, but then had difficulty locating where their test rockets had impacted. The Italians, under the Romulan regime, were less careful; after taking over Tunis they cheerfully fired test rockets almost at random into the desert, and sometimes hit Tunisian cities (or Algerine ones under Moroccan occupation).

    This is not to say that there were no rocketry breakthroughs in the 1930s, of course. Here in the Empire, a team led by Joseph Addison developed the first really effective counterdrome rocket missile, the Gano Z1, in 1936.[23] Whereas previous attempts had either failed to keep up with speedy dromes or frequently exploded on launch, the Z1 was fast and reliable, using a solid motor for launch and then liquid fuel for adjustments in the air. However, it still had the limitation that it could only be guided by an operator on the ground through telepresence or by riding a controlled Photel beam – and the power of Photel corruption had already been demonstrated. At this time the nations, and presumably the Societists as well, planned for aero attacks to include large numbers of modified bombers or scouts equipped with Photel corrupters, even though this would limit their own ability to communicate as well. Photrack itself would not first appear until 1942, and its use to guide missiles would not emerge until after the Sunrise War.

    Another rocketry breakthrough took place in France, despite the test problems. In 1941 Dr Ariane Golliet joined our own Miss Edith Harrison (More cheers) in the annals of female rocket pioneers. Dr Golliet headed up a team which developed the first large-scale two-stage rocket. This was intended, at least ostensibly, for scientific research rather than as a weapon of war, aiming for altitude rather than lateral range. The first stage was the French’s latest attempt at a long-range war rocket in the tradition of the Italian Marte, being named the Météore-III. The second stage was derived from a smaller rocket that had already been developed to supplement high-altitude weather balloons for atmospheric research, the Cyrano-IIB. The combined rocket, known as Gémeaux (Gemini), successfully carried scientific instruments into the upper atmosphere and then was recovered when it crashed back into the Bay of Biscay west of Bordeaux.[24] Though the data was lost in that first attempt when water leaked into the instrument capsule, a second in 1942 was more successful, and began a revolution in atmospheric science. Importantly, Dr Golliet and her team had shown that multi-stage rockets were the future if one sought to try to reach orbit. More on that in a moment.

    These kinds of breakthroughs – and I could list many more – were, however, not what the generals and political leaders wanted to hear about. (Audience murmurs) As far as they were concerned, they had seen long-range rocket missiles used to great effect in the Black Twenties, and now they wanted those weapons – felt their nation needed those weapons to survive. Many envisaged that, in the near future, they would face a situation where they could push a button that would launch a giant rocket and make a Russian army base three thousand miles away disappear. (Nervous chuckles) It’s easy to mock now. At the time, some probably even thought that the button would sent a rocket to drop a death-luft bomb on an enemy capital. (Shocked sounds) We are used to that being morally unthinkable now, of course, but we have to remember that at the time, the fear over it was often due to the idea that there was no way out of a mutual exchange of bombers or, indeed, rockets if civilians were targeted. If the political leaders of the 1930s had been confident that they could send bombers or rockets to strike enemy cities while not leaving their own open to strike...well, that’s a controversial topic and I’ll leave it there.

    Anyway, it doesn’t matter if those leaders actually wanted a world where such things could be imagined. Many did not, but they feared and expected that they were possible, and did not want their nation to be left behind. Hence the endless rocket tests of the 1930s, while the technologies needed to ensure accurate targeting and guidance trudged along in the background, nowhere near maturity. The Scandinavians, in 1940, were the first to openly declare that they believed rockets were a dead end and they were going to refocus their efforts on aerocraft. Long-term, of course, they were wrong in many ways, but in the short term they were correct. The move was controversial and led to some soul-searching among other powers, but few were willing to take the plunge and accept the theory – especially after they had poured so much time, money and people into fruitless experimentation.

    One person who became increasingly frustrated with this, as well as many other aspects of his government, was that first iconic rocket pioneer, Umberto Pazzaglia. Pazzaglia had been given effective infinite funding and resources by the Romulan government, who are suspected to have been sharing his work with the Russians behind the scenes. (Murmurs) Few scientists or engineers could have resisted, of course, despite Pazzaglia’s dislike of the Romulans and how they had imprisoned his former patrons, the Orsinis. But the Romulan leadership began demanding increasingly impossible breakthroughs, while the public began to chafe under their regime. The last straw came in 1943 with the Lucretian Revolution and the overthrow of the Italian monarchy. Pazzaglia, whose experiments had not come any closer to developing the accurate thousand-mile city-killer rocket the Romulans wanted (Murmurs) decided he had to leave before he was purged in turn. The Romulans had upended his research group from Sicily to Elba, where they could keep an eye on him. A myth – started as a rumour by Pazzaglia’s supporters – is that he literally escaped from Elba to Corsica hidden in one of his own test rockets. However, there is no truth to this and Pazzaglia and his family were simply smuggled out in a freighter. Pazzaglia eventually came to France and worked with Golliet and other as they continued work on multi-stage rockets.

    Around this time, funding began to dry up in many nations. Though the prosperity of the Second Interbellum continued, an increasingly fractious public was no longer willing to see their taxes poured into projects that did not seem to be anywhere near to delivering world-changing weapons to protect them. Military theorists turned to other ideas.

    It was therefore all the more of a shock in 1950 when Romulan Italy finally achieved the dream of Isaac Newton and launched the first artimoon into orbit of the Earth...

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    We’ll leave it there for now I think. This last section talked about electronics and computers a lot, so maybe it’s time to put together something about their development in this period too.

    (Capt MacCauley’s note)

    Good idea, get on with it.

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    ...I was just thinking aloud...








    [1] E.g. see Part #236 in Volume VI.

    [2] Transatlantic ocean liners were never as iconic in TTL, largely because there was less of a wealthy market for voyages between the British Isles and America; the usual route was between La Rochelle and either Mount-Royal or New York City. The UPSA before the Pandoric War had a large wealthy class with the means to travel to Europe, but the greater distance tended to favour less of an emphasis on speed and there were greater limits on what luxury was available.

    [3] Mouroan is a French transliteration of the Dharug word rendered murrawung in OTL, meaning emu.

    [4] See Part #291 in Volume VIII.

    [5] I.e. biplanes or triplanes.

    [6] Recall that ‘alumium’ is the name used for aluminium or aluminum in TTL.

    [7] We would say ‘barnstormers’.

    [8] Surgecraft = jet aircraft.

    [9] Jindouyun is a reference to Sun Wukong’s ‘cloud trapeze’ from Journey to the West.

    [10] Something similar, but more dramatic and extreme, happened in OTL’s WW2. Recall that TTL terminology does not distinguish between seaplane and flying-boat, with ‘seadrome’ serving double duty. When the text refers to passenger seadromes, this implies something more like OTL’s ‘Empire boats’.

    [11] Not quite accurate; it’s more like the French had assumed the Chinese joining the alliance was inevitable and it never happened after the Russians cut a deal with them – see part #276 in Volume VIII.

    [12] See Part #288 in Volume VIII.

    [13] Ford is referring to the effect described in OTL as ‘pogo oscillation’, by analogy to a pogo stick. This caused the loss of a number of missions, including several Soviet lunar probes and the unmanned Apollo 6 test mission, as well as nearly dooming Apollo 13 before the better-known catastrophe overshadowed it.

    [14] Or, at least, the ENA does – see footnote to Part #288 in Volume VIII.

    [15] See Part #294 in Volume VIII.

    [16] See Part #300 in Volume VIII.

    [17] Similar to OTL’s idea of the Kuhnian paradigm shift.

    [18] See Part #287 in Volume VIII.

    [19] This is a somewhat anachronistic use of the term ‘Soviet’; although one could make a case that the idea of the Imperial Soviet becoming synonymous with the Russian Government did begin in this time period, it almost always refers to the post-Sunrise War period. The speaker is probably preferentially using terms for ideological regimes over nation states to avoid causing offence.

    [20] ‘T[hermal] S[urfino] L[iberation] Limino’ is the term used in TTL for the devices called ‘thermionic valves’ in OTL British English and ‘vacuum tubes’ in American English, although the US term is more general and takes in other types of devices as well. People in TTL (especially more casually) would also use ‘vac-tube’ but, again, mean it more generically rather than specifically about valves. ‘Limino’ comes from the word ‘liminal’, describing crossing an edge (like the electrons/surfinos leaping the gap in the valve) with the ‘-ino’ ending coming from ‘surfino’; whereas in OTL many inventions of this era got ‘-tron’ suffixes emulating ‘electron’, the same is true in TTL of ‘-ino’. ‘Thermal Surfino Liberation’ refers to the effect known in OTL as thermionic emission. More on this later.

    [21] The magate is referred to in OTL as a magnetic amplifier or magamp. Relatively obscure today, it was favoured instead of valves by Nazi Germany during the Second World War and was used, among other places, in V2 rockets. Some work was done after the war in the USA but they were rapidly obsoleted by the transistor.

    [22] The surfinal varifex (usually just called a varifex) is the TTL term for solid-state transistor. The term is a contraction of ‘variable feculator’, the latter word coming from ‘fecula’, a term used for starch that thickens cooking sauces – recall that TLL relates electrical resistance to ‘viscosity’ and ‘transistor’ comes from ‘transfer resistor’. The –ex ending will also end up proliterating to other devices out of fashion when the varifex is eventually invented. ‘Atenic’ circuits are what we would call integrated circuits, with individual chips called ‘atenos’. The name comes from the Egyptology craze at the time when they are developed, and popular awareness of the monotheistic faith of the Pharaoh Akhenaten. Just as he folded all Egyptian religion into worship of the formless Aten sun-disc and iconoclastically destroyed images of other gods, so the integrated circuit is localised on one board or chip and is usually compact and reliable enough to be hidden from the view of the user.

    [23] From a word in the Seneca Iroquois (or Haudenosaunee) language for arrow. The Z1 is roughly comparable to something between OTL’s SAM-N-2-Lark and Nike Ajax.

    [24] The Gémeaux is similar to OTL’s RTV-G-4 Bumper, which was an American two-stage rocket based on the German V-2 which first flew in 1948.
     
    312
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #312: Ypologist Says ‘Yes’

    “SUTCLIFFE WAS RIGHT
    No Synthserfs taking our jobs!

    United American Postal Union March
    November 18th

    ‘If the Head on the Stamp is Man
    What be the Hand that Delivers?’ – A. W. Wood, Secretary, 1980

    It will be YOU and YOUR job facing ‘mandatory retirement’ next!”

    - Faded political poster seen on Baskerville Avenue, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Sgt Bob Mumby, December 2020

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    …er, as I was saying (mutters) me and my big mouth… (normal volume) we have also recorded a fair amount of material relating to the development of computing in this period, and some related areas of science.

    (Lt Black’s note)

    Rather tangentially related in some ways, I have to say.

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    Come on, sir, we have to take what we can get. Roll the tape…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture on “Ascent of the Synthserf” by Dr Mary-Anne Coningsby, recorded November 15th, 2020—

    Here’s an ingenious paradox for you. One hundred years ago, in 1920, our grandparents and great-grandparents would have found it astonishing, impossible, that today we have factories where new mobiles, for instance, are assembled by synthserf arms.[1] So far, so uncontroversial; that generation would also be surprised by many other modern technologies, like Motext or metallo-coalstuff luft storage.[2] But the surprising part is that a hundred years earlier, in 1820, their grandparents and great-grandparents would have found it much easier to accept.

    What’s the reason? The 1820s saw an artistic movement, the so-called ‘Automaton Craze’, in depicting fictional scientific romances involving synthserfs – as we would call them today. Cuthbert Lucas was the first, and her book The New Eden is still remembered today, when many of her imitators are not.[3] The more imaginative writers predicted, remarkably, many of the same questions that now plague us today; will synthserfs, or automata as they would call them, become so sophisticated that they threaten to replace mankind altogether? (Audience murmurs) At what point does an automaton become indistinguishable from a man in terms of thoughts? Can a machine have a soul? Even before Lucas, men like Descartes had posited the idea that the human brain, the human mind, is nothing more than a complex machine with cogs too small to see. Are we less special than we would like to admit?

    But the Automaton Craze was marked by a factor which I’ll come back to again later. Human imagination is bountiful, but often overreaches itself by its very nature. Scientific romantics today want to write about colonies on Mars, but it will be many years before technology – and perhaps the public will – actually puts people there. So while the more far-sighted of those writers might indeed foresee real issues that those colonies might face, the subject becomes played out, discredited, decades before the topic becomes a reality. By the time it does, we have forgotten their writings, and then, too often, drearily play out the same mistakes that they predicted, recognising our folly only in hindsight. To our ancestors in the 1920s, the question of synthetic automata able to do the job of a human were a silly idea from the battered novels and faded sequents that their grandparents had left rotting away in their attics. They little dreamed that the technology of the real world was finally beginning to catch up with Cuthbert Lucas’ imagination.

    In order to understand the synthserf we must first understand the ypologist – or so one would think, though I’ll show you how the two may be less related than is commonly thought. Still, it’s a topic worth covering. Ypologists represent the convergence of two strands of speculation and research which, at first glance – and at the time – seemed completely unrelated. Not only did they seem to delve into different fields, but they were associated with entirely different groups of people with different goals. These two strands were firstly the development of programmable machines in engineering and industry, and secondly the development of quantitative logic in mathematics and philosophy. The first field was, stereotypically, one of dirty-handed engineers wielding spanners and industrialists in cylinder hats counting their money; the second was one of dusty academics pedantically debating esoteric and pointless questions in their ivory towers. Or so it seemed to the average person, and still seems to the average schoolchild bashing his head against his maths textbook. (Audience chuckles)

    The first of those strands is undoubtedly the one best known in popular histories of ypologetics, so I’ll only mention it briefly. In the eighteenth century, the linen trade was king. The colonial period is often portrayed merely as Europeans rapaciously stealing from their captive markets, but – personal Diversitarian opinions aside – this would not have made economic sense without something travelling the other way. Frequently the major manufactured product from England, and later other nations, was linen clothing, which was sold extensively abroad in exchange for raw materials.[4] Nowadays, of course, things are reversed, with Europe buying manufactured clothing from lands with cheap labour such as Gujarat and Bengal!

    This mass manufacture was possible because of the development of new innovations in spinning and weaving. The industry went from a cottage one to a factory one, indeed many would argue it was the first factory industry. New machines were developed in order to produce more clothing at a faster rate, often careless of any injuries it inflicted on its workers in the process. Steam began to replace the limited power of human muscles. Eventually, these looms became so sophisticated that a large part of the manufacturing process was automated, at least in terms of control. The Jacquard programmable loom achieved this using punched cards, a technology which would be applied to early ypologists in turn. In some ways, the most advanced programmable looms were ypologists. We say they were programmable because they had a list of instructions to apply in order, delivered in the form of the punched cards, and the early inventors compared this to the list of songs in the programme of a musical concert.

    The inventor Heinz Müller was the first to apply this idea, not merely to a sophisticated loom, but to a device – a Vice, as they were known at the time – capable of doing more general work, in this case solving mathematical calculations.[5] The early Solution Engines, as we usually know them now, still remained focused on specific tasks, such as solving artillery calculations for a particular gun in a particular fort, or tracking the clocking in and off of workers in a factory. Later would come the true Versatile Engine, which could be adjusted with different programmes for many different tasks. All of these early ypologists worked by purely mechanical means, it’s important to understand; the modern sophistication, increased speed and miniaturisation of ypologists stems more from the fact that technological development has let us replace mechanical cogs and rotors with the movement of surfinos.

    In order to understand that point, however, we first need to think about the second strand of development I mentioned, the much less well known one of quantitative logic. Logic is, of course, a very old branch of mathematics and philosophy. Nowadays we recognise that mathematics is not a Western invention, of course, but one which has been present in virtually all cultures from the beginning. Bisnagi mathematics in particular has been belatedly understood to have pioneered many ideas we take for granted, like the concept of zero – without which modern ypologetics, and much else, would be impossible.[6] China, too, has a venerable tradition of mathematics, though with less emphasis on logic than in Bisnaga and the surrounding states, as historically the more repressive dynasties saw such ideas as a threat. In the West, we trade our logical tradition back to Aristotle and Ancient Greece, further preserved and developed by Arab mathematicians and logicians such as Avicenna, and then returned to Europe in the thirteenth century. Many relevant terms for ypologetics were obtained from the Arabs, such as ‘algebra’ and ‘algorithm’.

    I’m not here to bore you to death with the entire history of maths (Audience chuckles) but there’s an important point here, which reflects what I was saying earlier about the Automaton Craze. Sometimes people argue that what made Europe different to other parts of the world was not that they were first to discover particular ideas, but that they were the first to put them to utilitarian and pragmatic ends. China and Bisnaga might know what pi was, they say, but only Europe used it to work out the size of a cylindrical boiler for a steam engine. But that interpretation ignores the fact that in Europe too, there was often a big gap between a seemingly purposeless discovery and its real-world use. Pascal was not the first to develop what we now call Pascal’s Triangle, but he could no more guess of its relevance to Photel Carytic Oscillation than could his Persian and Chinese precursors.[7] So-called imaginary numbers were first recognised in the sixteenth century, but considered a useless paradox for centuries before they unlocked the secrets of pulse wave mechanics and qualitative-to-quantitative conversion.[8]

    The same is true of the mathematics of quantitative logic. The field has its ultimate roots in the writings of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, one of the fathers of calculus along with Sir Isaac Newton. Leibniz’s writings are sometimes considered ‘problematic’ or even ‘proto-Societist’ by some today, but he also made a number of important breakthroughs which others built upon.[9] However, the most important strides were made in the 1840s by the Bavarian mathematician and philosopher Tobias Heinrich Rieger, together with a number of colleagues. Rieger’s great breakthrough was the idea that logic, the concept of true and false, could be reduced to the numbers one and zero, at which point they can easily be mathematically manipulated.[10] Though recognised by others in his field as an important breakthrough, to the world as a whole this seemed like an esoteric toy for epistemic philosophers, those concerned with the nature of truth. Some such men were upset by the idea that sacred truth could be reduced to a mere number; others were excited by the idea that the same remorseless, ineluctable absolutes of traditional algebra could be used to definitively classify propositions as true or false. In reality, of course, such utopian ideals would be demolished later by the work of Hope and Lefait in the 1930s.[11] Yet paradoxically, at the same time, the old blue-sky idea of Rieger would prove to be the key that would unlock the ypologetics we know today.

    Any ypologist is constructed of what we today call logic valves.[12] In theory, these do not need to be electrical; physical gears served the same function in the old mechanical solution engines, and it has also been demonstrated that it is possible to construct an ypologetic logic circuit from flows of liquid, for example. The advantages of surfinal-based ypologists are, broadly, that these valves can be made very small and compact, and that the flow of electricity is much more reliable and reproducible than other methods. This dovetailed brilliantly with the dimeric logical language of Rieger: zero is off, one is on. I need to pause here and explain number bases for anyone who isn’t familiar with them. Be warned, this may blow your mind...or put you to sleep. (Audience laughter)

    Today we use what are known as Arabic numerals, though really they originate in the mathematical powerhouse of Bisnaga. Arabic numerals work on a base ten counting system. Some people say that’s inevitable, because we have ten fingers to count on. The ancient Mayans had a base twenty counting system, though. Ah, those people say, well they counted on both their fingers and toes. (Audience chuckles) Actually, a lot of our maths nowadays also uses base sixty, like how there’s three hundred and sixty degrees in a circle, because the ancient Babylonians used base sixty. I’m not sure how many appendages those theorists thought the Babylonians had. (Audience laughter)

    But anyway, in an everyday sense we use base ten. What that means is, let’s say I want to count these tins of Aero-Kola on this table... (Recording grows slightly fainter) How many? Don’t shout out. (Audience chuckles) One, two, three...sixteen. But what am I actually doing when I say there’s sixteen? I use base ten, so I count ten... (metallic scraping sound) There, I’ve put ten in a column, as you can see on the overhead camera, hopefully! And then six left over in the next column. So I write down (squeak of chalk) a number one below the column of ten, one full column, and then six next to it for the six left over. 16.

    Obvious, you might think, and some people don’t make the leap to realising how arbitrary this is. If you’ve seen Roman numerals on clocks you might have an idea that this isn’t the only way to write numbers, but even that’s not the best way of explaining it. So let’s pretend I’m an ultratellurian. (Audience chuckles) I’ve transfigured down from my podule in orbit of Dionysus, and now I want to count these tins of this strange alien beverage, that might dissolve my body for all I know. Or maybe it only does that to humans. (Audience laughter) There, now that sponsorship’s out of the window. But anyway, I’m an ultratellurian with six fingers, three on each hand, and we’ll pretend those theorists know what they’re talking about – I’m going to use base six. So let’s rearrange the cans... (metallic scraping sound)

    Now I make a column of six. Then I make another column of six. And four left over. So that’s two columns of six, so I write that down here (squeak of chalk) and the four left over here. So our ultratellurian has written down the numbers 24. But their 24 represents the same number we mean by our 16. (Confused sounds from audience) It can be difficult to grasp at first. Now in base ten, we can get to the number 99 and still use two columns of digits, but then we need to go to a third when we reach 100. Any idea where base six runs out? (Indistinct sound)] That’s right. Thirty-five is the highest number you can write in two columns of base six, and it would be represented as 55. There isn’t a number for six in base six, just as there isn’t a number for ten in base ten – we represent ten as a one and a zero, for a full column. (More confused sounds) Go up to thirty-six – six times six, just as one hundred is ten times ten – and our base six ultratellurian rolls over to writing 100, which represents the same number that we would write 36 for. Are you confused yet? (Distant chorus of ‘yes’)

    So that’s a counting base. I said before that ypologists, surfinal ypologists, use a dimeric counting base, or base 2. Their only numbers are 1 and 0. What’s that mean? It means you run out of columns very quickly, so it would seem. Let’s not bother trying to do sixteen, let’s just take, mm, four tins of Aero-Kola. Try to write that in binary. Well, none is 0, one is 1, then we’ve filled up that column, there is no 2 we can write, so two is 10, three is 11, then we’ve filled up that column and we’ve already got to three columns – 100 – just to represent the number four. On the face of it, that sounds mad, doesn’t it? (Sound of agreement) Incredibly inefficient. It would be a ridiculous way to do calculations by hand. But the only part that makes this tedious is that it takes a long time to write out all the numbers. That part is something a surfinal ypologist can do way more quickly and efficiently than we can. What a surfinal ypologist can’t do easily, on this base level, is manipulate ten different number states like we do, or even six, like our ultratellurian. You could set a different electric pressure [voltage] in your circuit to a different number, but they’d end up being too close and blurring into each other. Far better for the circuit to just have to keep track of one pressure, ‘on’ for one, and ‘off’ for zero. That makes the circuit highly reliable, and it doesn’t matter if the dimeric or binary calculations look complicated and long-winded to us, because the ypologist can work through them so fast.

    Now, all of this would probably have been harder to accept at the time, if people hadn’t been used to using Bicker code. When all of this was growing to prominence in the 1930s, some people were old enough to remember the Six Against One Telegraph Wars of the late nineteenth century.[13] The advocates of the old Optel system had argued that they had a hexameric data stream, six paddles going at once, which must surely be better than the single data stream of Lectel. But what was found was that Lectel was so much faster than reading and re-transmitting Optel shutterboxes that it more than made up for that difference. Now Lectel actually became a trimeric system – 0, 1 and 2 – because Bicker code used short and long signals, dots and dashes. That made more sense for human operators, but ypologists prefer not to put time dependence on identifying a signal, because the circuit takes its timing from a built-in chrono device and you want to be able to speed that up or slow it down without changing what all the signals mean.[14] However, it’s still similar enough that older people in positions of power in academic and engineering, who might otherwise have been sceptical of dimeric logic, were persuaded that it was the way forward.

    So getting back to those logic valves I mentioned, what do those do? They take an incoming signal from one or more wires and do some logical operation on them, expressed in Rieger notation, the same that was used for true or false in the philosophy of quantitative logic. A bare wire would be equivalent to Rieger’s ‘Identität’ operation, in which basically, you do nothing – a 1 stays a 1 and a 0 stays a 0. A NICHT valve, also called an inverter, changes an incoming 1 to an outgoing 0, and a 0 to a 1. An UND valve, or conjunctor, takes in two signals, and outputs a single 1 if, and only if, both incoming signals are also 1. Otherwise it outputs a zero. An ODER valve, or disjunctor, is similar but outputs a 1 if either of the incoming signals are 1. There are other valves, but I won’t get into how they can be constructed from combinations of each other.[15]

    All of this probably feels very arcane. (Sounds of agreement) What does it have to do with our everyday lives? Well, we all have a pocket ordinator [calculator] at home. This is something we take for granted today, but some of us in the audience may be old enough to remember when the first surfinal ordinators were a massive breakthrough in office jobs. No longer did the many everyday calculations have to be performed longhand by skilled arithmeticians and then checked. That had been the holy grail of early mechanical ypologists, yet mechanical ordinators had never become cheap or versatile enough to replace human arithmetic. Even today, in some parts of the world, skilled abacus operators can sometimes outpace the ordinator, but otherwise the ordinator has changed our lives beyond recognition.

    Yet the ordinator is a very simple logic machine compared to ypologists, though working by the same rules. The ordinator contains many semi-summer circuits – try saying that five times fast... (Audience chuckles) which work in a cascade to make calculations.[16] A semi-summer is built out of four of the fundamental logic valves I just described, two UNDs, an ODER and a NICHT – although this was later simplified down to two other valves. The combination of these gates in turn are used to work the rules of arithmetic for dimeric numbers, which we can represent with what is called a Wahrheitstabelle. It’s called a semi-summer because it can’t add two numbers alone, it only adds two mers of data taken from the two numbers you punch into the ordinator. A cascade of semi-summers adds all the mers in combination, with extra ODER gates that handle the carry mers – you know, like when you do longhand multiplication and you carry numbers? A cascade of seven semi-summers can be used in four stages to add the numbers four and five to get nine – see the diagram on the screen, but don’t worry if you don’t follow it. In dimeric notation four is 100 and five is 101, let’s call them 0100 and 0101 for consistency, and nine is 1001. The cascade of semi-summers, which we refer to as a total-summer array, basically adds each pair of digits, or mer, individually, and then combines them. Remember that each digit is just an electric signal, on or off, 1 or 0. We describe nine as a tetrameric [4-bit] number because it needs four digits to represent. If you’ve heard terms like hexameric and dodecameric ypologists [6-bit and 12-bit], that refers to the number of mers they can handle in one operation, rather than needing a cascade of many semi-summers like this. More mers is better, up to a point.

    I’ll stop trying to explain it here. (Sounds of relief from audience) Hopefully the point has been made clear – ypologists using dimeric logic can reduce mathematical operations down to manipulating electrical signals. Rather than worrying about cogwheels that can get dusty or wear away, or flows of liquid that can leak and get stuck, we only have to concern ourselves with making sure we design our circuit to use the right electric pressure and then maintain it with a power supply. The first electric logic valves used simple switches, big things covering the floor in a hall with wires just to do a simple calculation, but as electrical technology moved on, we were able to use the exact same design philosophy and miniaturise over and over again. Some people even revived the old Cartesian argument about whether the human brain was just a kind of ypologist. In Descartes’ time, nobody had really thought to ask what the physical form of his ‘cogwheels in the brain’ was, but now some materialists began arguing that our brains are just machines made up of biological logic valves. (Audience murmurs) But that’s beyond the scope of this lecture, and starts to fall into synthetic intelligence, which we’ll get into later.

    In the 1920s, Professor Mark Lacke and his team at Harvard developed the ‘Big Betsy’ versatile engine. During the dark days of the War of 1926, when they were focused on breaking Societist codes, Lacke’s subordinate Dr Michael Reed argued that they were reaching the limitations of mechanical methods. Reed began using liminos to build logic circuits. This was met with scepticism, because liminos were thought of as unreliable, and a limino-based ypologist would need hundreds or thousands to all work correctly for the entire system to operate. Surely, statistically at least a few would constantly be burning out, so the machine would never be usable. Reed was therefore refused funding to continue under the war conditions. After the war he was unable to secure it from both Harvard and William and Mary to continue his work.

    However, from 1933 Reed began working with a quister engineer from Philadelphia, Jack Adams, who had begun using liminos to revolutionise quister exchanges in the city. Adams understood that, while people thought of liminos as always burning out, this stereotype was due to them mostly experiencing them through devices such as Photel sets which were regularly being switched on and off. Liminos were far more reliable when powered constantly, and the Philadelphia Quister Board had had no real issues with their improved exchanges being reliant on large numbers of them.[17] Reed was able to finally secure support from the upstart University of St Lewis, which was eager to get one over on the Ivy League. The success of the early limino-based ypologists was such that theorists and engineers in other nations soon began turning to them as well. This began a new competitive race in cryptography, and the Societists soon fell behind from their formerly pre-eminent position as they were trying different technological pathways. However, limino-based ypologists were certainly too bulky and fragile to try to fit into rocket missile warheads as guidance systems, and in the 1930s this was frequently all that many military and political leaders cared about.

    Nonetheless, the work of Reed and Adams – and many others around the world – had finally broken ypologetics out of a focus on mechanical methods, which had reached their limit of applicability. By contrast, when the limino was eventually succeeded by the varifex and then the atenic circuit, the exact same philosophy could be applied, just smaller and faster. Quite unintentionally, and many years after his death, Rieger’s philosophy of logic had given us the language needed to make electricity perform calculations for us. It didn’t matter if that electricty was flowing through big cumbersome switches, or smaller but still chunky liminos, or miniaturised varifexes, or even just the tiny miniaturised printed traces on atenic circuits. The same rules applied: as above, so below. Today people are even speculating about the idea of bringing the surfinal ypologetic circuit down to the level of individual molecules – but be wary, because at that point the rules start to break down and surfinos themselves can start to leak out of your ‘wires’. Perhaps one day we will hit the limit of surfinal ypologetics, just as we hit the limit of mechanical ypologetics in the 1920s and 30s. Look for that day, because it will once again be a revolution in the world around us...

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    There, that’s probably about all that’s relevant for now, she goes on into more recent topics like A.I. I’ve also got a couple of other excerpts from science and technology ones we...

    (Lt Black’s note)

    All right, but try to keep it more concise, we don’t know how long we’ll...

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    Aydub. I mean, OK. (Mutters under breath) Going native...

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture on “The Realm of Inversion Beneath Us” by Prof T. Jefferson Edwards, recorded November 11th, 2020—

    Someone once said that studying science is basically like finding a long list of things you thought you knew, but don’t. Well, there are certainly a lot of fields of science where public misconceptions and old, obsoleted theories have gotten out there, but perhaps no more so than in the world of inversion physics. People think that you can just throw out that word ‘inversion’ and use it to justify any kind of magical nonsense you want. But, though many aspects of inversion physics really are counter-intuitive, it’s just as hard and reliable as the mechanical physics of a steam engine. It’s just that the tiny world of atoms, far beyond what we can see with the naked eye, runs on rules that seem different to us. In reality, the rules are the same everywhere, as far as we know. It’s just that on the scale we’re used to, they start to blur, and we think that blur is just how the world works.

    Imagine an ultratellurian looking at the Earth with a very big telescope from Dionysus. He might be able to see lights in the sky over North America every year on the Fifth of November. Imagine the theories he’d come up with to try to explain this cycle. He has no idea that they’re fireworks being let off by people to commemorate an event four hundred years ago. He doesn’t know people exist, he doesn’t know how we think, he doesn’t know that history – he can’t. All he can do is try to explain why part of Earth lights up every year on the same day. That’s what physics used to be, before inversion theory. We were trying to explain how the world worked while only being able to see things on the scale of that ultratellurian. We could still come up with useful conclusions. Just like how that ultratellurian can predict he’ll see lights again 365 days later, he just doesn’t know why, we could understand how steam worked well enough to build steam engines, even though we didn’t really know what steam was, what it was made of, why it behaved like that. But inversion theory has let us dig down below that surface impression and really start to figure out what’s going on.

    We all know what an atom is – or should I say, we all think we know what an atom is. All of us are wrong, just some are wronger than others. (Audience chuckles) Many people would start with the Ancient Greek philosopher Democritus, who coined the term. But he was speaking of a hypothetical philosophical point – take a piece of cheese, cut it in half, half again, etc., does one reach a point at which there’s the smallest possible fundamental particle of cheese and it can’t be cut anymore? A better analogy nowadays is probably those damned pseulac construction toy blocks that you tread on in the middle of the night (Audience laughter) – you can pull apart a model someone has made, but you can’t split up the blocks. Anyway, Aristotle didn’t like the idea of atoms because they’d have to have vacuums in between them, and he didn’t hold with vacuums.

    Really, though, all we owe to Democritus is the name, atom, from the Greek word meaning ‘uncuttable, indivisible’. The irony is that it’s not even accurate! The concept of atoms was revived in the early nineteenth century by chemists building on the work of Lavoisier, understanding that their more precise measurements now showed that chemical reactions always worked in strict ratios. Again, imagine our ultratellurian on Dionysus, but let’s say he’s got a bit closer and is now on the Cornubia Tower, watching us through his binoculars. (Audience chuckles) He notices that a multi drives into a mobile rental place and ten mobiles drive out, each time. We know that’s because there are ten passengers on the multi who all get out, rent a mobile and drive it out. He can’t see that, but he can deduce that there must be a consistent numerical relationship, and hypothesise the existence of the drivers as the fundamental particle, even though he doesn’t know what they actually are or what they look like. That’s how we were with atoms at this time.

    For a long time, a lot of these chemists and physicists argued that atoms were purely a mathematical abstraction, a bookkeeping exercise. The great irony is that just as atoms were starting to get accepted as a physical reality in the 1920s, it was discovered that the name doesn’t fit. Atoms aren’t indivisible, they’re made up of smaller particles after all. We had already begun to dimly discern this, as new types of particles were discovered, but at the time we were not sure of the distinction between particles and pulses – or whether it existed at all. Surfinos had been discovered, and seemed to offer an explanation of charged surficoms and deficoms [anions and cations]. A surficom was an atom with too many surfinos, a deficom was an atom with too few – but just what was the structure of the atom? Where was the charge deficit [positive charge] that balanced the surfinos? In 1929, at Cometa University, Iain McElroy and Wang Yuwei famously tried firing charge-deficit particles through a thin piece of gold foil, hammered so flat it was essentially just a single layer of gold atoms. They expected a scatter pattern, but were shocked to find that most of the particles passed through the foil unchanged, as though it were mostly empty space, and a handful bounced straight back. McElroy, who had been a veteran of the Pandoric War in the Irish army before moving to California, said that it was as shocking as a protgun firing a two-pound shell at an enemy soldier, only for it to bounce off his medals and come back and hit it![18]

    This required an atomic model in which most of the mass and charge deficit was concentrated into a tiny core, the caryus as we now call it [nucleus]. In pictures this is often shown misleadingly because of how hard it is to depict the sheer scale of it. The caryus is not like a beachball in the middle of this room; it’s more like a speck of dust in the middle of Rappahannock Stadium! (Audience reaction) And yet ninety-nine plus percent of the atom’s mass is concentrated there, in the charge-deficit definos and neutral neutrinos.[19] The number of definos defines what element it is – an old schoolboy mnemonic that, definos define – but the surfinos can be added or lost and all that changes is the overall charge, with a neutral atom having an equal number of definos and surfinos.

    So where are the surfinos? Well, if you believe that blasted model that still appears in textbooks to this day, they are orbiting the caryus in an octahedral pattern, several octahedra inside each other or ‘shells’ as they’re known. Well, I’m sorry to bust your bubble, but that’s nonsense. The octahedral model of the atom was suggested by the Frenchman, Claude Dubois, in 1930 – so yes, we can blame this on the French. (Audience laughter) Ninety years ago, we’ve known it’s been wrong for most of that, and yet it still appears in logos, just because it looks geometrically pleasing.

    Dubois was trying to explain the real chemical behaviour of atoms. He knew that atoms, at least for most of the elements then known, can be combined into molecules by sharing surfinos in particular ways. For example, a molecule of aquaform consists of two aquaform atoms linked by sharing a pair of surfinos, which chemists call a single bond. A molecule of elluftium is, similarly, two elluftium atoms, but they share two pairs of surfinos, or a double bond. And a molecule of illuftium is two illuftium atoms sharing three pairs of surfinos, or a triple bond.[20] Dubois wanted a model that would explain how atoms were able to share surfinos in such a way. He also knew that, at least for the first couple of columns of the tablet of elements, there could be a maximum of eight surfinos in the outer shell.[21] His solution was an octahedral shell with a surfino on each vertex, or point, and the caryus (and any lower shells) at the centre. Two octahedral atoms could either touch at a single point to share a pair of surfinos, one from each of their vertices; or they could touch along a side between two points, to share two pairs; or they could touch along a triangle of three points, sharing three pairs.[22] In some ways, it was a brilliant theory; but it was simply wrong, like our ultratellurian guessing that his multi was full of dogs wanting to rent mobiles rather than people. (Audience laughter) It made sense so long as he didn’t know that dogs can’t drive – no matter what Califilms would have you believe – but then we found they didn’t, in a manner of speaking. Yet that Dubois model still sticks around...

    One reason why it does is that the reality, or what we think is the reality, is more complicated to draw a picture of. The surfinos don’t orbit in a nice geometric pattern, they zoom around unpredictably all over the place, but primarily in areas defined by what we annoyingly still call ‘facets’ for historical reasons.[23] Trying to draw them all on one picture is a nightmare, as you can see here. (Audience reaction) It’s not as complicated as it looks, well, mathematically it is, but it’s not that hard to explain if you play a stringed instrument like a guitar or violin. People who do will know that you might pluck a string to play middle C, but put your finger in the middle, pluck it again, and now it’s up an octave. No matter where you put your finger, though, the string must always be stationary at both ends – it can’t be vibrating anywhere other at the end, or it would snap and break away. This means that you basically have a limited number of notes, or harmonics. You can have one wave vibrating in the string, or two, but you can’t have one and a half. Facets are the same, they’re just in three dimensions. These strange shapes are just like your vibrating guitar strings, just showing vibrations in three dimensions rather than just one. Just as notes go up in tone as you have more wave vibrations in a string, the more you have in a facet the higher-energy it is.

    This is important for inversion theory. It means that, like a musician only has a limited number of notes, an atom only has a limited number of facets to put its surfinos in. Think of it as a bookshelf. You can fit eight books onto this shelf, then you have to move up to the next one. What you can’t do is have a book floating halfway in between. Energy is absorbed by an atom when a surfino is promoted to a higher level – like putting a book on a higher shelf – and released when that book falls back down again to its lowest possible state where there’s space on the shelf.

    All of this seemed fairly esoteric to the average person at the time. But atomic models were not only important for explaining chemical behaviour. ‘Inversion theory’, like many terms later accepted by the mainstream, was originally a pejorative one used by opponents of the theory. It was so called because the theory turned two assumptions of old-style classical physics on their head. Atoms were indivisible, and energy could have an infinite range of values. But this had caused a problem whereby the old theories predicted that a luft fire, for example, should produce a runaway amount of supracynthic light and end up frying you with del-para.[24] That doesn’t happen, and it can only be explained if energy can only be released or absorbed in limited packets of fixed amount, like coins adding up to an imperial. So, inversion theory says atoms are divisible and energy is limited, or ‘quantised’ to use the word some people prefer.[25]

    Atoms were divisible. Not only could they gain and lose surfinos, but that caryus could...well, look at it. Even in a more accurate picture of the atom like this one, the caryus looks the same as on those blasted Dubois atoms. There’s two problems with all our atomic models that should be obvious if you stop to think about them. Think about the rules of electric charge you learned in school. Deficit-charged particles, and neutral ones, in the middle, and surfinos flying around them. What’s the problem? Any ideas? (Indistinct sound) That’s right. There’s actually two problems. The one you mentioned is that the surfinos should just spiral in to the caryus, because charge surfeit and deficit attract each other. That doesn’t happen because of the discrete quantised ‘shelves’ I mentioned before. Imagine the books can’t fall further than the bottom shelf, and the caryus is below that. There’s more to it than that, but we won’t get into it. What about the other problem, can you guess? (Indistinct sound) Yes, very good. Why do the definos in the caryus not just repel each other and fly apart, if they all have a charge deficit?

    The answer is that they’re trying to, all the time, but there’s an extra force which we don’t see on our everyday level, like we see gravity and electromagnetism. This is usually called the Local Von Guericke Force, named by the Germans of course after their seventeenth-century pioneer of vacuum physics. A bit confusingly, as it has nothing to do with vacuums, but it was named by analogy to how vacuum pressure alone can hold two things together against all attempts to pry them apart. It only operates over a very short range, hence why we don’t see it on an everyday level and the ‘local’ part of the name; some people just prefer ‘the local force’ or ‘the glue force’.[26] It may seem like a bit of a cop-out to attribute it to something we can’t see, but there is good evidence for this. The important part here is that, while we certainly didn’t even start to understand this force until recently, it was clear that there must be something holding the caryus together against the electric charges trying to push it apart, and that must be tremendously powerful. Therefore, there must be vast energies sealed inside the atom; what if they could be released?

    Yes. Exactly. Some of the groundwork had already been laid by Signora Silvia Nuvoli and her husband Giuseppe just prior to the Pandoric War, when they had discovered del-para light from how certain xanthium salts exposed asimconic plates. It’s a tragic story in which they, like other early researchers, were exposed to damaging levels of del-para and died young of cancer – though we shouldn’t forget that most of the world was similarly killing itself, a bit more slowly, with tobacco at the time. (Audience murmurs) The Nuvolis’ work had led to a revolution in our understanding of light, together with other work on the Bietmann Problem.[27] At the same time, the New Yorker, James Lyell Parsons, had discovered osteographic rays, another form of paralight.[28] Studies showed that del-para and some osteographic rays were produced from atomic sources which, when examined later, were shown to have transmuted to different elements – the old impossible dream of the alchemists. This could be explained if they had large, unstable caryii, at the limits of which the local force could operate. They had physically split in two, producing two new atoms of different elements and releasing some of the trapped energy. For example, Signora Nuvoli’s xanthine salts had broken down to a combination of barotium and xenine.[29] This was fascinating enough on a small level, atoms breaking down slowly, but what if a large number of atoms could be persuaded to break at once?

    And so, from this seemingly obscure and esoteric area of science would come the carytic power and the threshold bomb that, in so many ways, rule our world today...

    *

    (Sgt Mumby’s note)

    Right, that should finally satisfy Pataki...I also have a bit on relativity, so maybe I could add that here too...?

    (Lt Black’s note)

    Uh-oh, I think I hear him downstairs. Save it for another time.















    [1] ‘Synthserf’, as we’ll see, is the term used in TTL for ‘robot’, in this case describing a robotic arm for assembling cars. It is frequently misspelled as ‘synthsurf’ because people connect it with the word ‘surfinal’ (electronic) rather than ‘serf’ as in unfree labourer, but the concept largely predates surfinal technology.

    [2] Referring to a chemical innovation known in OTL as ‘metal-organic frameworks’ (MOFs), which are at a higher level of technological implementation in TTL.

    [3] See Interlude #14 in Volume III.

    [4] This is passing over more complex cases like the infamous Atlantic ‘triangular trade’ of slaves, raw material cotton and manufactured goods such as linen clothing.

    [5] See Part #216 in Volume V.

    [6] This being described as ‘Bisnagi mathematics’ rather than ‘Indian mathematics’ reflects a prejudice in favour of Bisnaga, which is associated with modernisation and advanced technology, and against the more ‘backwards’ Indian states (either because they are poorer or, in the case of Panchala, because they are seen as anti-intellectual). This view is helped by the fact that a number of the homes of a number of early Indian mathematicians is a matter of debate even in OTL, and many more Indian records and archaeological sites were destroyed in the Great Jihad and its aftermath and TTL. Even unambiguously northern Indian mathematicians have a tendency to be filed under ‘Bisnagi mathematics’, however.

    [7] Photel Carytic Oscillation is the term used in TTL for what we would call Nuclear Magnetic Resonance (NMR) or Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI). The analogy here is not perfect, because there are plenty of other uses for Pascal’s Triangle that Pascal (and his precursors) would have been well aware of.

    [8] This is used generically to mean what we would call analogue-to-digital, and probably specifically refers to what we would call Fourier Transform. Incidentally, Fourier Transform would itself be a good example of the delay in practicality that Coningsby is talking about here. In OTL it was posited (in an early and imperfect form) by Joseph Fourier in the 1820s that any wave, no matter how complex, could be reduced to an additative series of sine waves. A century and a half later this observation would make (among much else) CD digital audio possible.

    [9] The same ‘algebra of thought’ ideas that make Leibniz’s work important for the history of quantitative logic (as called in TTL) are also bound up in his notion that this could be the basis for a universal human language (as mocked by Voltaire with the character of ‘Professor Pangloss’ in Candide). Naturally, this is seen as a bit dodgy in the later context of a Societist-influenced world.

    [10] Rieger’s work is equivalent to that of George Boole (father of Boolean algebra) in OTL.

    [11] Equivalent to Gödel’s Incompleteness Theorem in OTL.

    [12] Logic gates in OTL.

    [13] See Part #204 in Volume V.

    [14] In OTL the terminology is ‘real time clock’, with reference to ‘clock speed’, ‘clock up/down’, etc.

    [15] The second names Coningsby gives are sometimes used in OTL in engineering; the first names are German versions of the OTL names typically used in circuit design, as they are derived from the pre-existing language of logic, but in TTL the key work was first published in German.

    [16] Semi-summers are referred to in OTL as half-adders.

    [17] This is similar to what happened in OTL at Bletchley Park during WW2, in which a British telephone engineer named Tommy Flowers had to make the same argument against a sceptical establishment, though his work impressed Alan Turing and secured him his support.

    [18] See Part #201 in Volume V. This is similar to OTL’s Geiger-Marsden experiment from 1908-13. Ernest Rutherford made a similar comment about how unexpected the results were.

    [19] Definos and neutrinos = protons and neutrons (confusingly, ‘neutrino’ means a different particle altogether in OTL).

    [20] Recall that aquaform, elluftium and illuftium are hydrogen, oxygen and nitrogen respectively.

    [21] The ‘Table of Elements’ is the TTL version of the periodic table, which is vertical rather than horizontal.

    [22] The octahedral atom is similar to OTL’s cubical atom theory theorised by Gilbert N. Lewis in 1902, published in 1916 and refined by Irving Langmuir in 1919. One reason why it has stuck around in TTL is that it better explains atomic behaviour because it allows two octahedral to touch at three points to make a triple bond, whereas the cubical model could not because cubes can only touch at one, two or four points. Another reason is there is a longer gap before quantum models come along, whereas the cubical atom was almost immediately obsoleted. Of course, OTL instead has the annoying prevalence of the Rutherford ‘mini solar system’ model of the atom, which still appears everywhere despite having been disproven almost a century ago.

    [23] For the same reason, the OTL equivalent are referred to as ‘atomic orbitals’, even though we have abandoned the idea of simple orbits.

    [24] Known as ‘the ultraviolet catastrophe’ in OTL.

    [25] Hence in OTL ‘inversion theory’ is instead called ‘quantum theory’.

    [26] In OTL it is called the Strong Nuclear Force, or just the Strong Force.

    [27] See Part #254 in Volume VII.

    [28] I.e. X-rays. ‘Paralight’ in TTL terminology means electromagnetic radiation with wavelengths shorter than that of visible light. ‘Del-para’ is short of ‘deleterious paralight’, meaning ionising radiation dangerous to life (mostly synonymous with gamma rays, but sometimes applied to X-rays and ultraviolet or ‘supracynthic light’).

    [29] Xanthium, barotium and xenine are known in OTL as uranium, barium and krypton, respectively.
     
    313
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #313: All That Glitters…

    “WE BUY GEMS
    WE BUY JEWELLERY
    The Unofficial Market Has Never Been So Strong

    Contact Scott-Annam Discreetly on Motext page 24J-112”

    - Hand-made advertisement seen on Cooper Street, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Sgt Bob Mumby, December 2020

    *

    (Lt Tindale’s note)

    While Bob and Dom get yelled at downstairs by Dr Wostyn for sending him on that wild-goose chase, I thought to myself, there’ll never be an opportunity like this to get in some economic history. Now where did I put that recording…

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture on “The Imp in Your Pocket” by Michael Mantarakis, recorded November 16th, 2020—

    Gold! Gold has excited the imaginations of mankind since our earliest, forgotten years. The Noble Metal, which the ancients thought always remained aloof and did not combine with others – not entirely true, but combinations are relatively rare compared to other metals – and which stood out due to its colour and lustre. The scientists now tell us that the colour arises from Webb-Popham relativistic effects; I could not explain that, as it’s not my area of expertise, but imagine that. The theory which changed our understanding of the universe was always on open display before us, if we had had the eyes to see, and gave rise to the colour of gold which has fascinated and obsessed us for thousands of years.[1] As soon as there was civilisation of any kind, be it Sumer or ancient Egypt or even the lesser-known Proto-Caucasians, we find elaborate tombs with kings and princes buried with gold jewellery.[2] We all know the cautionary myth of King Midas from my people, who turned everything he touched to gold – whether he wanted to or not. It is most probably an origin myth to explain the rivers of the lands of Lydia and Phrygia, in modern Anatolia in the Eternal State, producing gold that made the later King Croesus legendarily rich.

    Gold is so central to our imagination of wealth that we frequently forget that the reason why it is so valuable is its rarity. Perhaps that sounds obvious, but I don’t think people appreciate just how rare gold is. Ninety percent of all the gold ever mined in human history was mined since the California Goldrush in 1818-19.[3] Even today, all the gold ever mined would fit in a cube about seventy feet on each side. Or, to put it another way, about enough to fill just under four Global Games swimming pools.[4] (Shocked audience reaction) Before 1818, it’d have fitted into a cube only thirty or so feet on each side – which would easily fit into the House of Commons chamber, for example. Nobody guess how long it would stay there before the politicians decided to start taxing it. (Audience laughter) But just think about that, all the gold in the world in one place would only be that much. Now remember all the depictions in fiction that have shown pirates or unscrupulous wealthy villains with ships full, vaults full, of gold.[4] To the economically literate, such scenes are as absurd as if one watched a film in which one character was twenty feet tall and drove a mobile powered by eggs and nobody seemed to notice or comment on it!

    Gold’s scarcity is what makes it so valuable and so relatively stable, for the most part, but also causes problems with using it as a currency. When we tie the money in circulation to a specific commodity – especially a highly limited one – that limits our economic growth. Of course, it was never the case that when currency was backed by a precious metal, the amount of money in circulation was tied to the amount of that metal alone. The key principle of banking is that a bank can always theoretically pay out commodity coinage, which is inherently valuable, such as gold or silver coins, to any account holder who walks in and asks for it. This works, providing that not every account holder walks in at once and asks for it, because the bank is moving their limited amount of money around in order to fulfil transactions elsewhere. If this does happen, in the case of a ‘run on the bank’, then the bank will be unable to refund them all and will collapse, unless it is rescued by emergency funds from elsewhere. (Audience grumbles) Nonetheless, even though a small amount of gold can physically stay in the vault of one bank and be theoretically loaned out again and again through promissory notes, fixing currency to a limited commodity still inherently limits economic growth.

    In order to do that with gold, or any commodity, of course, one already requires a stable banking system and a state to back it up – though historically banks have backed up states as well! For much of history, the only state strong and stable enough to be able to operate such a system was China. China could issue fiat currency, paper money, for internal use long before anyone in Europe trusted it. Even the Roman Empire found its own economy disrupted by forces from the China trade.[5] The Chinese economy was always founded on silver as the chief commodity, along with silk early on, but silver ingots were hoarded rather than exchanged until the Ming dynasty. Even though China was still largely inward-looking at this time, we can see how the interaction of European and Novamundine influences with Chinese ones helped set the monetary policy of the later world. The Spanish had obtained vast silver mines from the Novamund and silver began to flood into the Far East as a means of exchange. The Ming statesman Wang Juzheng implemented what we would later recognise as China’s silver standard, collecting taxes in silver taels rather than rice. It had been an indirect European influence, by making silver more available, that had helped set China’s economic policy; in later centuries, this attachment to silver would feed back, as China in turn influenced the West.

    China is the best-known example of a silver standard economy, but silver was the basis of a lot more economies than gold throughout history, from the Sumerians onwards. Gold first rose to prominence as the primary basis of an economy due to an accidental decision by famous scientist Sir Isaac Newton, who was also Master of the Royal Mint at the time, which undervalued silver in England compared to gold. ‘Bad money drove out good’ and England, then a rising power, became dependent on gold, while silver coins flowed out of the country to Europe as they could be melted down for higher than their face value. This naturally also influenced matters here in what would become the ENA. This early push for gold was abortive, though, when England was invaded by the French and she lost much of her gold reserves.[6]

    Europe in general had been damaged and exhausted by the Jacobin Wars, while China had been unexpectedly opened to further trade by the rebellion during the Three Emperors’ War that gave rise to the Nanfeng dynasty.[7] Visionary leaders in both Europe and China realised that this was an opportunity to help rebuild after their respective wars, and trade between China – those parts controlled by the Nanfeng – and the rest of the world dramatically accelerated during this period. Prior to this point, China under the old Qing dynasty had been backward, inward-looking and reluctant to trade. The Qing might be foreign invaders, Manchus, but despite that, or because of that, they seemed eager to embrace the more autarkic parts of Confucianism, more than many of the native Han dynasties in fact. The Qing steadily reduced trade to only one city, Canton, modern Hanjing, and would only accept one commodity, silver – though from the ENA, Appalachian ginseng was a second trade commodity.[8] At the same time, European and Novamundine powers became more and more hungry and impatient for China’s bounty of trade products; tea, porcelain, lacquerware and silk chief among them. The trade was seen as nothing more than a trickle to Europeans and treasuries were being emptied of silver. Unscrupulous traders began illegally trading the drug opium to Chinese merchants. The Qing government proved ineffectual at cracking down on this, encouraging others to try the same, and even the more legitimate major trading companies tried it. The British East India Company infamously caused a famine in Bengal in 1770 by forcing farmers to grow opium poppies instead of food, all to feed the ravenous trade balance.

    The Three Emperors’ War and the rise of the Nanfeng, the later Feng, changed all that. The Feng might have been birthed in part by secret societies with the romantic goal of overthrowing foreign rule, but they were also run by hard-headed businessmen who knew Europeans better than anyone in China, and also knew how to strike a deal. Both Nanfeng and Europeans were in weak positions. Twenty years earlier or later, a country like France could have sent a fleet to try to enforce its will on the Chinese traders. (Audience reaction) Yes, I mean no disrespect to the Chinese people by saying so, I don’t seek to compare them to a country like Yapon! But things were in turmoil at the time and a strong foreign force could have forced an unequal deal on the Nanfeng. Fortunately for China, damaged Europe was in no place to do so. A new trading arrangement grew up as a partnership of equals, as both Europe and the Nanfeng rebuilt and rose again together, and we in the Novamund rose to join them. The Nanfeng were able to severely limit the opium trade and actually enforce it, unlike their Qing predecessors; though opium was valuable, the European traders mostly recognised that it was better to stick to providing the less valuable but more reliable trade goods which the Qing had previously turned their noses up at. The old Dutch were the only ones who tried to carry on the opium trade surreptitiously, and we all know what happened to them. The Nanfeng proved that they could force a country out of the China trade if it broke its treaty obligations, and the fact that the Dutch collapsed soon afterwards in the Popular Wars rammed the point home.

    I mention all this because Nanfeng China, Feng China’s, integration into a global economy changed everything. China had never truly been as aloof from the world as its rulers might like to think, but this direct involvement was a new concept altogether. China was not merely a silver sink anymore, but a part of an economic system, with silver flowing out as well as in, paying for European weapons and training and steam technology. And from the Novamund as well, of course. Silver was the primary exchange commodity of world trade, with China also influencing Siam and, later, the Indian nations after the Great Jihad after the establishment of their colony of Jushina.

    One might have expected a change to a gold standard to be driven by the repeated goldrushes of the nineteenth century. This certainly dramatically increased the gold supply and made gold more viable as a means of currency exchange. In the short term, however, many goldrushes close together caused a destabilisation in the price of gold. Neither precious metal alone could entirely supply the exchange needs of the rapidly-industrialising and –developing interior of this nation and what was then the UPSA. Local banks were often set up, illegally issuing paper money backed by nothing more than wishful thinking, frequently collapsing and wiping out savings every time there was an economic ripple.[9] But they existed because people needed the ability to save and invest to keep up with the pace of economic development, driven in part by new technology such as steam engines and railways. Floods of immigrants left Europe for here in the ENA, the UPSA and Antipodea. The situation was highly volatile.

    The Electrum Standard, which still carries connotations of being ‘the good old days’ whose passing is bemoaned by greybeards – even though no-one lives now for truly remembers it – formally came about later than many imagine it did, in 1883.[10] Informally, however, it had already begun to form organically. The repeated injection of large quantities of gold into the global economy, and the fact that that economy was gradually incorporating more and more of the world, gradually led to an increased use of gold to underwrite the industrialised economies of the Arc of Power here in the ENA, the River Plate in the UPSA, the coal belt of northwestern Europe, and the Moscow-Petrograd corridor in Russia. At the same time, Nanfeng China continued to increase in power and importance and still ran her trade on a silver basis. Silver mines across the New World, most famously perhaps in the Californian province of Argentina, continued to produce and farmers remained wedded to silver as an easier means of exchange.[11] Diamonds and other gemstones were also entering the world economy in much larger quantities than before, largely from the Cape Republic as well as the gem mines of Cambodia in the Siamese Empire. Initially this led to widespread economic disruption, before cartels agreed to limit the diamond supplies; later, after the Societist takeover of several African diamond-producing regions,[12] the Combine would use control of this market as an economic weapon, like their better-known attempted use of oil.

    The volatility of the world economic situation in 1883 was demonstrated by the fact that a global depression, the Panic of 1883, was set off by the relatively minor incident of isolated crop failures due to a volcanic eruption in the Nusantara. The exchange rate of gold to silver had proved too unstable, and this had led to several bank collapses. Now, for the first time, world powers met in Antwerp to agree to fix the gold-to-silver standard exchange, initially at 15:1. Hopes that this could be maintained indefinitely proved fruitless, however, necessitating regular meetings of what became known as the World Numismatics Council (Audience reaction) Of course, this was before the rise of Societism made terms like that politically charged. Yes, every three years or so the WNC would meet to fix the rate of exchange. There was still a lag, leading to situations like the earlier one in England I mentioned, where silver coins might become more inherently valuable than their face value and lead to illegal currency flows and melting down to ingots. Gold became more and more important as a more stable rate of mining from Africa replaced the stop-start disruption of the goldrushes, and even China began unofficial defining its external markets in terms of gold. The global gold market would not be affected by issues of supply – other than mines pausing operations due to war – until the Trondek goldrush of 1933.[13]

    The Antwerp System had its flaws, but it served to moderate global financial volatility until it failed with the outbreak of the Pandoric War in 1896.[14] Perhaps the surprising part is that the Electrum Standard did not collapse immediately as more and more powerful nations suspended interconvertibility and began to print fiat money to fund their war efforts. An important factor in keeping the heart of the system stable was the neutrality of France and the Marseilles Protocol. (Audience reaction) Yes, France’s position has been much-criticised on moral grounds, but in terms of the world’s economy, a league of armed neutrality backed by what was then the biggest economy on Earth meant that trade could continue to function under the wartime conditions. By effectively threatening to intervene on one side or the other to tip the balance, the French – backed up by the Italians and a host of minor allies – were able to protect the status of neutral shipping on the high seas. This had a number of consequences. For example, attempts to blockade import-dependent nations such as Germany into starvation all failed. No power was willing to risk sinking a ship sailing an obviously fictitious neutral flag of convenience lest it antagonise the French. This worked both ways, of course; in order to constitute a credible threat, the French had to scatter their forces across the world to be ready to intervene, which meant that they were unable to put down the Dufresnais Revolution, for example.

    Because France never suspended the Electrum Standard within its own economic bloc, the French economy became even more dominant over the course of the war as the ENA, UPSA and China all began to exhaust their reserves. However, France then fell into a trap. When the UPSA was replaced with the Societist Combine, the Combine defaulted on most Meridian debts – which largely came at the expense of France, whose banks had continued to lend to Meridians throughout the war. (Indistinct reaction from audience) Well, some would say so, perhaps. Prime Minister Leclerc built the International Expeditionary Force out of Marseilles Protocol troops and sent it to the Combine after the war, not to try to suppress Societism as is often thought today, but to try to secure French-owned businesses and French subjects there. In the end, this effort was largely a failure. The French economy had strengthened due to not suffering the same rise in military spending to fund the Pandoric War effort that other nations had, but France just ended up spending on its military for the IEF intervention instead.

    Nations attempted to rebuild the Antwerp System after the war, more out of a vague sense of wishful thinking than with any plan in mind. Nostalgics associated the Electrum Standard with prosperity, and confused cause and effect.[15] The loss of the UPSA and much of the Hermandad to the interconnected global economy, as Alfarus built his inward-looking ‘udarkismo’ system, was an elephant in the room that gradually began to undermine the standard. The reconstructed Antwerp System limped on, its obvious fragilities ignored by those who did not wish to see them, until 1917. The Panic of 1917 was triggered by Guatemala defaulting on a war reparations payment coupled to a political and economic crisis in Corea. However, something similar could have happened at any time, if enough isolated problems had come together at once so that financiers could not try to head them off. Discussing the response to the Panic of 1917 would take more than one lecture in itself, but it dealt a fatal blow to the Electrum Standard. While still publicly professing that any suspension in the system was temporary, national banks once again suspended interconvertibility with gold and silver and began to print fiat money to increase the money supply. This stabilised creaking parts of the economy in the short term, but also led to rapid inflation.

    The Panic of 1917 exposed a double standard in how financiers and markets responded to this intervention. Small and friendless nations could not unilaterally print money without sparking bank runs and collapses as capital fled the country for stabler markets. By contrast, great powers such as France, Russia and the ENA were said to have their currencies ‘backed by steel’ rather than gold or silver; in other words, their military power was itself regarded as a security to protect investments and prevent internal mob violence from overturning banks. This allowed these countries to intervene to protect the economies of smaller allies via loans, while making their governments beholden to them. China also did this, notably to Corea, but China itself had probably suffered the least of the major powers in the Panic to begin with. The most dramatic collapse in the Panic came in Belgium, precisely because King Maximilian IV acted as though Belgium was a great power and immune to criticism, while ignoring the fact that his own heavy-handed interventions in politics had made investors and banks jittery. He arrogantly rejected French financial aid which might have saved his position. The obviously-rigged election of 1918 led to a public uprising which was put down only with Russian help, effectively reducing Belgium to a Russian puppet and setting it on the course for destruction in the Black Twenties.[16]

    This unstable state of fiat currency being the global norm would continue throughout the Black Twenties, as both war and plague response consumed public funds. Inflation and debt both skyrocketed. Despite China and Siam’s neutrality, the economic chaos began to bleed into their economies as well. China’s sometimes overly strict responses to plague outbreaks damaged its economy and made it a hostile market to European and American investors who otherwise might have seen China as a safe harbour with the war back home. Societist success in the War of 1926 (Audience reaction) made Alfaran udarkismo seem more attractive to the nations, and some, such as Corea and later Panchala, would attempt to imitate it – with disastrous consequences, for those nations did not have access to a large chunk of the world’s resources in bondage as Alfarus did.

    The post-Black Twenties boom resulted in increased prosperity but not, initially, increased stability. The volatility of the fiat-based economy continued, though many had gotten used to stop-start inflation and regular currency and wage crises as the ‘new normal’ as it had been over a decade since the Panic of 1917. What initially prompted a rethink was what became known as the Shock of 1934, an economic wobble probably caused initially by rumours about French trade policy with respect to Bisnaga and Péousie, coupled to the aftereffects of the Trondek goldrush. Financial experts generally agree that this could have been a new major contraction if it had not been tackled by quick and audacious action by the central banks of France, Russia and the Empire. China had still yet to fully re-engage in the global markets following the political crisis of 1930-31, which would be significant.

    It was remarked at the time that, despite those three great powers having been at each others’ throats not long ago, their bankers had acted for the good of all, because maintaining a stable global economy was in the interests of all people. This ultimately led to Jerzy Rytlewski’s ‘Carltonist Pacifism’, a critique and counter to Societism in which Rytlewski argues that this impetus towards economic cooperation could subsume military goals and so prevent war. Of course, in many ways it was just a restatement of similar ideas from the Long Peace, which the Societists had already rejected – that long period of peace for economically-driven reasons had eventually ended.

    I digress. The sequence of events that led to the establishment of the Gold Standard is a complicated, confusing – and frequently confused – one. There are many times I have read monogrammes by otherwise intelligent writers who confidently state causes for this establishment, causes which had not actually happened yet! Sometimes it can be difficult to separate causes and consequences, as this was an eventful period and a broad shift in one direction can be hard to unpick. Nowadays the ASL likes to stir up controversy among historians for its own sake, but the so-called ‘Auric Controversy’ over the Gold Standard is as old as the standard itself. Many economic historians argue that the establishment of the standard possessed an almost Paleian inevitability to it, driven by the changing nature of the world market and the increased gold supply. Many others argue, with equal eloquence, that the establishment of the standard was an unlikely event which came about only because of a precise combination of chance factors, such as the identities of individual treasury ministers and the absence of China from the table at a critical time.

    The latter factor was certainly significant. China’s use of silver for its internal market had always helped underpin the Electrum Standard, but following plague and crisis there, this factor in favour of a role for silver in the world markets had declined. The old UPSA had also been a substantial voice in favour of silver, being a major producer of the metal from the mines in its client states of Peru and (to a lesser extent) Mexico.[17] The ‘Golden Sun and Silver Torch’, though with other symbolic meanings to the Meridians, could also be seen as a declaration in favour of the Electrum Standard. The UPSA had been replaced with the udarkist Combine, which had its own ideas about currency standards which I’ll get to later. Even if the Combine had been participating in these debates, it now had access to substantially more gold than the UPSA had, possessing the Congo and beginning to develop gold mines there.

    In the absence of the Chinese and Meridian voices pushing for silver, the debate was now dominated by the Empire, France and Russia. Within those nations were internal voices for silver, but these too were growing less important. Continental France had mostly used gold internally, with silver being more important for colonial trade with and within Bisnaga.[18] As it was now clear that the wind was blowing in favour of Bisnagi independence, a standard based on gold only seemed more in the interest of propping up the domestic French economy.

    Here in the Empire, the primary supporters of silver had been farmers and miners in the West, away from the Arc of Power. There had always been a loud minority in the industrialised east arguing for a gold standard, but this had not seemed politically feasible when the other world powers were wedded to electrum. Now, a few things had changed. Industry was spreading to more cities in the interior, the farming sector had been heavily disrupted by the Black Twenties, and the party system had been shattered by both the war and then electoral reform. There was no coherent pro-silver voter bloc anymore; even though the leading Pioneer party was drawing on what should have been pro-silver demographics, in this brave new world of coalitions, the government was also being backed by pro-gold east coasters. Opposition to the gold standard would mostly come on the Confederal level of politics, with the eventual establishment of the Agrarian Party of Michigan and the Argentine Party of Westernesse and its neighbours,[19] which would go on to merge into today’s Agri-Argent Party. For the moment, pro-gold voices were in the majority.

    In Russia, things were not so democratic, of course, but there were similar factors involving the industrialisation of the interior and wealthy industrialists gaining an increasingly loud voice in the Imperial Soviet at the expense of traditional aristocrats. Russia also brought along Romulan Italy as an important partner, and Italy also argued in favour of gold.

    By far, though, the single biggest factor was simply that people were sick of economic volatility and wanted to try something new to try to stabilise the world markets. Simply trying to rebuild the glory days of the Antwerp System from the Long Peace had already been showed to be flawed. Now, important voices such as French Prime Minister (and former Controller-General) Loïc Caouissin argued that the world had changed and a monometallic gold-based standard would bring stability and fend off currency crises. Caouissin pointed to the vastly increased supply of gold to the world market from Pérousie, the Cape Republic, Russia, Natal, and the Empire. The Trondek goldrush had also not destabilised the price of gold to the point that many had predicted.

    At the Passau Conference of 1935, representatives from over a dozen governments agreed the so-called ‘Passau System’, which would be ratified by all major economies except the Combine over the next couple of years.[20] The Passau System locked all currencies to a fixed rate of exchange with gold, with the goal of prevent competitive currency devaluations and tying down inflation. In practice, a 3% rate of deviation was permitted in case of emergency, with nations expected to take action to remedy any shift beyond this by buying foreign currency.

    Where the Passau System struggled was that the nations were, understandably, reluctant to create any kind of arbitration body to take action against any who violated the rules. Despite this, compromise built on compromise until the Transoceanic Office for Financial Standards (TOFS) was created and ratified in 1936.[21] TOFS’s ruling executive consisted of a council of eight, with permanent seats for representatives of the Empire, Russia and France and five rotating members drawn from other participating nations. China initially refused to take part, attempting to continue its former policies. In 1940, however, the Chinese government U-turned and joined TOFS in return for a constitutional change to create an existing permanent seat, saving face. Part of the reason for China’s move was the increasing development of gold mines in China’s own territory, leading the Gold Standard to become more favourable towards Chinese interests.

    I should explain that one part of the shift to gold was that it banned or restricted the coinage of ‘free silver’ as it had been known. Historically, in most nations it would be possible to take a silver ingot to a mint and have it minted into legal-tender silver coins. The Passau System, by contrast, heavily restricted this former right, which was viewed with outrage in more silver-dependent parts of the world.

    The gold-based Passau System would form the foundation for the world economy for more than twenty years, from 1935 until the Crash of 1956 which helped trigger the Sunrise War. This era would be one of near-unprecedented peace and prosperity, eclipsing even the Long Peace in terms of rises of standard of living. This was driven in part by new technology, produced by industrial companies which benefited from the stability that the Gold Standard had imposed. Nonetheless, there were also many losers as well as winners. I already mentioned agriculture, which suffered from the effects of the limited gold supply. While the Passau System stabilised prices and sharply cut inflation compared to the last decade, it also somewhat tied the hands of central banks to respond to minor crises, which could lead to individual bank failures.

    In terms of nations, winners and losers were not always easy to predict. As I said, China was a fervent opponent of the Gold Standard but ultimately ended up benefiting from it. Germany’s economy also recovered under gold after much scepticism from German society. Several African nations suffered short-term disruption but then also benefited, being gold producers themselves. (This is one of those factors which I say people sometimes cite as causes of the Passau System, even though the voices of African nations were not heard until the Toulon Conference which took place after Passau!) The Indian nations generally suffered a decline from the shift to gold, which in Bisnaga was viewed as an act of spite on the part of the French. The effect of the stabilisation on both prices and wages was seen both positively and negatively by workers in different industries, depending on the context they had started with. One reason why the novelty of electrical technologies are so associated with this period is that their producers still had room to expand their markets in the new artificially gold-restricted world, and attracted workers with high wages as a consequence.

    In all this, I haven’t talked about what the Societists were doing, of course. In the last years of Alfarus before the Silent Revolution, a new Societist economic policy had been pioneered by Josephus Kalvus. Kalvus argued that a key lesson of the Black Twenties and the War of 1926 was that coal was in decline as a source of energy, and was increasingly being replaced by oil and its derivatives.[22] Firstly, he claimed that the Combine could effectively blackmail the world if it was able to control most sources of oil. (Audience reaction) Yes, well, nobody ever said it was realistic. Kalvus had some legitimate points about oil, but he was also a legacy of the fact that anyone who could rise to the top in the late Alfaran period was someone who was more skilled at political survival and bluffing his way through the so-called meritocratic tests than he was at his actual job. The Combine did have access to the vast oil reserves of Venezuela, but they should have known that, even at the time, the Empire, New Ireland, Persia and Russia had oil fields far too vast for the Societists to have any hope of trying to establish a near-monopoly. And this was before the oil in Araby, Guinea and the German Sea, among others, was discovered. Kalvus did have more success with a similar argument about trying to control the world’s rubber supply, I should said, which led to a push for alternatives and a drive towards pseulac…that’s another story.

    But that was only half of Kalvus’ argument. He also claimed that the Societist udarkist currency unit, the shikullus (later replaced with the mundo), should be based on the global value of oil, believing that the entire economy should follow the oil supply. It should have been obvious that, with new oilfields and exploitation techniques being regularly discovered and new technologies that consumed oil also changing the demand side of the equation, this was a recipe for chaos. However, as I said, in the late Alfaran period few were still willing to speak up and criticise an obviously disastrous idea.

    It was a significant moment for the future of Societism. Both Danubia and the Eternal State politely declined to join this attempt at a new world order. The former was, perhaps, not surprising to the Combine by this point, but the second was a shock – the Combine had thought their advisors had been establishing control in Constantinople. Regardless, Kalvus’ ‘Oil Standard’ was predictably disastrous and the Combine had abandoned it in 1936, only one year after its adoption. To the Societist mind, being forced to publicly retract a former policy was a bigger sin than the negative effects the policy had had in the first place. By this point, it is suspected that Alfarus had suffered a stroke and his regime was really being run by Madame Alfara behind the scenes.[23]

    Whoever gave the order, Kalvus was publicly executed for his crimes, being called ‘a traitor to humanity and a soldier of the mind’, reflecting the Societist idea that all soldiers were murderers worthy of execution (though in the case of their own Celatores it was conveniently delayed eighty years). Now, one public execution, even captured on film, might not carry enough impact, as Kalvus’ policy had inflicted harm on loyal Societists from Carolina to the Nusantara, and all were angry. Alfarus, or Alfara, promptly had a few dozen political prisoners executed in the centre of the various Zones’ capitals and just told them it was Kalvus. There’s some debate about whether the message had meant to be that these people were supposed to be Kalvus’ collaborators and there was a mistake, but it appears that thousands of Societists both watched Kalvus’ execution in Zon1Urb1 on a propaganda reel at the picture-house and then went down the road to their own town square and saw it again there. If true – it is hard to say as much of this is based on the debatable accounts of refugees – it certainly must have undermined public trust in Alfarus’ regime.

    As you probably know, Alfarus died not long after this. There are many reasons why the continuity regime led by Alfara soon collapsed amid a tide of public anger and we got the Silent Revolution. Alfarus had made a lot of enemies over the years who were suddenly willing to speak out. But our usual picture of the Silent Revolution is of massed mobs of Black Guards torching public art depicting Alfarus, young men who had formerly been just as loyal to the Kapud as the famous Markus Garzius. What turned them against him? Perhaps the fact that so many of them had lost savings thanks to the instability unleashed by this man whom, publicly, had seemed to have the Kapud’s backing…

    *

    (Lt Tindale’s note)

    Uh-oh, he seems to be coming upstairs now. Toodle-pip!





    [1] To oversimplify, the colour of an object arises from white light (a mixture of colours) striking it and not all colours being equally reflected or transmitted through. This is due to energy gaps between electron orbitals in the atoms or molecules comprising the object; light of the right energy (which is proportional to frequency which defines colour) to match a gap can be absorbed by an electron to briefly promote it to the higher orbital. A colourless object typically looks colourless because the energy gaps between its electron orbitals are all too large for any colour of light we can see to bridge the gap and be absorbed (higher-energy ultraviolet light may be absorbed, hence those objects will stand out on UV cameras). Most metals, in their pure form, fall into this category and are described as ‘grey’ or ‘silvery’, i.e. colourless. Gold (and, more obscurely, caesium) are heavy enough that their electrons begin to ‘orbit’ at a speed close to that of light, which means according to Einsteinian relativity, they gain mass. This in turn changes the energy gaps, narrowing them to the point that gold absorbs blue light from the white light spectrum, the rest of the spectrum being reflected back so it looks yellow to our eyes. In a world without relativistic effects, gold would just look like silver.

    [2] ‘Proto-Caucasians’ refers to the people known in OTL to archaeologists as ‘the Maykop culture’.

    [3] The same statistic is true of the later California Goldrush in OTL.

    [4] There are far too many examples of this from OTL fiction to count, but a good example is in the Tintin books “The Secret of the Unicorn” and “Red Rackham’s Treasure” vs their loose film adaptation from 2011. The books, realistically, depict the treasure as a couple of handfuls of gold and jewels which fit into a small container and are worth enough to set Captain Haddock up for life. The film depicts a pirate ship absurdly full of so much golden treasure that it would represent perhaps a quarter of the entire amount of mined gold that existed in the world in the 1600s!

    [5] This is slightly misleadingly phrased, as China did not start using paper money until the 7th century, after the Roman Empire had already fallen.

    [6] Unlike OTL, where the British Empire’s dominance of world trade after 1815 helped drive the push towards the Gold Standard internationally, in addition to an increased gold supply from the nineteenth century goldrushes.

    [7] Some historians have started referring to the Feng dynasty pre-Pandoric War (i.e. before it reunified China under its rule with the destruction of the Beiqing) as the ‘Nanfeng’ (Southern Feng). This is a historiographic term coined after the fact, like ‘Byzantine Empire’, and was not used at the time. It has not caught on very widely (yet).

    [8] See Part #104 in Volume III.

    [9] This was also true of the United States in the early-to-mid nineteenth century in OTL.

    [10] See Part #270 in Volume VII.

    [11] Argentina is the region known in OTL as Nevada (a false friend, meaning Land of Silver; the term Platinea is used for OTL Argentina in TTL).

    [12] See Part #265 in Volume VII.

    [13] Trondek is another transliteration of the name Klondike. Why is the Klondike goldrush delayed 37 years compared to OTL? Primarily because that region was especially difficult to reach by any prospectors until after the Black Twenties; theoretically claimed by the Russians, in practice largely uninhabited by anyone other than its native peoples (who traded with the Superior Republic) and then subject to the issue that the Americans had built the deliberately incompatible and militarised Rexoc railway in the area to prevent the Russians being able to use captured American railways in a war.

    [14] There are major implications from TTL’s different economic history at this point. In OTL, the shift to a global Gold Standard was driven by Germany and the United States deciding to abandon bimetallism in favour of gold, preceded by the French-led Latin Monetary Union. There were many consequences of this; those on American farmers are fairly well known, but it also led to the fall of the Indian rupee and was a major cause of the Panic of 1873, among much else.

    [15] See Part #270 in Volume VII.

    [16] See Part #275 in Volume VIII.

    [17] Peru is also a gold producer, but to a lesser relative extent.

    [18] In OTL, British India remained on the silver standard (as had traditionally been used there for centuries – the word ‘rupee’ literally means engraved silver) even though Britain itself was on the gold standard. This did not change until the 1890s, when India moved to the gold standard with mixed but mostly negative consequences.

    [19] There is a double meaning to ‘Argentine Party’, as this term has already been coined in TTL to describe political centrism (as opposed to right-wing doradism, gold, and left-wing cobrism, copper). Naturally, all of this makes this period extremely confusing to understand (especially in Sweden and Ireland) when parties named after gold or silver can have positions on the gold standard that have nothing to do with their name!

    [20] It’s not mentioned here, but the choice of Passau was partly the symbolism that it was here in 1552 that Holy Roman Emperor Charles V guaranteed Lutheran religious freedoms in the Peace of Passau (which led to the Peace of Augsburg). As was joked at the time, if Passau could heal the rifts in the the realm of God, perhaps it could also do the same to the realm of Mammon.

    [21] We are now entering the era in which words like ‘International’ or ‘Global’ are starting to carry negative connotations due to association with Societism, hence awkward compromises like ‘Transoceanic’.

    [22] See Part #295 in Volume VIII for a different, related perspective on the Societists and oil.

    [23] This is not really an accurate way to refer to Alfarus’ wife, but people outside the Combine often use similar ones – see footnote to Part #285 in Volume VIII.
     
    314
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #314: The Phoenix and the Ashes

    “THE AGE OF THE CRAFTSMAN, PROLONGED
    Exhibition of Franciscan Viennese and Beiqing Dynasty Ceramics

    In this new installation at the Imperial Thorntonian Museum of Art, explore the intricate and unmatched craftsmanship from two very different nations that held firm against the tide of anonymous process-production. In the Vienna of 1825 or the Beijing of 1885, even the most everyday of crockery was the unique and never-repeated product of a single artist’s mind.

    Exhibition will run September 14th 2020 – January 31st 2021

    Book tickets via Motext page 11P-559”[1]

    - Hand-made advertisement seen on Jones Avenue, Fredericksburg, ENA.
    Photographed and transcribed by Sgt Bob Mumby, December 2020

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    Merde... So those jokers thought they could get rid of me, hein? Well, more fool them. The Chinese Aerospace History Exhibition in Philadelphia was actually rather enlightening, and relevant for our tale here. I could also discuss my remarkable experiences on the railway services of this nation, which, I have to say, compare rather favourably to those of its counterpart from our timeline. But, as I have a sense of control and relevance when it comes to these things, (coughs pointedly) we will instead begin with an interesting recording I made in Philadelphia...

    *

    Extract from recorded talk at the Chinese Aerospace History Exhibition in Philadelphia by Aero Major Liang Yaqin, recorded December 2nd, 2020—

    Note: This recording is of a lower quality than most included in this package and was made impromptu by Dr Wostyn after the talk had already begun.

    —hao. No, louder! Ni-hao! That’s right! That’s how you say hello! ...Well, actually in China today that would be considered kind of archaic, maybe! But you can tell your friends anyway! (Chuckles)

    My name is Liang Yaqin and I am a retired officer of the Imperial Chinese Aero Force, the Zhongguo Kongjun, with the rank of kongjun shao xiao. (Pause) I will not ask you to say those ones with me, haha! (Audience laughter) In English my rank translates to your rank of Aero Colonel. (Impressed murmurs) I was one of only the second class of female cadets in the Kongjun after it was opened to women in 1974, ten years after your own Imperial Aero Force did the same. My sisters and I had to fight hard to prove ourselves, as I’m sure you can imagine. (Sound of agreement from audience)

    Now behind me is a Meizhou Industries MZ-11 Qingniao fighter drome. I have actually flown one of these before. As part of a museum display flight, I am not that old! (Audience chuckles) The MZ-11 is still an iconic aerocraft in China today, and it is probably not like many aerocraft you have seen before. It is a one-decker drome, but with an air-cooled aeroscrew engine. You can see the aerodynamic body; the part you can see is made mainly of an alumium alloy, but it is bonded to wooden construction. There is an enclosed ‘bubble’ cockpit. The Qingniao was a big step forward for China, but she also lacks many of the things we would take for granted now. There is no Photel or Photrack set, not in this early model at least. Though she can carry rocket missiles, they are unguided. And of course there is no surge engine and no surfinal components. Qingniao pilots had to do many things themselves that ypologists at ground control will do today.[2]

    The name Qingniao means Bluebird, by the way. But it is not the bluebird you have here in America. When old Chinese legend and poetry talks about the bluebird, we probably mean the blue magpie which is endemic to China.[3] This MZ-11 was far from the first Chinese aerodrome, of course. To explain where she came from, we have to go back to the beginning.

    Wu Mengchao, a pioneering industrialist and friend of the Xuanming Emperor, is often cited as the spiritual founder of the Chinese Aero Force.[4] The important work was done by other people, of course, how d’you say, less colourful characters? (Audience chuckles) Wu knew that China had to catch up to the recent technological development in Europe and here in the Novamund. He was interested in many things, but aerocraft was a big one. Wu pushed for the creation of the Kongjun as a separate branch of the military, making China one of the first countries to do so. He helped finance the building of the great steerables that filled the skies in the 1880s, protecting Chinese cities from attack and also serving to transport wealthy civilians from place to place. Wu was fascinated when the first proper aerodrome was flown in 1888 – here you say it was Tibbetts and FitzGeorge, do you not? (Audience reaction) Very well.[5] Wu saw immediately that the heavier-than-air aerodrome had the potential to make the balloon steerable obsolete. Unfortunately, with typical audacity and impatience, he got himself killed in an early test of a rocket-powered aerodrome just three years later in 1891.

    I say it was unfortunate. Obviously it was unfortunate for Lord Wu, but it was also unfortunate for China’s aero forces. The Emperor was inconsolable at the loss of his friend and refused to be reminded of his death, to the point that the court avoided mention of the Kongjun at all. That meant that development stalled just before the Pandoric War, and our then-enemies in Siam had an opportunity to catch up. China was still lagging behind Europe and the Novamund in aero development, but we threw away an advantage over Siam.

    In the Pandoric War we flew mostly steerables still, but some aerodromes appeared. The best-known was the Fuzhou Mechanics FZ-3 fighter, a two-decker canvas drome which is on display at the other end of this hall. Although the Siamese had been able to catch up to some extent, our brave pilots still mostly ruled the skies against their Thonburi TB-2 Garuda three-deckers. When the Emperor passed away after the war, it was the exploits of heroic pilots in these clashes that reawakened public interest in flying.

    Yes, we were flying and fighting well. But we got a rude wakeup call once Siam was subdued and then the northern traitors entered the war. Of course, they really had nothing they could throw at us; their backwards rulers thought making paper aerodromes was dangerously modern. (Audience laughter) But, of course, it was the Eluosi-ren, the Russians, who were really in charge. Russian aerodromes painted with Beiqing symbols, flown by Russian pilots, flew against ours. Our boys were brave and experienced, and we won that war and reclaimed our lost lands. But we did so partly because the Russians were already fighting on two fronts and could not spare many men. Every time our pilots went up against the Russian aerodromes, they took three losses for every kill they made. It was clear we were still behind the technological curve.

    Under the next Emperor, the Huifu Emperor, we began to work to modernise our dromes. This work was driven by Zhuo Xinliang, the Marquess of Beihenan, who had served as a pilot in the war despite his aristocratic background. Lord Zhuo is considered the second father of the Kongjun after Wu Mengchao, and could be almost as bold. He was an early advocate of the idea that the steerable had now been surpassed by the aerodrome, and China needed to focus on the latter. Throughout the 1910s, aero development received especial focus, until by 1922 we had almost completely closed the gap with Europe and the Novamund. China’s obvious military strength helped dissuade others from starting wars. As you know, China was neutral in the Black Twenties. (Audience reaction) I know that is controversial here. But from our point of view, we reclaimed the last of our lands and secured peace with Siam in return for not a shot fired. One of your Roman statesmen once said ‘If you would seek peace, prepare for war’. By showing ourselves to be strong we had avoided war. But, of course, we could not avoid the plague.

    The Aero Force played an important role in supplying Chinese cities during the long periods of enforced quarantine the government used to try to stop the spread of the plague. In this time, steerables could still be useful. Nonetheless, work continued at a slower place on military craft as well. At the time of the political crisis over the death of the Huifu Emperor, prototypes of this MZ-11 had begun to be flown.

    Now, great breakthroughs in aeronautics have certainly happened in peacetime, but it’s a truism that many of the biggest ones have been associated with periods of warfare. The skies above a modern battlefield are like a field of Paleian competition between aerocraft designs, in which the strong survive and the weak are preyed upon.[6] It is a much more noticeable, and dramatic, effect for aero warfare than on the ground or even at sea. My counterparts in the Army and Navy can talk about breakthroughs in protgun or warship design, but it is in the air that a seemingly minor advantage can make the difference, not only between victory and defeat, but between victory and irrelevance. A good, effective aerodrome fighter could be obsoleted in the space of weeks by an enemy craft that had slightly superior speed and turning. It mattered not how good the first fighter’s guns were if she never got to train them on her foe. Intelligence analysis was focused sharply on aero battles, looking for signs of such crucial changes. Sometimes it might not be a whole new design, but merely an upgrade to an existing craft. Or even an accidental discovery, such as a damaged fighter being patched up in such a way that revealed the aerodynamic impact of the rivetheads in her usual construction. Those advantages were hugely valuable, as often they allowed a nation to upgrade her entire fleet of aerocraft in a matter of days or weeks and outflank the enemy’s progress, rather than needing to build new designs from scratch.

    I go into all this to explain some of the problems which China, and Siam, had in the early part of what you call the Electric Circus or Second Interbellum period. I know that here in the Empire, and in Europe, it is often thought of as a golden age of progress and economic prosperity. That was true in only the second half of that period in China. Though we had avoided war in the Black Twenties, we had suffered from the plague, and then were plunged into political crisis, rebellion and natural disaster. The 1930s are not looked on with fondness in Chinese folk memory. The great irony was that, having avoided the peer-to-peer war which you had faced here in America, and also in Europe, we lacked that competitive environment to maintain the near-parity in aero design we had worked so hard to obtain. On the battlefields in Poland, the impact of the plague, it’s true, had reduced the impact of aerocraft on the overall conflict and so reduced the tendency to drive designs towards improvements. But here in America, especially in your War of 1926 against the Societists (Audience reaction) you were able to recognise issues with your aerocraft and improve them. You realised the impact of the hiveship on naval warfare before anyone else, other than the Societists themselves perhaps. You moved ahead, while we were left behind.

    To return to the Qingniao. In 1930, Prince Zhuzhong, as he then was, crossed the Himalayas with most of the Army of Jushina. The Great Crossing is an event that really deserves to be more explored in depictions on the big screen, because it was a remarkable feat of logistics. In China we prefer to forget the circumstances, as we would rather not think about a difficult and problematic era which saw a military intervention in government, as well as what followed after. But what Zhuzhong and General Ling’s staff officers achieved is objectively greatly impressive. The army was split into three main parts, crossing the Himalayas at mountain passes including Qiangla, Zerila and Naidula.[7] Remember that this was a modern army; they did not merely have to consider infantry and horses, but also protguns and artillery, some of which were disassembled and brought over the mountains, others secretly transported by ship and overland from Jiaozhi Province.

    Aerocraft played a crucial role in the Crossing. Steerables carrying Photel sets floated above the mountains to coordinate the movement of troops through the challenging terrain, and the supply lines keeping them alive. Aerodromes scouted out the lands ahead of them and ensured that reports of avalanches or other problems were conveyed to the relevant staff officers so troops could be pre-emptively rerouted. It was in this humble role that some of the first Qingniao prototypes saw service, and often captured the imagination of the fascinated Tibetan peasants who saw them overhead. A Buddhist monk named Zamnang wrote a poem, ‘The Steel Dragonfly’, which has provided the lyrics of the unofficial anthem of the Chinese Aero Force – though pedants still point out that the construction of the Qingniao involves rather little steel, as opposed to wood and alumium alloy! (Audience laughter)

    Prince Zhuzhong arrived in Xi’an, the temporary capital, in February 1930, using the railways to beat other claimants there. If you are not aware, China was gripped by a succession dispute after the passing of the Huifu Emperor and his chosen heir, Zhuling, having been driven half-mad by plague fever. He threatened to drive China back into a period of darkness and ignorance. Zhuling and Zhuzhong were the only two realistically possible successors to the Huifu Emperor, but there were other prominent figures of importance as well. Ding Guoyang, Duke of Cao, had become de facto Chancellor during the Emperor’s recent illness, while Marshal Huang Mengjin controlled the powerful Southern Marches Army along the border with Siam.[8]

    As you may know, Prince Zhuzhong sought to avoid civil war by calling upon our One Hundred and Eight Mandators, members of all classes chosen by lot, to elect an Emperor by the popular will that we name the Mandate of Heaven. This was a remarkable innovation in Chinese history. The Mandators deliberated for much time, but eventually chose Zhuzhong over Zhuling. Then and now, there has been much criticism made of this – were the Mandators effectively threatened by Zhuzhong’s military force, for example. But Marshal Huang initially favoured Zhuling and he also controlled a powerful force – more powerful in some ways. It does appear the Mandators did genuinely believe that Zhuling becoming Emperor would be a disaster for China and should be avoided.

    Remarkably, Zhuling accepted the judgement of the Mandators. So did Marshal Huang. Unfortunately, Huang then fell ill – not of the plague, but of malaria he had contracted in Guilin. In his absence, his subordinate General Mu Hailin – curse that traitor’s name a thousand times! – attempted to seize control of the Southern Marches Army. Mu supported Zhuling, not out of any personal conviction, but because he was ambitious for power and thought he could use the...damaged prince as a puppet. He had Zhuling kidnapped, amassed an army of legitimist supporters from within the Southern Marches Army while ordering the rest to demobilise, and then marched on Hanjing. Mu was a technically proficient modernist – showing his hypocrisy in supporting the Regressive Zhuling – and used this to great effect to control the narrative. He had the Lectel lines cut and the Photel in Hanjing corrupted in order to prevent the people of Hanjing, both small and great, from learning of the Mandators’ decision.

    This is where the Qingniao first became an icon. The engineer and retired pilot Liu Zhonghan had developed a two-seater version of this fighter for training purposes. Seeing one opportunity to head off a rebellion and civil war before it could begin, Prince Zhuzhong approached Liu and asked him to fly his two-seater Qingniao to Hanjing with a very important passenger: himself.

    Many called the prince, the new Emperor-to-be, reckless. Aerocraft were highly unreliable back then, and to fly to Hanjing from Xi’an, a thousand miles, was far more than the two-seater Qingniao’s untested, estimated range. Three times, Liu and the incognito Emperor had to land at aerofields of dubious loyalty and refuel their distinctive aerocraft. But now Mu’s destruction of communication lines worked to Zhuzhong’s advantage, ensuring that word of his approach did not leak out. Zhuzhong presented himself in the Fenghuanggong in Hanjing on March 22nd 1930, bearing a scroll marked with the chops of all the 108 Mandators, declaring himself to have the Mandate of Heaven.[9] In accordance with law and custom, he then prayed to Heaven and underwent the enthronement ceremony of the dengji. This is our equivalent of your coronations, but our emperors do not use crowns. The important step is their enthronement upon the Longyi, the Dragon Throne.[10]

    It must be admitted that the ceremony was rather unorthodox, being rushed and lacking the usual mourning rituals in the presence of the body of the preceding emperor. Nonetheless, Zhuzhong had secured the key support of powerful ministers and businessmen in the city, and was seated on the throne facing south as the Edict of Accession was sealed. The Edict was then brought out into Zhongyou Square and read to the assembled people, who ceremonially knelt to honour the new Emperor.[11] Zhuzhong chose the regnal name of Shengjian, meaning ‘Life and Health’. Like many people in the 1930s, he was fascinated with the then-recent work of archaeologists in uncovering Egypt’s ancient history.[12] One discovery was that the names of Pharaohs were often suffixed with the Egyptian phrase, I will probably mispronounce this, ankh wedja seneb. It means ‘Life, Prosperity and Health’, just as we in China append wansui or ‘Ten Thousand Years’ to the Emperor’s name. The Shengjian Emperor, as we must now call him, was interested in the idea of an equivalence between the ancient civilisations of Egypt and China; the difference was that China had a cultural continuity back to our beginning, which had been largely lost in Egypt.

    So from the start, the Shengjian Emperor’s reign was associated with this lovely aerodrome. He was literally the Emperor who had came down from the sky and proclaimed Heaven’s favour, and to the simple peasants in the north and west, this went a long way to gaining their support over Zhuling. His bold move had strangled General Mu’s coup attempt in the cradle. There was still a small rebellion to put down, and the Qingniao played a role in this. Naturally, the drome that had saved the Empire saw rapid production and further improvement. The last of Mu’s forces were defeated in July 1930 and Mu himself was executed for treason. Prince Zhuling was rescued, and chose to retire anonymously to a monastery to prevent his person being used to attack his brother or undermine the state. While he retained some...peculiar ideas, he is honoured today for this selfless action. A few loyalists to Zhuling nonetheless ignited small revolts in the backward north, but once again these were put down.

    However, the Shengjian Emperor then faced a new crisis. Bringing the Army of Jushina, both Imperial troops and local Jushina sepoys, over the mountains had helped save China from full-blown civil war. But it had also left nothing in place to hold down Jushina, which proved to be a powder keg. The Tuichu jushina yundong, the Leave Panchala Movement, had been plotting behind the scenes, the terrorist scum (Audience murmurs) and now seized this moment to unleash their full fury on the innocent Buddhists of the territory. They had formed an alliance with the fearsome Gorkhas of the mountains, fellow Hindus who had preyed on defenceless Tibetan Buddhist monasteries in the past, like the Vikings in the history of your mother country. The Gorkhas had allowed Shengjian’s troops to pass eastwards to China, but now blocked their return with effective Kleinkrieger attacks. The treacherous Bengalis sat on their hands and refused to allow our troops to traverse the passes, now it was vital. And as Paresh Anand’s gang of bloody-handed murderers slaughtered Buddhist children, a call went up to heaven for the Emperor to do something.

    Once again, the Qingniao would be called upon to rule the skies...

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    I will leave it there, as I think it is clear that Colonel Liang’s interesting lecture then became less than unbiased. In place of this, I will return to an extract from an earlier lecture of some relevance.

    *

    Extract from recorded lecture on “The Modern History of China, Part 3” by Dr Ambrose Renfrew and Dx Xu Jingyi, recorded October 16th, 2020—

    ...and so began the disastrous attempt by Emperor Shengjian’s armies to try to hold on to Jushina, or rather, to reclaim it from the revolt which had already defeated the skeleton garrisons left there. The LPM, a disparate and diverse group, lacked a unified leadership. Paresh Anand’s group in Sangam rose to prominence because they had successfully suborned a group of sepoys whom the Chinese had thought loyal to their regime. When the Chinese did manage to clear the northern passes of Gorkhas and move some troops through to attack northern Panchala, Sangam was well behind the front line of the fighting in cities like Kanpu’er, Qiao-en-pu’er and Lekenao.[13] Thus, Anand’s group survived and grew stronger as other local groups grew weaker from fighting Shengjian’s armies, until they were well placed to dominate power in the new Panchala at the end of the conflict. Otherwise, Narayan Kumar and his son Ram might only have been footnotes to history.

    Yes. The Jushina War is a Heritage Point of Controversy, and would be even without the ASL declaring it to be one. (Audience chuckles) In China we learn that Anand’s men were going around burning down stupas with Buddhist innocents locked inside, killing men, raping women and kidnapping children to be raised as Hindus. (More subdued audience reaction) Doubtless in Panchala they learn that our soldiers did the same to them. It is certainly true that we committed crimes de guerre, bombing from the air against the Shiraz Edict and using death-luft. It was a horrible, bloody conflict that lasted for three years in earnest and six more in aftermath, but left shadows across Asia for generations to come.

    Yes, I can understand if Jingyi is reluctant to discuss it. Think of how controversial something like the Superior Troubles are here, and this was far worse. I won’t even try to go into the loss of life and suffering here. By the end of 1933, the Chinese government had internally acknowledged that there was no prospect of being able to hold on to the whole of Jushina, or Panchala. The priorities were shifted to trying to control certain areas to provide safe havens for Buddhist and Muslim loyalists, protected by Chinese troops, to prevent civilians from being attacked by the LPM militias. The LPM essentially wrote the playbook used by many later terrorist groups you may be more familiar with, including the mobile bomb and the holocaust bomber.[14] (Subdued audience reaction) Chinese soldiers often could not tell friend from foe, and the LPM exploited this ambiguity both ways – infiltrating attackers and also goading the Chinese into attacking what turned out to be civilian sites. Unfortunately, as Jingyi said, some Chinese commanders were all too eager to swallow the bait. As well as being horrific and shameful in itself, this served the LPM’s cause by beginning to turn moderate Hindu opinion against the Chinese.

    Several factors worked against the Chinese. As well as fighting a new kind of warfare that no-one truly understood, they were hampered by resupply problems. The Gorkhas ensured that the Chinese never truly held the Tibetan mountain passes securely again, with random attacks reawakening paranoia after weeks or months of apparent peaceful transit. The Bengali government had adopted an officially anti-colonial position, which deepened after Russia’s disastrous attempt to reclaim Pendzhab in 1935-6. The Bengalis refused to allow the Chinese to use the mountain passes they controlled. Bengal never officially supplied the LPM with arms as they did to the Sikhs against the Russians, too concerned about LPM crimes de guerre aimed at Muslims and other non-Hindus. However, arms shipments to the north were fungible, and some high-caste Hindus in the Bengali government surreptitiously worked with the more corrupt Sikh rebel groups to funnel arms intended for the Sikhs to the LPM instead.

    I might say that some in China still insist we would have won if we had worked with the Russians rather than at cross-purposes. I don’t think that is true, and it would also have been too high a price to pay, given the Russians’ track record at the time in betraying their onetime friends. But that’s another discussion.

    Thank you, Jingyi. Despite all those factors I mentioned, the Chinese did manage to hold on for a while because Delhi, their other client state, was Muslim-dominated and remained loyal out of fear of a rising Panchala.[15] Delhi functioned to serve as a stepping stone for resupplying Chinese forces, and the Chinese pioneered the so-called ‘aero-bridge’ tactic of bringing men and supplies by air over the Himalayas, building bigger aerodromes than ever before to do so. Of course, the Himalayas were a formidable barrier, and many of these early craft crashed. Sometimes it’s claimed that more Chinese soldiers died in aero accidents than at the hands of the LPM, though this is an exaggeration.

    It was already clear by 1938 that now even Delhi’s support could not stop all of the old Jushina from being overwhelmed. Shengjian continued to support Delhi with troops and used Delhi as the final choice of a safe refuge for Buddhist and Muslim refugees, but many were still left behind to the tender mercies of the LPM. By now, the same Chinese public who had been baying for LPM blood in 1930 were now growing weary of the long war. And there was worse to come, wasn’t there, Jingyi?

    Sadly, yes. 1939 saw the biggest and most destructive flood of the Yangtze and Huai Rivers in history. Heavy rainfall was the primary cause, but after the fact, engineers said it had been worsened by the flood defences being neglected during the plague years and then the Jushina war years. Nanjing, or Jiangning, was devastated. The Grand Canal filled Gaoyu and Hongze lakes and the flood crumbled. There were local food shortages as the farms, which had only just recovered from the losses of the plague years on rural labourers, were now ruined. Charity was even offered by the Siamese, the Pérousiens and you Americans, which at the time was seen as an insult. China had been humiliated, losing on the battlefield to a ragtag band of terrorists and in her heartland to natural disaster.

    The Emperor Shengjian was profoundly affected by this. He spent hours praying to Heaven and publicly humbled himself before the people. He said that the floods were a sign that his actions in Jushina were contrary to the will of Heaven, and he would change his policy accordingly.

    In reality, of course, he’d probably already decided to abandon all attempts to reclaim Jushina by this point. The troops sent to Delhi were retained, for the present, but discussed far less publicly.

    Yes, well...Shengjian had no intention of losing the Mandate of Heaven which he had acquired under such unusual circumstances. Part of his humility was that he accepted the foreign charity that had been offered, taking the shame on himself rather than on the people. His traditionalist gestures helped secure support once again from the rural people and northerners who had formerly backed his brother.

    Now, Shengjian embarked on a new direction. China had turned inward for too long, consumed with her own concerns, being left behind as the world’s economic direction had shifted. The Emperor refocused on the future. China turned a corner, and finally joined the age of prosperity that you here in America associate with the Second Interbellum. Perhaps it was the arrogance of our neutrality in 1922, our confidence that China could stand alone and aloof, that had been the real sin against Heaven. The Feng Dynasty was founded by men who knew that Neo-Confucian isolation under alien rule had made us weak, and to engage with the world was a sign of strength, not dishonour. It may have been delayed a few years, but the 1940s would see the electrical revolution sweep across China as well.

    And our understanding of our power structures was also changing. The One Hundred and Eight Mandators had gone from a mere symbolic rubber stamp to a body that had, alloyed to circumstance, luck and favour, decided the result of a succession dispute. Accordingly, powerful men now began looking for ways to influence and control the Mandators. Lord Ding remained the strongest figure in the government besides the Emperor, but he was growing old and questions began to be asked about where power would be held in the future.

    A new China had been born, bloodied by failure in Jushina, but embracing modernity in technology, prosperity and constitutional speculation. We understood that we were not facing a unique reversal, but were part of a global trend. Russia, France and others were also in retreat from India, for better or for worse. When, in 1945, there was an abortive attempt by Societists to take over Formosa, we also began to understand that we were not alone, but part of a transoceanic order of nations under threat from the black flag. An order that would soon begin in earnest, as the cry of freedom for Africa was answered by France...









    [1] ‘Franciscan Viennese’ means ceramics from Vienna in the age of Francis II, i.e. the time period when the Hapsburgs were intransigently against most technological innovation. The Thorntonian is named for Frederick Thornton, an ATL cousin of OTL’s William Thornton (who went on to be the architect of the Capitol). Of course, the craftsmen who were forced to make bespoke individual items at low profit margins would probably have different opinions to the latter-day critics bemoaning how awful the anonymity of process-production (mass production) is...

    [2] The MZ-11 Qingniao is not closely analogous to any OTL aircraft, but is roughly at a similar level of the OTL French Morane-Saulnier M.S.406.

    [3] Today in OTL referred to, more specifically, as the red-billed blue magpie (Urocissa erythroryncha).

    [4] See Part #263 in Volume VII.

    [5] As noted in Part #201 in Volume V, who takes the crown of the first flight is disputed in TTL on nationalist grounds (indeed, as it is in OTL).

    [6] In OTL we would refer to Darwinian selection.

    [7] These are the Sinicised Tibetan names; in OTL they are more usually called Lipulekh, Jelep La and Nathu La respectively. Note that the Chinese had obtained permission to use passes in Bengali territory, although Liang doesn’t mention this.

    [8] There is no single post of Chancellor in China at this point, with the role being split between several figures. Colonel Liang means that Ding had become so powerful that he was effectively running the whole civil government as though he was Chancellor in name, even though his theoretical title was Foreign Minister.

    [9] The Fenghuanggong or Phoenix Palace was the primary seat of government in Feng China since the early nineteenth century, though at this point it is one of four due to the rotating capital setup. It was purpose-built by the ‘Phoenix Men’ who founded the dynasty and is located near the site of the old Nanyue Kingdom Palace, likely a symbolic choice. Its architecture is Ming Revival but its internal construction was modern (for the 1820s) with many European innovations incorporated.

    [10] This is not the same as the physical Dragon Throne in the Forbidden City in Beijing, which was retained by the Beiqing Dynasty. The Feng founders had a new throne commissioned in the new palace in Hanjing (Guangzhou). It was sometimes referred to as the Fenghuangyi or Phoenix Throne, but this was officially frowned upon, as the name Dragon Throne has a long metonymic association in China and not using it would be seen as casting doubt on the legitimacy of Feng rule.

    [11] Colonel Liang is naturally not covering all the details here, and as she says this was a rushed ceremony lacking many parts regardless, but the Feng ceremony of enthronement already represented an innovation over the Ming-Qing practices that preceded it. Notably, the koutou (kowtow) is replaced with kneeling alone, possibly attributable to European influence. In addition, Zhongyou Square stands in for Tiananmen Square in Beijing and the simpler geography of the palace within the city (no isolated Forbidden City or ceremonial gates) has streamlined the process, reflecting the different constitutional role of the Emperor with respect to the people under Feng rule.

    [12] This is at a much earlier stage than OTL because of the lack of discovery of the Rosetta Stone, so it took many more years to decipher hieroglyphs. As Liang says, cultural Egyptomania will be more of a feature of the 1930s-50s era in TTL.

    [13] Kanpu’er, Qiao-en-pu’er and Lekenao are Sinicised names for Kanpur, Jaunpur and Lucknow respectively. Recall that Sangam is the usual name in TTL for Allahabad/Prayagraj.

    [14] I.e. the car bomb and the suicide bomber. ‘Holocaust’ originally referred to an animal sacrifice in which the sacrifice is completely consumed in fire. In OTL this meaning has been largely displaced by use of the term to refer specifically to the genocide of six million Jews and others by Nazi Germany; in TTL it has instead been applied to the concept of a suicide bomber who sacrifices their own life to kill others.

    [15] ‘Delhi’ refers to a substantial area and not just the titular city, taking in most of the OTL Indian state of Haryana and about the western one-fifth of Uttar Pradesh. ‘Muslim-dominated’ reflects demographic changes as a result of the Great Jihad, though it refers to control of powerful positions as well as a demographic majority. In OTL the city of Delhi currently has an overwhelming Hindu majority, but this is also due to demographic changes; at the time of the census of British India in 1891, it was only about 56%-41% Hindu-Muslim.

    [16] See Part #212 in Volume V.
     
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