List of U.K. Prime Ministers 1945-2020

(I Fought the law and) The Law Won
(What if Bonar Law hadn't died in 1923?)

1922-1927: Andrew Bonar Law (Conservative)
1922 def. J.R. Clynes (Labour), Herbert Asquith (Liberal), David Lloyd George (National Liberal) [1]
1925 def. Herbert Asquith (Liberal), J.R. Clynes (Labour) [2]

1927-1934: Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (Conservative)
1929 def. J.H. Thomas (Labour), Reginald McKenna (Liberal) [3]
1934-1936: Philip Snowden (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1934 def: Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [4]
1936-1950: Christopher Addison (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1938 def: Walter Elliot (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [5]
1943 def: Samuel Hoare (Conservative), Megan Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [6]
1947 def: Edward Wood, 3rd Viscount Halifax (Conservative), Megan Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [7]

1950-1951: Jim Griffiths (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1951-1955: Robin Turton (Conservative-Independent Liberal Coalition)

1951 def. Jim Griffiths (Labour-Liberal National Government), Edith Summerskill (Independent Liberal) [8]
1956-1957: Robin Turton (Conservative minority)

1956 def. Jim Griffiths (Labour), Leonard Behrans (Liberal) [9]
1957-1957: Jim Griffiths (Labour)

1957 def. Robin Turton (Conservative), Leonard Behrans (Liberal) [10]
1960 def. Henry Brooke (Conservative), Frank Byers (Liberal) [11]

[1]
Law won a reduced majority in the 1922 Election, but after recovering from his battle with throat cancer, sought to ensure that the Conservatives would remain in power for at least the next few years.
[2] An ageing Bonar Law would return to polls to leave a healthier majority for whoever his successor would be, capitalising on the divides on the left. He did just that but the main surprise was H. H. Asquith returning as leader of the opposition, edging out Labour by just two seats. Whilst an attempt was made for a left wing coalition, talks broke down and Law comfortably remained at Number 10 for the next few months.
[3] Senior Conservative MP’s were outraged when they heard who Bonar Law finally threw his support behind (though he kept quiet about it publicly, he let it be known who his preferred successor was), but they shouldn’t have been surprised. Bonar Law supported those who supported him and Griffith-Boscawen had been one of his keenest supporters, even when many thought cancer was going to claim the PM. The next election would again be close, with more terse negotiations between Labour and the Liberals, but the stock market crash later that year would give everyone else other priorities.
[4] The Wall Street Crash and the subsequent Great Depression were difficult for the minority government to deal with. In order to deal with the crisis, the Labour and Liberal parties merged into a de-facto partnership, in some ways mirroring the National administration of Gustav Stresemann in Weimar Germany ( a coalition of all anti-Nazi political parties). However, David Lloyd George opposes the merger and leads 10 MPs out of his party. Snowdon is not expected to remain Prime Minister for a full term especially after having prostate gland surgery and the governments large majority make finding a successor quite a simple process.
[5] Despite claims to be Britain's Roosevelt (both left-wing popular government leaders, both with a marked tendency to use walking sticks), Snowden was in fact a much more cautious politician than his American counterpart. Much of the progressive governmental policy actually originated with Lord President of the Council Christopher Addison. Therefore, it was no surprise when Snowden resigned due to health problems, who would be his successor. Although theoretically a Liberal, Addison had long promoted Labour policies and was therefore acceptable to all members of the coalition. He immediately encountered a series of crises; Edward VIII's abdication, growing tension in Europe, which he met with his typical "doctor's demeanour". The public seemed satisfied and despite Lloyd George's claims that "Britain's New Deal" was stolen from him, the National Government won another large majority.
[6] It was domestic matters that secured the National Government’s strong 1938 re-election, with the introduction of the National Health Insurance Scheme just one of its vote-winning policies, but it was international matters that would dominate the parliament to the exclusion of much else. The world would forever be changed later that year the Second Great War broke out with Germany’s invasion of Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland. While Elliot reluctantly supported the government’s decision, a significant number of Conservative’s called Addison a warmonger and Britain a lackey of the Soviet Union. This viewpoint was only reinforced with the Finish Winter War and the Soviet’s “protection” of the Baltic States and Moldova which forced Elliot’s replacement by (briefly) Chamberlain and then Hoare. Despite some early fears that France may fall, the German blitzkrieg faltered and by 1942 Germany had fallen into civil war. Critics argued that the War could have finished earlier if Addison hadn’t also used the opportunity to support Republican Spain (a cause he cared deeply about) or divert resources to the Pacific War in America’s fight against the Japanese. Despite this, the National Government won another convincing victory in a hard fought election; the only thing the two major leaders seeming to agree on - the rapid devolution of powers to the recently established Federation of India.
[7] With the Second Great War more or less wrapped up and the Republicans having won a resounding victory in Spain, Addison could now focus all his energy on domestic matters. Foreign Secretary Sir Archibald Sinclair continued to pay close attention to the warring factions in Germany, while Health Minister Clement Attlee continued to expand the ever-popular National Health Insurance Scheme. The Conservatives had a chance to play to voter fatigue to pick up some seats, but their choice of Lord Halifax as party leader did little to excite their base, gaining them just a handful of seats. The impressive gains of Megan Lloyd George's Independent Liberals, however, raised eyebrows, as rumors swirled of anything from a viable new opposition to a re-merger with the Liberal Party. On the home front, the government passed measures streamlining foreign aid and allowing for the creation of life peerages. Additionally, in a display of national unity, Britons came together in 1950 as King George VI's eldest son, Prince Frederick, was invested with the title of Prince of Wales.
[8] By 1951, despite being popular, the National Government had become increasingly stale in the eyes of many British citizens. Addison had resigned from ill health and was replaced with Chancellor Jim Griffiths. The National Government had blurred the lines between the Labour and Liberal parties and the two parties where more or less a package deal. The Independent Liberals however had begun to affiliate more with the Conservatives than their namesake, despite new party leader Edith Summerskill being moderately left wing. The Conservatives, under Robin Turton, enjoyed an uninspiring plurality in the new Commons, with a tenacious Summerskill being pushed into a coalition. Soon after, in March 1952, George VI died of a stroke and was succeeded by Prince Frederick as King Richard IV.
[9] Turton proved to be a fairly modest prime minister, but he showed that the Conservatives were fit to rule again after more than 15 years in the desert. Perhaps inspired by President Taft, he sought a "British First" approach to trying to strengthen the Commonwealth, although his Foreign Secretary, Churchill, was furious at the full autonomy granted to the Indian Federation. France was also upset - condemning the UK's abandonment of Europe, as it took the lead in propping up Germany's new shaky attempt at democracy. However, it was his attempts to reform the National Health Insurance Plan (which had grown exponentially during the National Government's time in office) that sealed his fate, with Summerskill withdrawing support in the run-up to the election with an announcement that the Liberals would be reuniting. Summerskill made history by becoming the first female deputy leader of a major party, and despite continuing to claim third-party status, the reunified Liberals were viewed by many as the true big winners of the election. Turton managed to hold his minority government together, but no one expected it to last long.
[10] As expected, the Turton government fell in a blaze of political chaos. The withdrawal of Independent Liberal support (and the subsequent unification of the Liberal Party for the 1956 election) spelt doom for his ministry, as Conservative minority government proved completely unsustainable. Reforms to the NHIP failed in the face of a united Opposition; a last-ditch attempt to restore government trust fell at the wayside as Alan Lennox-Boyd, the Home Secretary, struggled to implement any meaningful dialogue on the opening of immigration restrictions to the New Commonwealth. The failure of the King's Speech necessitated a general election, and Jim Griffiths became the first Prime Minister to return to office since the Marquess of Salisbury in 1895. His newly-revamped manifesto - committed primarily to political devolution, military withdrawal from Asia and social welfare reforms - would prove difficult to implement, but did contribute to a decline in fortunes for the reunited Liberals in the late-1950s.
[11] The majority that Griffith commanded wasn’t anywhere near the numbers of the former Labour-Liberal National Government, and a number of his more controversial measures (such as giving minor legislative powers to the previously advisory Scottish and Welsh Assemblies) still only passed with Liberal support. This opened a fracture within the newly reunited party as Gwilym Lloyd-George (son of long-time former leader and leading figure of the party’s right) attempted to wrest control - in what some termed an attempted coup. Failing this, he led a tiny breakaway group to revive the Independent Liberal moniker. However as they accepted the Conservative Whip it didn’t take long for a Fleet Street wag to point our they were “neither Independent nor Liberal” and much like the Scottish Unionists (who produced Bonar Law) they quietly folded into the Conservative umbrella. Griffith took advantage of this turmoil (and general unpopularity of other party leaders) and claiming a greater mandate for change, called an early election. The gamble paid off with an increased majority, however, it was also rumoured that the 70-year old Griffith wanted to avoid the fate of Addison (who had practically worked himself into the grave) and was merely securing a stable government for his successor.
 
(I Fought the law and) The Law Won
(What if Bonar Law hadn't died in 1923?)

1922-1927: Andrew Bonar Law (Conservative)
1922 def. J.R. Clynes (Labour), Herbert Asquith (Liberal), David Lloyd George (National Liberal) [1]
1925 def. Herbert Asquith (Liberal), J.R. Clynes (Labour) [2]

1927-1934: Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (Conservative)
1929 def. J.H. Thomas (Labour), Reginald McKenna (Liberal) [3]
1934-1936: Philip Snowden (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1934 def: Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [4]
1936-1950: Christopher Addison (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1938 def: Walter Elliot (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [5]
1943 def: Samuel Hoare (Conservative), Megan Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [6]
1947 def: Edward Wood, 3rd Viscount Halifax (Conservative), Megan Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [7]

1950-1951: Jim Griffiths (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1951-1955: Robin Turton (Conservative-Independent Liberal Coalition)

1951 def. Jim Griffiths (Labour-Liberal National Government), Edith Summerskill (Independent Liberal) [8]
1956-1957: Robin Turton (Conservative minority)

1956 def. Jim Griffiths (Labour), Leonard Behrans (Liberal) [9]
1957-1961: Jim Griffiths (Labour)

1957 def. Robin Turton (Conservative), Leonard Behrans (Liberal) [10]
1960 def. Henry Brooke (Conservative), Frank Byers (Liberal) [11]
1961-19XX: George Brown (Labour) [12]

[1]
Law won a reduced majority in the 1922 Election, but after recovering from his battle with throat cancer, sought to ensure that the Conservatives would remain in power for at least the next few years.
[2] An ageing Bonar Law would return to polls to leave a healthier majority for whoever his successor would be, capitalising on the divides on the left. He did just that but the main surprise was H. H. Asquith returning as leader of the opposition, edging out Labour by just two seats. Whilst an attempt was made for a left wing coalition, talks broke down and Law comfortably remained at Number 10 for the next few months.
[3] Senior Conservative MP’s were outraged when they heard who Bonar Law finally threw his support behind (though he kept quiet about it publicly, he let it be known who his preferred successor was), but they shouldn’t have been surprised. Bonar Law supported those who supported him and Griffith-Boscawen had been one of his keenest supporters, even when many thought cancer was going to claim the PM. The next election would again be close, with more terse negotiations between Labour and the Liberals, but the stock market crash later that year would give everyone else other priorities.
[4] The Wall Street Crash and the subsequent Great Depression were difficult for the minority government to deal with. In order to deal with the crisis, the Labour and Liberal parties merged into a de-facto partnership, in some ways mirroring the National administration of Gustav Stresemann in Weimar Germany ( a coalition of all anti-Nazi political parties). However, David Lloyd George opposes the merger and leads 10 MPs out of his party. Snowdon is not expected to remain Prime Minister for a full term especially after having prostate gland surgery and the governments large majority make finding a successor quite a simple process.
[5] Despite claims to be Britain's Roosevelt (both left-wing popular government leaders, both with a marked tendency to use walking sticks), Snowden was in fact a much more cautious politician than his American counterpart. Much of the progressive governmental policy actually originated with Lord President of the Council Christopher Addison. Therefore, it was no surprise when Snowden resigned due to health problems, who would be his successor. Although theoretically a Liberal, Addison had long promoted Labour policies and was therefore acceptable to all members of the coalition. He immediately encountered a series of crises; Edward VIII's abdication, growing tension in Europe, which he met with his typical "doctor's demeanour". The public seemed satisfied and despite Lloyd George's claims that "Britain's New Deal" was stolen from him, the National Government won another large majority.
[6] It was domestic matters that secured the National Government’s strong 1938 re-election, with the introduction of the National Health Insurance Scheme just one of its vote-winning policies, but it was international matters that would dominate the parliament to the exclusion of much else. The world would forever be changed later that year the Second Great War broke out with Germany’s invasion of Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland. While Elliot reluctantly supported the government’s decision, a significant number of Conservative’s called Addison a warmonger and Britain a lackey of the Soviet Union. This viewpoint was only reinforced with the Finish Winter War and the Soviet’s “protection” of the Baltic States and Moldova which forced Elliot’s replacement by (briefly) Chamberlain and then Hoare. Despite some early fears that France may fall, the German blitzkrieg faltered and by 1942 Germany had fallen into civil war. Critics argued that the War could have finished earlier if Addison hadn’t also used the opportunity to support Republican Spain (a cause he cared deeply about) or divert resources to the Pacific War in America’s fight against the Japanese. Despite this, the National Government won another convincing victory in a hard fought election; the only thing the two major leaders seeming to agree on - the rapid devolution of powers to the recently established Federation of India.
[7] With the Second Great War more or less wrapped up and the Republicans having won a resounding victory in Spain, Addison could now focus all his energy on domestic matters. Foreign Secretary Sir Archibald Sinclair continued to pay close attention to the warring factions in Germany, while Health Minister Clement Attlee continued to expand the ever-popular National Health Insurance Scheme. The Conservatives had a chance to play to voter fatigue to pick up some seats, but their choice of Lord Halifax as party leader did little to excite their base, gaining them just a handful of seats. The impressive gains of Megan Lloyd George's Independent Liberals, however, raised eyebrows, as rumors swirled of anything from a viable new opposition to a re-merger with the Liberal Party. On the home front, the government passed measures streamlining foreign aid and allowing for the creation of life peerages. Additionally, in a display of national unity, Britons came together in 1950 as King George VI's eldest son, Prince Frederick, was invested with the title of Prince of Wales.
[8] By 1951, despite being popular, the National Government had become increasingly stale in the eyes of many British citizens. Addison had resigned from ill health and was replaced with Chancellor Jim Griffiths. The National Government had blurred the lines between the Labour and Liberal parties and the two parties where more or less a package deal. The Independent Liberals however had begun to affiliate more with the Conservatives than their namesake, despite new party leader Edith Summerskill being moderately left wing. The Conservatives, under Robin Turton, enjoyed an uninspiring plurality in the new Commons, with a tenacious Summerskill being pushed into a coalition. Soon after, in March 1952, George VI died of a stroke and was succeeded by Prince Frederick as King Richard IV.
[9] Turton proved to be a fairly modest prime minister, but he showed that the Conservatives were fit to rule again after more than 15 years in the desert. Perhaps inspired by President Taft, he sought a "British First" approach to trying to strengthen the Commonwealth, although his Foreign Secretary, Churchill, was furious at the full autonomy granted to the Indian Federation. France was also upset - condemning the UK's abandonment of Europe, as it took the lead in propping up Germany's new shaky attempt at democracy. However, it was his attempts to reform the National Health Insurance Plan (which had grown exponentially during the National Government's time in office) that sealed his fate, with Summerskill withdrawing support in the run-up to the election with an announcement that the Liberals would be reuniting. Summerskill made history by becoming the first female deputy leader of a major party, and despite continuing to claim third-party status, the reunified Liberals were viewed by many as the true big winners of the election. Turton managed to hold his minority government together, but no one expected it to last long.
[10] As expected, the Turton government fell in a blaze of political chaos. The withdrawal of Independent Liberal support (and the subsequent unification of the Liberal Party for the 1956 election) spelt doom for his ministry, as Conservative minority government proved completely unsustainable. Reforms to the NHIP failed in the face of a united Opposition; a last-ditch attempt to restore government trust fell at the wayside as Alan Lennox-Boyd, the Home Secretary, struggled to implement any meaningful dialogue on the opening of immigration restrictions to the New Commonwealth. The failure of the King's Speech necessitated a general election, and Jim Griffiths became the first Prime Minister to return to office since the Marquess of Salisbury in 1895. His newly-revamped manifesto - committed primarily to political devolution, military withdrawal from Asia and social welfare reforms - would prove difficult to implement, but did contribute to a decline in fortunes for the reunited Liberals in the late-1950s.
[11] The majority that Griffith commanded wasn’t anywhere near the numbers of the former Labour-Liberal National Government, and a number of his more controversial measures (such as giving minor legislative powers to the previously advisory Scottish and Welsh Assemblies) still only passed with Liberal support. This opened a fracture within the newly reunited party as Gwilym Lloyd-George (son of long-time former leader and leading figure of the party’s right) attempted to wrest control - in what some termed an attempted coup. Failing this, he led a tiny breakaway group to revive the Independent Liberal moniker. However as they accepted the Conservative Whip it didn’t take long for a Fleet Street wag to point our they were “neither Independent nor Liberal” and much like the Scottish Unionists (who produced Bonar Law) they quietly folded into the Conservative umbrella. Griffith took advantage of this turmoil (and general unpopularity of other party leaders) and claiming a greater mandate for change, called an early election. The gamble paid off with an increased majority, however, it was also rumoured that the 70-year old Griffith wanted to avoid the fate of Addison (who had practically worked himself into the grave) and was merely securing a stable government for his successor.
[12] In 1961, Jim Griffiths stood down as Prime Minister after an eventful tenure. His retirement could not have come at a more critical juncture; in the Pacific, trouble between the United States and the Japanese Empire, now both nuclear powers, was brewing. With numerous British possessions and other Commonwealth partners such as New Zealand and Australia in the middle of a potential battleground, the new Prime Minister faces a delicate balancing act. Yet there are rumors circulating on Downing Street that the new Labour leader is an erratic drunk....
 
(I Fought the law and) The Law Won
(What if Bonar Law hadn't died in 1923?)

1922-1927: Andrew Bonar Law (Conservative)
1922 def. J.R. Clynes (Labour), Herbert Asquith (Liberal), David Lloyd George (National Liberal) [1]
1925 def. Herbert Asquith (Liberal), J.R. Clynes (Labour) [2]

1927-1934: Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (Conservative)
1929 def. J.H. Thomas (Labour), Reginald McKenna (Liberal) [3]
1934-1936: Philip Snowden (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1934 def: Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [4]
1936-1950: Christopher Addison (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1938 def: Walter Elliot (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [5]
1943 def: Samuel Hoare (Conservative), Megan Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [6]
1947 def: Edward Wood, 3rd Viscount Halifax (Conservative), Megan Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [7]

1950-1951: Jim Griffiths (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1951-1955: Robin Turton (Conservative-Independent Liberal Coalition)

1951 def. Jim Griffiths (Labour-Liberal National Government), Edith Summerskill (Independent Liberal) [8]
1956-1957: Robin Turton (Conservative minority)

1956 def. Jim Griffiths (Labour), Leonard Behrans (Liberal) [9]
1957-1961: Jim Griffiths (Labour)

1957 def. Robin Turton (Conservative), Leonard Behrans (Liberal) [10]
1960 def. Henry Brooke (Conservative), Frank Byers (Liberal) [11]
1961-19XX: George Brown (Labour) [12]

1964 def. Henry Brooke (Conservative), Frank Byers (Liberal) [13]

[1]
Law won a reduced majority in the 1922 Election, but after recovering from his battle with throat cancer, sought to ensure that the Conservatives would remain in power for at least the next few years.
[2] An ageing Bonar Law would return to polls to leave a healthier majority for whoever his successor would be, capitalising on the divides on the left. He did just that but the main surprise was H. H. Asquith returning as leader of the opposition, edging out Labour by just two seats. Whilst an attempt was made for a left wing coalition, talks broke down and Law comfortably remained at Number 10 for the next few months.
[3] Senior Conservative MP’s were outraged when they heard who Bonar Law finally threw his support behind (though he kept quiet about it publicly, he let it be known who his preferred successor was), but they shouldn’t have been surprised. Bonar Law supported those who supported him and Griffith-Boscawen had been one of his keenest supporters, even when many thought cancer was going to claim the PM. The next election would again be close, with more terse negotiations between Labour and the Liberals, but the stock market crash later that year would give everyone else other priorities.
[4] The Wall Street Crash and the subsequent Great Depression were difficult for the minority government to deal with. In order to deal with the crisis, the Labour and Liberal parties merged into a de-facto partnership, in some ways mirroring the National administration of Gustav Stresemann in Weimar Germany ( a coalition of all anti-Nazi political parties). However, David Lloyd George opposes the merger and leads 10 MPs out of his party. Snowdon is not expected to remain Prime Minister for a full term especially after having prostate gland surgery and the governments large majority make finding a successor quite a simple process.
[5] Despite claims to be Britain's Roosevelt (both left-wing popular government leaders, both with a marked tendency to use walking sticks), Snowden was in fact a much more cautious politician than his American counterpart. Much of the progressive governmental policy actually originated with Lord President of the Council Christopher Addison. Therefore, it was no surprise when Snowden resigned due to health problems, who would be his successor. Although theoretically a Liberal, Addison had long promoted Labour policies and was therefore acceptable to all members of the coalition. He immediately encountered a series of crises; Edward VIII's abdication, growing tension in Europe, which he met with his typical "doctor's demeanour". The public seemed satisfied and despite Lloyd George's claims that "Britain's New Deal" was stolen from him, the National Government won another large majority.
[6] It was domestic matters that secured the National Government’s strong 1938 re-election, with the introduction of the National Health Insurance Scheme just one of its vote-winning policies, but it was international matters that would dominate the parliament to the exclusion of much else. The world would forever be changed later that year the Second Great War broke out with Germany’s invasion of Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland. While Elliot reluctantly supported the government’s decision, a significant number of Conservative’s called Addison a warmonger and Britain a lackey of the Soviet Union. This viewpoint was only reinforced with the Finish Winter War and the Soviet’s “protection” of the Baltic States and Moldova which forced Elliot’s replacement by (briefly) Chamberlain and then Hoare. Despite some early fears that France may fall, the German blitzkrieg faltered and by 1942 Germany had fallen into civil war. Critics argued that the War could have finished earlier if Addison hadn’t also used the opportunity to support Republican Spain (a cause he cared deeply about) or divert resources to the Pacific War in America’s fight against the Japanese. Despite this, the National Government won another convincing victory in a hard fought election; the only thing the two major leaders seeming to agree on - the rapid devolution of powers to the recently established Federation of India.
[7] With the Second Great War more or less wrapped up and the Republicans having won a resounding victory in Spain, Addison could now focus all his energy on domestic matters. Foreign Secretary Sir Archibald Sinclair continued to pay close attention to the warring factions in Germany, while Health Minister Clement Attlee continued to expand the ever-popular National Health Insurance Scheme. The Conservatives had a chance to play to voter fatigue to pick up some seats, but their choice of Lord Halifax as party leader did little to excite their base, gaining them just a handful of seats. The impressive gains of Megan Lloyd George's Independent Liberals, however, raised eyebrows, as rumors swirled of anything from a viable new opposition to a re-merger with the Liberal Party. On the home front, the government passed measures streamlining foreign aid and allowing for the creation of life peerages. Additionally, in a display of national unity, Britons came together in 1950 as King George VI's eldest son, Prince Frederick, was invested with the title of Prince of Wales.
[8] By 1951, despite being popular, the National Government had become increasingly stale in the eyes of many British citizens. Addison had resigned from ill health and was replaced with Chancellor Jim Griffiths. The National Government had blurred the lines between the Labour and Liberal parties and the two parties where more or less a package deal. The Independent Liberals however had begun to affiliate more with the Conservatives than their namesake, despite new party leader Edith Summerskill being moderately left wing. The Conservatives, under Robin Turton, enjoyed an uninspiring plurality in the new Commons, with a tenacious Summerskill being pushed into a coalition. Soon after, in March 1952, George VI died of a stroke and was succeeded by Prince Frederick as King Richard IV.
[9] Turton proved to be a fairly modest prime minister, but he showed that the Conservatives were fit to rule again after more than 15 years in the desert. Perhaps inspired by President Taft, he sought a "British First" approach to trying to strengthen the Commonwealth, although his Foreign Secretary, Churchill, was furious at the full autonomy granted to the Indian Federation. France was also upset - condemning the UK's abandonment of Europe, as it took the lead in propping up Germany's new shaky attempt at democracy. However, it was his attempts to reform the National Health Insurance Plan (which had grown exponentially during the National Government's time in office) that sealed his fate, with Summerskill withdrawing support in the run-up to the election with an announcement that the Liberals would be reuniting. Summerskill made history by becoming the first female deputy leader of a major party, and despite continuing to claim third-party status, the reunified Liberals were viewed by many as the true big winners of the election. Turton managed to hold his minority government together, but no one expected it to last long.
[10] As expected, the Turton government fell in a blaze of political chaos. The withdrawal of Independent Liberal support (and the subsequent unification of the Liberal Party for the 1956 election) spelt doom for his ministry, as Conservative minority government proved completely unsustainable. Reforms to the NHIP failed in the face of a united Opposition; a last-ditch attempt to restore government trust fell at the wayside as Alan Lennox-Boyd, the Home Secretary, struggled to implement any meaningful dialogue on the opening of immigration restrictions to the New Commonwealth. The failure of the King's Speech necessitated a general election, and Jim Griffiths became the first Prime Minister to return to office since the Marquess of Salisbury in 1895. His newly-revamped manifesto - committed primarily to political devolution, military withdrawal from Asia and social welfare reforms - would prove difficult to implement, but did contribute to a decline in fortunes for the reunited Liberals in the late-1950s.
[11] The majority that Griffith commanded wasn’t anywhere near the numbers of the former Labour-Liberal National Government, and a number of his more controversial measures (such as giving minor legislative powers to the previously advisory Scottish and Welsh Assemblies) still only passed with Liberal support. This opened a fracture within the newly reunited party as Gwilym Lloyd-George (son of long-time former leader and leading figure of the party’s right) attempted to wrest control - in what some termed an attempted coup. Failing this, he led a tiny breakaway group to revive the Independent Liberal moniker. However as they accepted the Conservative Whip it didn’t take long for a Fleet Street wag to point our they were “neither Independent nor Liberal” and much like the Scottish Unionists (who produced Bonar Law) they quietly folded into the Conservative umbrella. Griffith took advantage of this turmoil (and general unpopularity of other party leaders) and claiming a greater mandate for change, called an early election. The gamble paid off with an increased majority, however, it was also rumoured that the 70-year old Griffith wanted to avoid the fate of Addison (who had practically worked himself into the grave) and was merely securing a stable government for his successor.
[12] In 1961, Jim Griffiths stood down as Prime Minister after an eventful tenure. His retirement could not have come at a more critical juncture; in the Pacific, trouble between the United States and the Japanese Empire, now both nuclear powers, was brewing. With numerous British possessions and other Commonwealth partners such as New Zealand and Australia in the middle of a potential battleground, the new Prime Minister faces a delicate balancing act. Yet there are rumors circulating on Downing Street that the new Labour leader is an erratic drunk....
[13] Brown's tenure as prime minister might not have been the best for Britain, but it was definitely the best for Brown. He provided an inspiration to Bob Hawke (the latter Australian Prime Minister) as a hard-drinking former union official who, despite maintaining an air of a common man, managed to change his personal life (although both would quickly fall off the wagon once out of office). That wasn't their only similarity; Brown would also sign a long-standing Accord with the Union movement (credited with industrial relations that were the envy of Europe) and presided over large-scale expansion of the higher education sector and environmental protection laws. Yet it was internationally that Brown would be best remembered, interacting with European neighbors to a degree not seen since Addison and receiving a Nobel Peace Prize for his role in solving the 1962 Philippine Missile Crisis (the closest point the world got to a Nucleur Armageddon according to most experts), although his endorsement of Anglo-American support for Communist forces in Japanese-controlled territories would later come under heavy criticism. The Conservatives stayed with Brooke feeling that their quick turnover of previous leaders had hurt them in the past, but unfortunately the more the public got to know Brooke, the less they liked him and he failed to compete against the positive message from Labor, leading to another Labor victory. Now, however, Brown had to deal with two of his biggest challenges: a managed role-out of full autonomy throughout the Commonwealth and the devaluation and decimalisation of the pound at home.
 
(I Fought the law and) The Law Won
(What if Bonar Law hadn't died in 1923?)

1922-1927: Andrew Bonar Law (Conservative)
1922 def. J.R. Clynes (Labour), Herbert Asquith (Liberal), David Lloyd George (National Liberal) [1]
1925 def. Herbert Asquith (Liberal), J.R. Clynes (Labour) [2]

1927-1934: Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (Conservative)
1929 def. J.H. Thomas (Labour), Reginald McKenna (Liberal) [3]
1934-1936: Philip Snowden (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1934 def: Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [4]
1936-1950: Christopher Addison (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1938 def: Walter Elliot (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [5]
1943 def: Samuel Hoare (Conservative), Megan Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [6]
1947 def: Edward Wood, 3rd Viscount Halifax (Conservative), Megan Lloyd George (Independent Liberal) [7]

1950-1951: Jim Griffiths (Labour-Liberal National Government)
1951-1955: Robin Turton (Conservative-Independent Liberal Coalition)

1951 def. Jim Griffiths (Labour-Liberal National Government), Edith Summerskill (Independent Liberal) [8]
1956-1957: Robin Turton (Conservative minority)

1956 def. Jim Griffiths (Labour), Leonard Behrans (Liberal) [9]
1957-1961: Jim Griffiths (Labour)

1957 def. Robin Turton (Conservative), Leonard Behrans (Liberal) [10]
1960 def. Henry Brooke (Conservative), Frank Byers (Liberal) [11]
1961-19XX: George Brown (Labour) [12]

1964 def. Henry Brooke (Conservative), Frank Byers (Liberal) [13]
1968 def. Anthony Barber (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal) [14]

[1]
Law won a reduced majority in the 1922 Election, but after recovering from his battle with throat cancer, sought to ensure that the Conservatives would remain in power for at least the next few years.
[2] An ageing Bonar Law would return to polls to leave a healthier majority for whoever his successor would be, capitalising on the divides on the left. He did just that but the main surprise was H. H. Asquith returning as leader of the opposition, edging out Labour by just two seats. Whilst an attempt was made for a left wing coalition, talks broke down and Law comfortably remained at Number 10 for the next few months.
[3] Senior Conservative MP’s were outraged when they heard who Bonar Law finally threw his support behind (though he kept quiet about it publicly, he let it be known who his preferred successor was), but they shouldn’t have been surprised. Bonar Law supported those who supported him and Griffith-Boscawen had been one of his keenest supporters, even when many thought cancer was going to claim the PM. The next election would again be close, with more terse negotiations between Labour and the Liberals, but the stock market crash later that year would give everyone else other priorities.
[4] The Wall Street Crash and the subsequent Great Depression were difficult for the minority government to deal with. In order to deal with the crisis, the Labour and Liberal parties merged into a de-facto partnership, in some ways mirroring the National administration of Gustav Stresemann in Weimar Germany ( a coalition of all anti-Nazi political parties). However, David Lloyd George opposes the merger and leads 10 MPs out of his party. Snowdon is not expected to remain Prime Minister for a full term especially after having prostate gland surgery and the governments large majority make finding a successor quite a simple process.
[5] Despite claims to be Britain's Roosevelt (both left-wing popular government leaders, both with a marked tendency to use walking sticks), Snowden was in fact a much more cautious politician than his American counterpart. Much of the progressive governmental policy actually originated with Lord President of the Council Christopher Addison. Therefore, it was no surprise when Snowden resigned due to health problems, who would be his successor. Although theoretically a Liberal, Addison had long promoted Labour policies and was therefore acceptable to all members of the coalition. He immediately encountered a series of crises; Edward VIII's abdication, growing tension in Europe, which he met with his typical "doctor's demeanour". The public seemed satisfied and despite Lloyd George's claims that "Britain's New Deal" was stolen from him, the National Government won another large majority.
[6] It was domestic matters that secured the National Government’s strong 1938 re-election, with the introduction of the National Health Insurance Scheme just one of its vote-winning policies, but it was international matters that would dominate the parliament to the exclusion of much else. The world would forever be changed later that year the Second Great War broke out with Germany’s invasion of Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland. While Elliot reluctantly supported the government’s decision, a significant number of Conservative’s called Addison a warmonger and Britain a lackey of the Soviet Union. This viewpoint was only reinforced with the Finish Winter War and the Soviet’s “protection” of the Baltic States and Moldova which forced Elliot’s replacement by (briefly) Chamberlain and then Hoare. Despite some early fears that France may fall, the German blitzkrieg faltered and by 1942 Germany had fallen into civil war. Critics argued that the War could have finished earlier if Addison hadn’t also used the opportunity to support Republican Spain (a cause he cared deeply about) or divert resources to the Pacific War in America’s fight against the Japanese. Despite this, the National Government won another convincing victory in a hard fought election; the only thing the two major leaders seeming to agree on - the rapid devolution of powers to the recently established Federation of India.
[7] With the Second Great War more or less wrapped up and the Republicans having won a resounding victory in Spain, Addison could now focus all his energy on domestic matters. Foreign Secretary Sir Archibald Sinclair continued to pay close attention to the warring factions in Germany, while Health Minister Clement Attlee continued to expand the ever-popular National Health Insurance Scheme. The Conservatives had a chance to play to voter fatigue to pick up some seats, but their choice of Lord Halifax as party leader did little to excite their base, gaining them just a handful of seats. The impressive gains of Megan Lloyd George's Independent Liberals, however, raised eyebrows, as rumors swirled of anything from a viable new opposition to a re-merger with the Liberal Party. On the home front, the government passed measures streamlining foreign aid and allowing for the creation of life peerages. Additionally, in a display of national unity, Britons came together in 1950 as King George VI's eldest son, Prince Frederick, was invested with the title of Prince of Wales.
[8] By 1951, despite being popular, the National Government had become increasingly stale in the eyes of many British citizens. Addison had resigned from ill health and was replaced with Chancellor Jim Griffiths. The National Government had blurred the lines between the Labour and Liberal parties and the two parties where more or less a package deal. The Independent Liberals however had begun to affiliate more with the Conservatives than their namesake, despite new party leader Edith Summerskill being moderately left wing. The Conservatives, under Robin Turton, enjoyed an uninspiring plurality in the new Commons, with a tenacious Summerskill being pushed into a coalition. Soon after, in March 1952, George VI died of a stroke and was succeeded by Prince Frederick as King Richard IV.
[9] Turton proved to be a fairly modest prime minister, but he showed that the Conservatives were fit to rule again after more than 15 years in the desert. Perhaps inspired by President Taft, he sought a "British First" approach to trying to strengthen the Commonwealth, although his Foreign Secretary, Churchill, was furious at the full autonomy granted to the Indian Federation. France was also upset - condemning the UK's abandonment of Europe, as it took the lead in propping up Germany's new shaky attempt at democracy. However, it was his attempts to reform the National Health Insurance Plan (which had grown exponentially during the National Government's time in office) that sealed his fate, with Summerskill withdrawing support in the run-up to the election with an announcement that the Liberals would be reuniting. Summerskill made history by becoming the first female deputy leader of a major party, and despite continuing to claim third-party status, the reunified Liberals were viewed by many as the true big winners of the election. Turton managed to hold his minority government together, but no one expected it to last long.
[10] As expected, the Turton government fell in a blaze of political chaos. The withdrawal of Independent Liberal support (and the subsequent unification of the Liberal Party for the 1956 election) spelt doom for his ministry, as Conservative minority government proved completely unsustainable. Reforms to the NHIP failed in the face of a united Opposition; a last-ditch attempt to restore government trust fell at the wayside as Alan Lennox-Boyd, the Home Secretary, struggled to implement any meaningful dialogue on the opening of immigration restrictions to the New Commonwealth. The failure of the King's Speech necessitated a general election, and Jim Griffiths became the first Prime Minister to return to office since the Marquess of Salisbury in 1895. His newly-revamped manifesto - committed primarily to political devolution, military withdrawal from Asia and social welfare reforms - would prove difficult to implement, but did contribute to a decline in fortunes for the reunited Liberals in the late-1950s.
[11] The majority that Griffith commanded wasn’t anywhere near the numbers of the former Labour-Liberal National Government, and a number of his more controversial measures (such as giving minor legislative powers to the previously advisory Scottish and Welsh Assemblies) still only passed with Liberal support. This opened a fracture within the newly reunited party as Gwilym Lloyd-George (son of long-time former leader and leading figure of the party’s right) attempted to wrest control - in what some termed an attempted coup. Failing this, he led a tiny breakaway group to revive the Independent Liberal moniker. However as they accepted the Conservative Whip it didn’t take long for a Fleet Street wag to point our they were “neither Independent nor Liberal” and much like the Scottish Unionists (who produced Bonar Law) they quietly folded into the Conservative umbrella. Griffith took advantage of this turmoil (and general unpopularity of other party leaders) and claiming a greater mandate for change, called an early election. The gamble paid off with an increased majority, however, it was also rumoured that the 70-year old Griffith wanted to avoid the fate of Addison (who had practically worked himself into the grave) and was merely securing a stable government for his successor.
[12] In 1961, Jim Griffiths stood down as Prime Minister after an eventful tenure. His retirement could not have come at a more critical juncture; in the Pacific, trouble between the United States and the Japanese Empire, now both nuclear powers, was brewing. With numerous British possessions and other Commonwealth partners such as New Zealand and Australia in the middle of a potential battleground, the new Prime Minister faces a delicate balancing act. Yet there are rumors circulating on Downing Street that the new Labour leader is an erratic drunk....
[13] Brown's tenure as prime minister might not have been the best for Britain, but it was definitely the best for Brown. He provided an inspiration to Bob Hawke (the latter Australian Prime Minister) as a hard-drinking former union official who, despite maintaining an air of a common man, managed to change his personal life (although both would quickly fall off the wagon once out of office). That wasn't their only similarity; Brown would also sign a long-standing Accord with the Union movement (credited with industrial relations that were the envy of Europe) and presided over large-scale expansion of the higher education sector and environmental protection laws. Yet it was internationally that Brown would be best remembered, interacting with European neighbors to a degree not seen since Addison and receiving a Nobel Peace Prize for his role in solving the 1962 Philippine Missile Crisis (the closest point the world got to a Nucleur Armageddon according to most experts), although his endorsement of Anglo-American support for Communist forces in Japanese-controlled territories would later come under heavy criticism. The Conservatives stayed with Brooke feeling that their quick turnover of previous leaders had hurt them in the past, but unfortunately the more the public got to know Brooke, the less they liked him and he failed to compete against the positive message from Labor, leading to another Labor victory. Now, however, Brown had to deal with two of his biggest challenges: a managed role-out of full autonomy throughout the Commonwealth and the devaluation and decimalisation of the pound at home.
[14] While decimalization and floating of the pound proved unpopular, Brown balanced it out with the 1966 Festival of Britain (ostensibly to commemorate 900 years since the Battle of Hastings but more an advertising campaign for the Government). This also coincided with the establishment of the Commonwealth Sovereign Fund, largely secured by North Sea oil discovery. While domestic affairs would continue to be important, (with establishment of New Towns, a Superannuation Program and increased funding for the arts) it was during his second term that Brown’s appetite for foreign travel came to the fore, embarking on a series of good-will trips across Europe and the Americas and Home-Rule or Independence ceremonies across Africa and Asia. This led to claims that Brown was an absent PM and the opposition were revitalized through their new young leader. Brown’s frequents absences were also blamed for the flip-flop on Labour’s promise to “fully democratized” the Lords, as in the end while it was agreed the Lords would be appointed on a proportional basis, they could still be pulled from both hereditary and life peers. Sensing a shifting mood in the lead-up to the election, Brown crisscrossed the country, and experience still won through in the end, with Labour avoiding a coalition government.
 
Sorry if I’m jumping to conclusions but as it looks like this list has died (or been put on hold), I’ll just start a new one:

Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1979: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)

First Ministers of England
1979: Graham Tope (Liberal)


*Reformat as appropriate
 
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1979: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1984: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative) [1]

First Ministers of England
1979: Graham Tope (Liberal)
1983: Graham Tope (Liberal) [1]


[1] The election of Denis Healey as leader of the Labour party following the resignation of James Callaghan is credited with ending the bleeding of support to a Liberal party reinvigorated by a successful first term in the English parliament. As 1984 made clear, the country wasn't ready to trust Labour again and chose to re-elect Margaret Thatcher with a reduced majority of 12 seats but a more coherent parliamentary party as Thatcher manoeuvred the 'wets' into regional jobs. A notable example would be Jim Prior serving as speaker of the English Parliament at the newly constructed Attlee house in London ( located near his old constituency of Stepney in the Docklands area Thatcher wished to redevelop). In the English parliament, Labour managed to take second place overtaking the Conservatives but leaving Tope's Liberals with a 6 seat majority. How long Tope's majority will remain is uncertain as Tope has expressed a desire to move to a proportional representation system.
 
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Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1979: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1984: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative) [1]

1985: Douglas Hurd (Conservative)
1986: Douglas Hurd (Conservative-Liberal Coalition) [2]

First Ministers of England
1979: Graham Tope (Liberal)
1983: Graham Tope (Liberal) [1]
1986: Graham Tope (Liberal-Labour Coalition) [2]


[1] The election of Denis Healey as leader of the Labour party following the resignation of James Callaghan is credited with ending the bleeding of support to a Liberal party reinvigorated by a successful first term in the English parliament. As 1984 made clear, the country wasn't ready to trust Labour again and chose to re-elect Margaret Thatcher with a reduced majority of 12 seats but a more coherent parliamentary party as Thatcher manoeuvred the 'wets' into regional jobs. A notable example would be Jim Prior serving as speaker of the English Parliament at the newly constructed Attlee house in London ( located near his old constituency of Stepney in the Docklands area Thatcher wished to redevelop). In the English parliament, Labour managed to take second place overtaking the Conservatives but leaving Tope's Liberals with a 6 seat majority. How long Tope's majority will remain is uncertain as Tope has expressed a desire to move to a proportional representation system.
[2] After the election, Thatcher continued with her agenda of mass privatisation. However, one key issue arised, being that of the National Health Service. Margaret Thatcher supported privatising the service, whereas the vast majority of the country including her party strongly opposed it. Despite the clearing of the wets, the slumping poll numbers meant that the knives were out for Thatcher. In 1985, she was eliminated in a party no-confidence vote. The new leader, Douglas Hurd, became Prime Minister. The Tories initially climbed back in the polls somewhat, and as a result Hurd took the decision to call an election. The Tories fell 6 seats short of a majority. The liberals, who had become popular over English First Minister Graham Tope's public opposition to NHS privatisation, received 42 seats and agreed to form a coalition Government but with numerous concessions. The results were even worse for the Tories in the English elections, where they remained in 3rd place under the new PR system. Due to the new PR system that was introduced for the 1986 English snap elections, the liberals expectedly lost their majority, however remained in 1st place and quickly formed a coalition with Labour.
 
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1979: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1984: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative) [1]
1985: Douglas Hurd (Conservative)
1986: Douglas Hurd (Conservative-Liberal Coalition) [2]
1991: Douglas Hurd (Conservative-Liberal Coalition)
[3]

First Ministers of England
1979: Graham Tope (Liberal)
1983: Graham Tope (Liberal) [1]
1986: Graham Tope (Liberal-Labour Coalition) [2]
1991:
Graham Tope (Liberal) [3]

[1] The election of Denis Healey as leader of the Labour party following the resignation of James Callaghan is credited with ending the bleeding of support to a Liberal party reinvigorated by a successful first term in the English parliament. As 1984 made clear, the country wasn't ready to trust Labour again and chose to re-elect Margaret Thatcher with a reduced majority of 12 seats but a more coherent parliamentary party as Thatcher manoeuvred the 'wets' into regional jobs. A notable example would be Jim Prior serving as speaker of the English Parliament at the newly constructed Attlee house in London ( located near his old constituency of Stepney in the Docklands area Thatcher wished to redevelop). In the English parliament, Labour managed to take second place overtaking the Conservatives but leaving Tope's Liberals with a 6 seat majority. How long Tope's majority will remain is uncertain as Tope has expressed a desire to move to a proportional representation system.

[2] After the election, Thatcher continued with her agenda of mass privatisation. However, one key issue arised, being that of the National Health Service. Margaret Thatcher supported privatising the service, whereas the vast majority of the country including her party strongly opposed it. Despite the clearing of the wets, the slumping poll numbers meant that the knives were out for Thatcher. In 1985, she was eliminated in a party no-confidence vote. The new leader, Douglas Hurd, became Prime Minister. The Tories initially climbed back in the polls somewhat, and as a result Hurd took the decision to call an election. The Tories fell 6 seats short of a majority. The liberals, who had become popular over English First Minister Graham Tope's public opposition to NHS privatisation, received 42 seats and agreed to form a coalition Government but with numerous concessions. The results were even worse for the Tories in the English elections, where they remained in 3rd place under the new PR system. Due to the new PR system that was introduced for the 1986 English snap elections, the liberals expectedly lost their majority, however remained in 1st place and quickly formed a coalition with Labour.

[3] In 1988 the Liberals elected Paddy Ashdown as their leader in hopes of expanding upon their 1986 result. They were not disappointed as Ashdown swept the nation with his charisma and outshone Kinnock and Hurd, making frequent campaign stops even before the election season. The final results were underwhelming with the Westminster coalition being renewed and the Liberals regaining a very slim majority in the English parliament, arguably making them the most important party in Britain.
 
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1979: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1984: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative) [1]
1985: Douglas Hurd (Conservative)
1986: Douglas Hurd (Conservative-Liberal Coalition) [2]
1991: Douglas Hurd (Conservative-Liberal Coalition)
[3]
1995: Robin Cook (Labour) (4)

First Ministers of England
1979: Graham Tope (Liberal)
1983: Graham Tope (Liberal) [1]
1986: Graham Tope (Liberal-Labour Coalition) [2]
1991:
Graham Tope (Liberal) [3]
1995: Graham Tope (Liberal - Mebyon Kernow coalition) (4)

[1]
The election of Denis Healey as leader of the Labour party following the resignation of James Callaghan is credited with ending the bleeding of support to a Liberal party reinvigorated by a successful first term in the English parliament. As 1984 made clear, the country wasn't ready to trust Labour again and chose to re-elect Margaret Thatcher with a reduced majority of 12 seats but a more coherent parliamentary party as Thatcher manoeuvred the 'wets' into regional jobs. A notable example would be Jim Prior serving as speaker of the English Parliament at the newly constructed Attlee house in London ( located near his old constituency of Stepney in the Docklands area Thatcher wished to redevelop). In the English parliament, Labour managed to take second place overtaking the Conservatives but leaving Tope's Liberals with a 6 seat majority. How long Tope's majority will remain is uncertain as Tope has expressed a desire to move to a proportional representation system.

[2] After the election, Thatcher continued with her agenda of mass privatisation. However, one key issue arised, being that of the National Health Service. Margaret Thatcher supported privatising the service, whereas the vast majority of the country including her party strongly opposed it. Despite the clearing of the wets, the slumping poll numbers meant that the knives were out for Thatcher. In 1985, she was eliminated in a party no-confidence vote. The new leader, Douglas Hurd, became Prime Minister. The Tories initially climbed back in the polls somewhat, and as a result Hurd took the decision to call an election. The Tories fell 6 seats short of a majority. The liberals, who had become popular over English First Minister Graham Tope's public opposition to NHS privatisation, received 42 seats and agreed to form a coalition Government but with numerous concessions. The results were even worse for the Tories in the English elections, where they remained in 3rd place under the new PR system. Due to the new PR system that was introduced for the 1986 English snap elections, the liberals expectedly lost their majority, however remained in 1st place and quickly formed a coalition with Labour.

[3] In 1988 the Liberals elected Paddy Ashdown as their leader in hopes of expanding upon their 1986 result. They were not disappointed as Ashdown swept the nation with his charisma and outshone Kinnock and Hurd, making frequent campaign stops even before the election season. The final results were underwhelming with the Westminster coalition being renewed and the Liberals regaining a very slim majority in the English parliament, arguably making them the most important party in Britain.

(4) The Maastricht Treaty debates laid bare the fragility of a coalition between a Europhilic Liberal party and a Conservative party littered with Thatcherite Eurosceptics. This led to an early election in 1995 in an attempt by Hurd to gain a majority for his party and remove his critics through deselection. This was a mistake as Cook led his party to a majority and Ashdown led the Liberals to their best result since 1929. In England, Tope once again returned to power by forming a coalition with Mebyon Kernow in exchange for Cornish language rights and extra powers for Cornwall county council. Cook pledged to extend the devolution model to Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland once the Good.Friday agreement has been finalised.
 
I thought I would try to revive the thread with something that will hopefully whet the appetite - a British republic in 1910! I have filled in much of the background information based on an idea I had a few years back, but with hopefully enough room for other contributors to add to the 'lore' of this new United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland. I would suggest a contribution to both Chancellor and Prime Minister lists per post. Senate elections happen at a fixed four-year interval (1912, 1916, 1920 etc) while Commons elections are not fixed but a maximum of five years.

UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]

[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.

HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1910: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]


[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
 
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UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909 but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launched a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1900: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]

[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.

HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1910: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1920 [Majority] def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]


[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.
 
UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1900: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]


[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor-showing of Bonar Law.


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1910: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]


[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
 
UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]

1924-1900: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]

[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor-showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1910: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 (Coalition with Nationals): def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]


[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
 
UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]

1924-1900: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]
1928: def. J.R Clynes (Labour), Neville Chamberlain (National) [5]

[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.
[5] Smuts diplomacy led to the Russian Uprising having a satisfying conclusion with the installation of a pro-western liberal democracy under a constitutional monarch, however, his pro-zionist attitudes led to tensions rising with Italy under the authoritarian Benito Mussolini. Smuts's support for racial segregation proved controversial and was partially responsible for Labour returning to second place as National fell to third as Chamberlain found it difficult to criticize a government his own party participated in. In the Senate, the number of Constitutional members once more reduces but Churchill remains in control of the chamber facing Labour's Arthur Greenwood in opposition.


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1910: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 (Coalition with Nationals): def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]

1933 - 1910: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1933 (Majority) :def. David Lloyd George (Constitutional), Oswald Mosley (National) [5]
00
[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice, it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
[5] Attlee led his party into its first-ever government, having assumed the leadership following the death of Ramsay Mac Donald from a throat infection in 1931. It is thought Lloyd George lost power from electoral fatigue having served as prime minister for 23 years consecutively and general dissatisfaction with his National cabinet ministers especially his Chancellor William Joynson-Hicks who made controversial comments regarding the trade union movement and along with Mosley displayed anti-Semitic attitudes which disturbed not only the public but Chancellor Smuts also. Attlee promised to fulfill his manifesto promises of wide-ranging nationalisations as well as reviewing the practicalities of a new electoral system for the Commons.
 
UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]

1924-1936: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]
1928: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Neville Chamberlain (National) [5]
1932: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Alfred Milner
(National) [6]

[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.
[5] Smuts' diplomacy led to the Russian Uprising having a satisfying conclusion with the installation of a pro-western liberal democracy under a constitutional monarch. However, his pro-Zionist attitudes led to tensions rising with Italy under the authoritarian Benito Mussolini. Smuts' support for racial segregation proved controversial and was partially responsible for Labour returning to second place as National fell to third as Chamberlain found it difficult to criticize a government his own party participated in. In the Senate, the number of Constitutional members once more reduces but Churchill remains in control of the chamber facing Labour's Arthur Greenwood in opposition.
[6] The Constitutional victory in 1932 was deeply frustrating to the Labour Party, who had hoped their breakthrough in the Commons would correlate to success in the Senate. However, although Smuts was personally a popular figure, it was clear that the ideological battle sweeping Britain would sooner or later make headway in the Upper House. He was sympathetic to some aims of the Labour government, but struggled to endorse their sweeping proposals for the restructuring of both the domestic economy and the status of the Dominions. He conducted his role as Lord Chancellor with integrity, but following the complex 1935 Commons election he developed a sterner view as the government sought to coordinate resources to ensure his defeat in the upcoming 1936 Senatorial election.


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1910: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 (Constitutional-National): def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]

1933 - 1936: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1933 (Majority): def. David Lloyd George (Constitutional), Oswald Mosley (National) [5]
1935 (Minority): def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional), Leo Amery (National) [6]

00
[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice, it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
[5] Attlee led his party into its first-ever government, having assumed the leadership following the death of Ramsay Mac Donald from a throat infection in 1931. It is thought Lloyd George lost power from electoral fatigue having served as Prime Minister for 23 years consecutively and general dissatisfaction with his National cabinet ministers - especially his Chancellor William Joynson-Hicks, who made controversial comments regarding the trade union movement and along with Mosley displayed anti-Semitic attitudes which disturbed not only the public but Lord Chancellor Smuts also. Attlee promised to fulfill his manifesto promises of wide-ranging nationalisation as well as reviewing the practicalities of a new electoral system for the Commons.

[6] The first Labour ministry was a hard one; opposed by the Constitutionalists in the Senate, Attlee quickly ran into trouble. Although there were a few successes (such as the bipartisan abolition of the remaining unelected members of the Senate), Attlee struggled to convince the Upper House to endorse most of his reforms. The push towards legislative and economic independence for the Dominions, the status of India, European rearmament, proportional representation, the restructuring of the welfare state, the issuing of credit for infrastructure and the attempted programme of nationalisation all triggered great controversy. Labour squabbled in factionalism, with the industrially-rooted left accusing Attlee of betrayal and intelligentsia right courting with defection to the Constitutionalists. The country came dangerously close to a general strike in the winter of 1934, and in the spring Attlee called a general election to reestablish his authority against the Senate. Labour failed to secure a majority, but remained in government following the collapse of the Constitutional-National electoral pact under the independent-minded Wallace and firebrand orator Amery. With his position weaker than before the election, Attlee was left with no choice but to push hard for a Labour victory in the 1936 Senatorial election.
 
UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]

1924-1936: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]
1928: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Neville Chamberlain (National) [5]
1932: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Alfred Milner
(National) [6]
1936: def. Josiah Wedgewood IV (Labour) [7]

[1]
A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.
[5] Smuts' diplomacy led to the Russian Uprising having a satisfying conclusion with the installation of a pro-western liberal democracy under a constitutional monarch. However, his pro-Zionist attitudes led to tensions rising with Italy under the authoritarian Benito Mussolini. Smuts' support for racial segregation proved controversial and was partially responsible for Labour returning to second place as National fell to third as Chamberlain found it difficult to criticize a government his own party participated in. In the Senate, the number of Constitutional members once more reduces but Churchill remains in control of the chamber facing Labour's Arthur Greenwood in opposition.
[6] The Constitutional victory in 1932 was deeply frustrating to the Labour Party, who had hoped their breakthrough in the Commons would correlate to success in the Senate. However, although Smuts was personally a popular figure, it was clear that the ideological battle sweeping Britain would sooner or later make headway in the Upper House. He was sympathetic to some aims of the Labour government, but struggled to endorse their sweeping proposals for the restructuring of both the domestic economy and the status of the Dominions. He conducted his role as Lord Chancellor with integrity, but following the complex 1935 Commons election he developed a sterner view as the government sought to coordinate resources to ensure his defeat in the upcoming 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] Prior to 1935, Smuts had considered stepping down from his position as head of state. Efforts by the Labour government to unseat him put a stop to that. Once upon a time it would have unthinkable for the Constitutionalists and Tories to treat with one another, but a straw had been laid on that camel's back when Mosley had rebranded the Tories, another when Lloyd George had come to terms with a coalition. So it was that the 1936 Senatorial elections were held with Smuts formally endorsed by the Nationals. In those circumstances, it barely mattered who the Labour candidate was. The weaknesses of the party - factionalism, difficulty with bicameralism, etc etc - were simply too much for them to carry the day. Smuts was to be Lord Chancellor for another four years - just as the fragile world peace that had held since the abdication of Wilhelm II was shattered by the assassination of the American President by an extremist clique of Japanese officers.


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1910: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 (Constitutional-National): def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]

1933 - 1900: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1933 (Majority): def. David Lloyd George (Constitutional), Oswald Mosley (National) [5]
1935 (Minority): def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional), Leo Amery (National) [6]
1936 (Caretaker Government): def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional)†, Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [7]


[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice, it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
[5] Attlee led his party into its first-ever government, having assumed the leadership following the death of Ramsay Mac Donald from a throat infection in 1931. It is thought Lloyd George lost power from electoral fatigue having served as Prime Minister for 23 years consecutively and general dissatisfaction with his National cabinet ministers - especially his Chancellor William Joynson-Hicks, who made controversial comments regarding the trade union movement and along with Mosley displayed anti-Semitic attitudes which disturbed not only the public but Lord Chancellor Smuts also. Attlee promised to fulfill his manifesto promises of wide-ranging nationalisation as well as reviewing the practicalities of a new electoral system for the Commons.

[6] The first Labour ministry was a hard one; opposed by the Constitutionalists in the Senate, Attlee quickly ran into trouble. Although there were a few successes (such as the bipartisan abolition of the remaining unelected members of the Senate), Attlee struggled to convince the Upper House to endorse most of his reforms. The push towards legislative and economic independence for the Dominions, the status of India, European rearmament, proportional representation, the restructuring of the welfare state, the issuing of credit for infrastructure and the attempted programme of nationalisation all triggered great controversy. Labour squabbled in factionalism, with the industrially-rooted left accusing Attlee of betrayal and intelligentsia right courting with defection to the Constitutionalists. The country came dangerously close to a general strike in the winter of 1934, and in the spring Attlee called a general election to reestablish his authority against the Senate. Labour failed to secure a majority, but remained in government following the collapse of the Constitutional-National electoral pact under the independent-minded Wallace and firebrand orator Amery. With his position weaker than before the election, Attlee was left with no choice but to push hard for a Labour victory in the 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] In the aftermath of the Senatorial elections, Attlee didn't have a leg to stand on. He was forced to go to the country and it appeared to be the Constitutionalists' election to lose. Labour factionalism finally burst out of its box as the 'National Minority Movement' endorsed Labour candidates in South Wales and other mining communities against official Labour candidates. As the results came in, the rumour was that a coalition would be formed, between the Constitutionalists and Labour - Edgar Wallace was a quixotic leader and uncomfortable with the Nationals as electoral partners. But before election night was out, he was dead. He had been ill for days before the election and his condition had rapidly deteriorated. While it was clear the Constitutionalists were the largest party, their choice of leader and coalition partner was in doubt. And second of all in the weeks prior to election day, war had broken out between the United States and a newly installed military junta in Japan. Lord Chancellor Smuts was unhappy with the prospect of changing horses in such times. Despite everything, Clement Attlee found himself being invited to return to Number 10 by the Lord Chancellor to lead a Caretaker Ministry until a new government could be formed.
 
UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]

1924-1940: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]
1928: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Neville Chamberlain (National) [5]
1932: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Alfred Milner
(National) [6]
1936: def. Josiah Wedgewood IV (Labour) [7]
1940-1900: Winston Churchill (Constitutional)
1940: def. Oswald Mosely (National) [8]

[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.
[5] Smuts' diplomacy led to the Russian Uprising having a satisfying conclusion with the installation of a pro-western liberal democracy under a constitutional monarch. However, his pro-Zionist attitudes led to tensions rising with Italy under the authoritarian Benito Mussolini. Smuts' support for racial segregation proved controversial and was partially responsible for Labour returning to second place as National fell to third as Chamberlain found it difficult to criticize a government his own party participated in. In the Senate, the number of Constitutional members once more reduces but Churchill remains in control of the chamber facing Labour's Arthur Greenwood in opposition.
[6] The Constitutional victory in 1932 was deeply frustrating to the Labour Party, who had hoped their breakthrough in the Commons would correlate to success in the Senate. However, although Smuts was personally a popular figure, it was clear that the ideological battle sweeping Britain would sooner or later make headway in the Upper House. He was sympathetic to some aims of the Labour government, but struggled to endorse their sweeping proposals for the restructuring of both the domestic economy and the status of the Dominions. He conducted his role as Lord Chancellor with integrity, but following the complex 1935 Commons election he developed a sterner view as the government sought to coordinate resources to ensure his defeat in the upcoming 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] Prior to 1935, Smuts had considered stepping down from his position as head of state. Efforts by the Labour government to unseat him put a stop to that. Once upon a time it would have unthinkable for the Constitutionalists and Tories to treat with one another, but a straw had been laid on that camel's back when Mosley had rebranded the Tories, another when Lloyd George had come to terms with a coalition. So it was that the 1936 Senatorial elections were held with Smuts formally endorsed by the Nationals. In those circumstances, it barely mattered who the Labour candidate was. The weaknesses of the party - factionalism, difficulty with bicameralism, etc etc - were simply too much for them to carry the day. Smuts was to be Lord Chancellor for another four years - just as the fragile world peace that had held since the abdication of Wilhelm II was shattered by the assassination of the American President by an extremist clique of Japanese officers.
[8] With the Pacific war continuing, it became a case of when not if Britain would enter the war and the election of Churchill solidified this. Churchill was replaced in the Senate by Duff Cooper, a close ally who easily dominated the chamber against the small number of National and IPP candidates in the chamber. Churchill rallied the support of Chancellor Kurt Schumacher of Germany, President Charles De Gaulle of France and the new Social Democratic government in Moscow, against Japan and their ally Benito Mussolini. Moseley opposed the government's attitudes towards Italy and ran a campaign of isolation that received little support although a number of Labour supporters defected out of spite towards Attlee and due to Churchill being endorsed by both governing parties.


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1910: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 (Constitutional-National): def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]

1933 - 1937: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1933 (Majority): def. David Lloyd George (Constitutional), Oswald Mosley (National) [5]
1935 (Minority): def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional), Leo Amery (National) [6]
1936 (Caretaker Government): def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional)†, Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [7]

1937-1900: Megan Lloyd George (Constitutional)
1937 (Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition): def. Leo Amery (National), Arther Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [7]

[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice, it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
[5] Attlee led his party into its first-ever government, having assumed the leadership following the death of Ramsay Mac Donald from a throat infection in 1931. It is thought Lloyd George lost power from electoral fatigue having served as Prime Minister for 23 years consecutively and general dissatisfaction with his National cabinet ministers - especially his Chancellor William Joynson-Hicks, who made controversial comments regarding the trade union movement and along with Mosley displayed anti-Semitic attitudes which disturbed not only the public but Lord Chancellor Smuts also. Attlee promised to fulfill his manifesto promises of wide-ranging nationalisation as well as reviewing the practicalities of a new electoral system for the Commons.

[6] The first Labour ministry was a hard one; opposed by the Constitutionalists in the Senate, Attlee quickly ran into trouble. Although there were a few successes (such as the bipartisan abolition of the remaining unelected members of the Senate), Attlee struggled to convince the Upper House to endorse most of his reforms. The push towards legislative and economic independence for the Dominions, the status of India, European rearmament, proportional representation, the restructuring of the welfare state, the issuing of credit for infrastructure and the attempted programme of nationalisation all triggered great controversy. Labour squabbled in factionalism, with the industrially-rooted left accusing Attlee of betrayal and intelligentsia right courting with defection to the Constitutionalists. The country came dangerously close to a general strike in the winter of 1934, and in the spring Attlee called a general election to reestablish his authority against the Senate. Labour failed to secure a majority, but remained in government following the collapse of the Constitutional-National electoral pact under the independent-minded Wallace and firebrand orator Amery. With his position weaker than before the election, Attlee was left with no choice but to push hard for a Labour victory in the 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] In the aftermath of the Senatorial elections, Attlee didn't have a leg to stand on. He was forced to go to the country and it appeared to be the Constitutionalists' election to lose. Labour factionalism finally burst out of its box as the 'National Minority Movement' endorsed Labour candidates in South Wales and other mining communities against official Labour candidates. As the results came in, the rumour was that a coalition would be formed, between the Constitutionalists and Labour - Edgar Wallace was a quixotic leader and uncomfortable with the Nationals as electoral partners. But before election night was out, he was dead. He had been ill for days before the election and his condition had rapidly deteriorated. While it was clear the Constitutionalists were the largest party, their choice of leader and coalition partner was in doubt. And second of all in the weeks prior to election day, war had broken out between the United States and a newly installed military junta in Japan. Lord Chancellor Smuts was unhappy with the prospect of changing horses in such times. Despite everything, Clement Attlee found himself being invited to return to Number 10 by the Lord Chancellor to lead a Caretaker Ministry until a new government could be formed.
[8] The Constitutionalists turned to the Lloyd George dynasty for their next prime minister. Megan Lloyd George was one of the most left-wing Constitutional MPs but also one of the MPs most friendly with Attlee and Labour which was pivotal to the creation of a functional administration following a second hung parliament. With the Pacific war between Huey Long's America and the Japanese Junta continuing, Lloyd George agreed to nationalise key industries such as the rail network and coal mines and negotiate better working conditions with workers, a policy her backbenchers did not entirely approve of but accepted their necessity should America call on its allies in war. In return for Lloyd George's concessions, Attlee accepted the role of Home secretary.
 
UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]
1924-1940: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]
1928: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Neville Chamberlain (National) [5]
1932: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Alfred Milner (National) [6]
1936: def. Josiah Wedgewood IV (Labour) [7]
1940-1944: Winston Churchill (Constitutional)
1940: def. Oswald Mosely (National) [8]

1944-1900: Clement Attlee (Nominated by Labour/Constitutional)
1944: def. Bernard Montgomery (Nominated by National/Constitutional), H.G. Welles (nominated by ILM et el) [9]

[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.
[5] Smuts' diplomacy led to the Russian Uprising having a satisfying conclusion with the installation of a pro-western liberal democracy under a constitutional monarch. However, his pro-Zionist attitudes led to tensions rising with Italy under the authoritarian Benito Mussolini. Smuts' support for racial segregation proved controversial and was partially responsible for Labour returning to second place as National fell to third as Chamberlain found it difficult to criticize a government his own party participated in. In the Senate, the number of Constitutional members once more reduces but Churchill remains in control of the chamber facing Labour's Arthur Greenwood in opposition.
[6] The Constitutional victory in 1932 was deeply frustrating to the Labour Party, who had hoped their breakthrough in the Commons would correlate to success in the Senate. However, although Smuts was personally a popular figure, it was clear that the ideological battle sweeping Britain would sooner or later make headway in the Upper House. He was sympathetic to some aims of the Labour government, but struggled to endorse their sweeping proposals for the restructuring of both the domestic economy and the status of the Dominions. He conducted his role as Lord Chancellor with integrity, but following the complex 1935 Commons election he developed a sterner view as the government sought to coordinate resources to ensure his defeat in the upcoming 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] Prior to 1935, Smuts had considered stepping down from his position as head of state. Efforts by the Labour government to unseat him put a stop to that. Once upon a time it would have unthinkable for the Constitutionalists and Tories to treat with one another, but a straw had been laid on that camel's back when Mosley had rebranded the Tories, another when Lloyd George had come to terms with a coalition. So it was that the 1936 Senatorial elections were held with Smuts formally endorsed by the Nationals. In those circumstances, it barely mattered who the Labour candidate was. The weaknesses of the party - factionalism, difficulty with bicameralism, etc etc - were simply too much for them to carry the day. Smuts was to be Lord Chancellor for another four years - just as the fragile world peace that had held since the abdication of Wilhelm II was shattered by the assassination of the American President by an extremist clique of Japanese officers.
[8] With the Pacific war continuing, it became a case of when not if Britain would enter the war and the election of Churchill solidified this. Churchill was replaced in the Senate by Duff Cooper, a close ally who easily dominated the chamber against the small number of National and IPP candidates in the chamber. Churchill rallied the support of Chancellor Kurt Schumacher of Germany, President Charles De Gaulle of France and the new Social Democratic government in Moscow, against Japan and their ally Benito Mussolini. Moseley opposed the government's attitudes towards Italy and ran a campaign of isolation that received little support although a number of Labour supporters defected out of spite towards Attlee and due to Churchill being endorsed by both governing parties.
[9] Churchill was the first Lord Chancellor since Richard Haldane not to stand for reelection, but the circumstances were vastly different. Churchill had made it clear that he was not happy with the direction of the county or his party. With the Second Great War over, and factions of his party unhappy at his interference in the workings of government (which they saw as an overreach from a mostly ceremonial position) his support was less than assured. In response to this controversy, candidates ran as 'Independents'. Initially an easy victory was expected for Bernard Montgomery (hero of both the Abyssinian and Pacific campaigns; backed by Nationals and right of the Constitutionalists) but his gaffes offered an opportunity to Clement Attlee (running as a face saving move after standing down as Opposition leader; backed by Labour and left of the Constitutionalists) who narrowly claimed victory despite siphoning votes to the symbolic run of H.G. Welles (noted author and Republican; backed by Independent Labour Movement and other leftist groups).


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1933: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour)
[1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 [Constitutional-National]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]
1933 - 1937: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1933 [Majority]: def. David Lloyd George (Constitutional), Oswald Mosley (National) [5]
1935 [Minority]: def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional), Leo Amery (National) [6]
1936 [Caretaker Government]: def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional)†, Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [7]
1937-1900: Megan Lloyd George (Constitutional)
1937 [Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition]: def. Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [8]
1942 [Minority]: def. Clement Attlee (Labour), J.C.C. Davidson (National), Emrys Hughes (Independent Labour Movement) [9]

[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice, it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
[5] Attlee led his party into its first-ever government, having assumed the leadership following the death of Ramsay Mac Donald from a throat infection in 1931. It is thought Lloyd George lost power from electoral fatigue having served as Prime Minister for 23 years consecutively and general dissatisfaction with his National cabinet ministers - especially his Chancellor William Joynson-Hicks, who made controversial comments regarding the trade union movement and along with Mosley displayed anti-Semitic attitudes which disturbed not only the public but Lord Chancellor Smuts also. Attlee promised to fulfill his manifesto promises of wide-ranging nationalisation as well as reviewing the practicalities of a new electoral system for the Commons.

[6] The first Labour ministry was a hard one; opposed by the Constitutionalists in the Senate, Attlee quickly ran into trouble. Although there were a few successes (such as the bipartisan abolition of the remaining unelected members of the Senate), Attlee struggled to convince the Upper House to endorse most of his reforms. The push towards legislative and economic independence for the Dominions, the status of India, European rearmament, proportional representation, the restructuring of the welfare state, the issuing of credit for infrastructure and the attempted programme of nationalisation all triggered great controversy. Labour squabbled in factionalism, with the industrially-rooted left accusing Attlee of betrayal and intelligentsia right courting with defection to the Constitutionalists. The country came dangerously close to a general strike in the winter of 1934, and in the spring Attlee called a general election to reestablish his authority against the Senate. Labour failed to secure a majority, but remained in government following the collapse of the Constitutional-National electoral pact under the independent-minded Wallace and firebrand orator Amery. With his position weaker than before the election, Attlee was left with no choice but to push hard for a Labour victory in the 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] In the aftermath of the Senatorial elections, Attlee didn't have a leg to stand on. He was forced to go to the country and it appeared to be the Constitutionalists' election to lose. Labour factionalism finally burst out of its box as the 'National Minority Movement' endorsed Labour candidates in South Wales and other mining communities against official Labour candidates. As the results came in, the rumour was that a coalition would be formed, between the Constitutionalists and Labour - Edgar Wallace was a quixotic leader and uncomfortable with the Nationals as electoral partners. But before election night was out, he was dead. He had been ill for days before the election and his condition had rapidly deteriorated. While it was clear the Constitutionalists were the largest party, their choice of leader and coalition partner was in doubt. And second of all in the weeks prior to election day, war had broken out between the United States and a newly installed military junta in Japan. Lord Chancellor Smuts was unhappy with the prospect of changing horses in such times. Despite everything, Clement Attlee found himself being invited to return to Number 10 by the Lord Chancellor to lead a Caretaker Ministry until a new government could be formed.
[8] The Constitutionalists turned to the Lloyd George dynasty for their next prime minister. Megan Lloyd George was one of the most left-wing Constitutional MPs but also one of the MPs most friendly with Attlee and Labour which was pivotal to the creation of a functional administration following a second hung parliament. With the Pacific war between Huey Long's America and the Japanese Junta continuing, Lloyd George agreed to nationalise key industries such as the rail network and coal mines and negotiate better working conditions with workers, a policy her backbenchers did not entirely approve of but accepted their necessity should America call on its allies in war. In return for Lloyd George's concessions, Attlee accepted the role of Home secretary.

[9] By the time the United Republic declared war on Japan, it was only making official what had been the reality of the situation with the U.R. long providing financial, material and logistical support. This was popular with the public who saw it as fair payback for the USA’s support in the 1916-1920 Great War. However, it was the surrender of Japan in December 1941 that removed the final reason for the Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition with the demands for Labour's support becoming more than the conservative members of government were willing to pay. When another hung parliament arose after the election the following year, Lord Chancellor Churchill, supported by numerous backbenchers and even some ministers made it clear that Lloyd George would need to form either a minority government or abandon her party.
 
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UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]
1924-1940: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]
1928: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Neville Chamberlain (National) [5]
1932: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Alfred Milner (National) [6]
1936: def. Josiah Wedgewood IV (Labour) [7]
1940-1944: Winston Churchill (Constitutional)
1940: def. Oswald Mosely (National) [8]

1944-1948: Clement Attlee (Nominated by Labour/Constitutional)
1944: def. Bernard Montgomery (Nominated by National/Constitutional), H.G. Wells (nominated by ILM et el) [9]

1948-1900: Henry Windsor (National)
1948: def. Duff Cooper (Constitutional), William Norton (Nominated by Labour/IPP), Stafford Cripps (Independent Labour Movement, refused nomination) [10]

[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.
[5] Smuts' diplomacy led to the Russian Uprising having a satisfying conclusion with the installation of a pro-western liberal democracy under a constitutional monarch. However, his pro-Zionist attitudes led to tensions rising with Italy under the authoritarian Benito Mussolini. Smuts' support for racial segregation proved controversial and was partially responsible for Labour returning to second place as National fell to third as Chamberlain found it difficult to criticize a government his own party participated in. In the Senate, the number of Constitutional members once more reduces but Churchill remains in control of the chamber facing Labour's Arthur Greenwood in opposition.
[6] The Constitutional victory in 1932 was deeply frustrating to the Labour Party, who had hoped their breakthrough in the Commons would correlate to success in the Senate. However, although Smuts was personally a popular figure, it was clear that the ideological battle sweeping Britain would sooner or later make headway in the Upper House. He was sympathetic to some aims of the Labour government, but struggled to endorse their sweeping proposals for the restructuring of both the domestic economy and the status of the Dominions. He conducted his role as Lord Chancellor with integrity, but following the complex 1935 Commons election he developed a sterner view as the government sought to coordinate resources to ensure his defeat in the upcoming 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] Prior to 1935, Smuts had considered stepping down from his position as head of state. Efforts by the Labour government to unseat him put a stop to that. Once upon a time it would have unthinkable for the Constitutionalists and Tories to treat with one another, but a straw had been laid on that camel's back when Mosley had rebranded the Tories, another when Lloyd George had come to terms with a coalition. So it was that the 1936 Senatorial elections were held with Smuts formally endorsed by the Nationals. In those circumstances, it barely mattered who the Labour candidate was. The weaknesses of the party - factionalism, difficulty with bicameralism, etc etc - were simply too much for them to carry the day. Smuts was to be Lord Chancellor for another four years - just as the fragile world peace that had held since the abdication of Wilhelm II was shattered by the assassination of the American President by an extremist clique of Japanese officers.
[8] With the Pacific war continuing, it became a case of when not if Britain would enter the war and the election of Churchill solidified this. Churchill was replaced in the Senate by Duff Cooper, a close ally who easily dominated the chamber against the small number of National and IPP candidates in the chamber. Churchill rallied the support of Chancellor Kurt Schumacher of Germany, President Charles De Gaulle of France and the new Social Democratic government in Moscow, against Japan and their ally Benito Mussolini. Moseley opposed the government's attitudes towards Italy and ran a campaign of isolation that received little support although a number of Labour supporters defected out of spite towards Attlee and due to Churchill being endorsed by both governing parties.
[9] Churchill was the first Lord Chancellor since Richard Haldane not to stand for reelection, but the circumstances were vastly different. Churchill had made it clear that he was not happy with the direction of the county or his party. With the Second Great War over, and factions of his party unhappy at his interference in the workings of government (which they saw as an overreach from a mostly ceremonial position) his support was less than assured. In response to this controversy, candidates ran as 'Independents'. Initially an easy victory was expected for Bernard Montgomery (hero of both the Abyssinian and Pacific campaigns; backed by Nationals and right of the Constitutionalists) but his gaffes offered an opportunity to Clement Attlee (running as a face saving move after standing down as Opposition leader; backed by Labour and left of the Constitutionalists) who narrowly claimed victory despite siphoning votes to the symbolic run of H.G. Welles (noted author and Republican; backed by Independent Labour Movement and other leftist groups).
[10] Attlee had little interest in the Lord Chancellery after a certain point - like his predecessor he ran up uncomfortably against his counterparts in the Commons. His standing aside in 1948 opened up the floor to a return to partisanship - and a shocking turn of events. With the the left and centre split against one another, whether they liked it or not, a popular war hero who had served honourably in the Russian Uprisings through to the Pacific Theatre of the Second Great War, was able to attain the Lord Chancellery. He tried his best to put clear blue water between himself and his family heritage. A National - a Windsor at that - in the Lord Chancellery did not entail a restoration of the monarchy. He promised.


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1933: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour)
[1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 [Constitutional-National]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]
1933 - 1937: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1933 [Majority]: def. David Lloyd George (Constitutional), Oswald Mosley (National) [5]
1935 [Minority]: def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional), Leo Amery (National) [6]
1936 [Caretaker Government]: def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional)†, Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [7]
1937-1942: Megan Lloyd George (Constitutional)
1937 [Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition]: def. Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [8]
1942 [Minority]: def. Clement Attlee (Labour), J.C.C. Davidson (National), Emrys Hughes (Independent Labour Movement) [9]
1942-1943: Duff Cooper (Constitutional minority)
1943-1900:
Stafford Cripps (Independent)
1943 (Labour-Constitutional Grand Coalition, with IPP and ILM confidence and supply): Clement Attlee (Labour), Duff Cooper (Constitutional), J.C.C. Davidson (National), W.T. Cosgrave (Irish Parliamentary), Emrys Hughes (Independent Labour Movement [10]

[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice, it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
[5] Attlee led his party into its first-ever government, having assumed the leadership following the death of Ramsay Mac Donald from a throat infection in 1931. It is thought Lloyd George lost power from electoral fatigue having served as Prime Minister for 23 years consecutively and general dissatisfaction with his National cabinet ministers - especially his Chancellor William Joynson-Hicks, who made controversial comments regarding the trade union movement and along with Mosley displayed anti-Semitic attitudes which disturbed not only the public but Lord Chancellor Smuts also. Attlee promised to fulfill his manifesto promises of wide-ranging nationalisation as well as reviewing the practicalities of a new electoral system for the Commons.

[6] The first Labour ministry was a hard one; opposed by the Constitutionalists in the Senate, Attlee quickly ran into trouble. Although there were a few successes (such as the bipartisan abolition of the remaining unelected members of the Senate), Attlee struggled to convince the Upper House to endorse most of his reforms. The push towards legislative and economic independence for the Dominions, the status of India, European rearmament, proportional representation, the restructuring of the welfare state, the issuing of credit for infrastructure and the attempted programme of nationalisation all triggered great controversy. Labour squabbled in factionalism, with the industrially-rooted left accusing Attlee of betrayal and intelligentsia right courting with defection to the Constitutionalists. The country came dangerously close to a general strike in the winter of 1934, and in the spring Attlee called a general election to reestablish his authority against the Senate. Labour failed to secure a majority, but remained in government following the collapse of the Constitutional-National electoral pact under the independent-minded Wallace and firebrand orator Amery. With his position weaker than before the election, Attlee was left with no choice but to push hard for a Labour victory in the 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] In the aftermath of the Senatorial elections, Attlee didn't have a leg to stand on. He was forced to go to the country and it appeared to be the Constitutionalists' election to lose. Labour factionalism finally burst out of its box as the 'National Minority Movement' endorsed Labour candidates in South Wales and other mining communities against official Labour candidates. As the results came in, the rumour was that a coalition would be formed, between the Constitutionalists and Labour - Edgar Wallace was a quixotic leader and uncomfortable with the Nationals as electoral partners. But before election night was out, he was dead. He had been ill for days before the election and his condition had rapidly deteriorated. While it was clear the Constitutionalists were the largest party, their choice of leader and coalition partner was in doubt. And second of all in the weeks prior to election day, war had broken out between the United States and a newly installed military junta in Japan. Lord Chancellor Smuts was unhappy with the prospect of changing horses in such times. Despite everything, Clement Attlee found himself being invited to return to Number 10 by the Lord Chancellor to lead a Caretaker Ministry until a new government could be formed.
[8] The Constitutionalists turned to the Lloyd George dynasty for their next prime minister. Megan Lloyd George was one of the most left-wing Constitutional MPs but also one of the MPs most friendly with Attlee and Labour which was pivotal to the creation of a functional administration following a second hung parliament. With the Pacific war between Huey Long's America and the Japanese Junta continuing, Lloyd George agreed to nationalise key industries such as the rail network and coal mines and negotiate better working conditions with workers, a policy her backbenchers did not entirely approve of but accepted their necessity should America call on its allies in war. In return for Lloyd George's concessions, Attlee accepted the role of Home secretary.

[9] By the time the United Republic declared war on Japan, it was only making official what had been the reality of the situation with the U.R. long providing financial, material and logistical support. This was popular with the public who saw it as fair payback for the USA’s support in the 1916-1920 Great War. However, it was the surrender of Japan in December 1941 that removed the final reason for the Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition with the demands for Labour's support becoming more than the conservative members of government were willing to pay. When another hung parliament arose after the election the following year, Lord Chancellor Churchill, supported by numerous backbenchers and even some ministers made it clear that Lloyd George would need to form either a minority government or abandon her party.
[10] The constitutional crisis precipitated by the Churchill ultimatum had but one inevitable conclusion. The Constitutionalists were unable to lead a government. The choice between a minority government or a backbench revolt was a false one - in practical terms such a government would be reliant on Labour confidence and supply, and would lead to a right wing revolt anyway. With Churchill refusing to allow Lloyd George to call a snap election to shore up her position, she had no choice but to stand aside. And what then? Whatever happened, the Constitutionalists' position on the centre ground meant a coalition with either of the other two major parties would inevitably result in revolt and collapse. Churchill took the unprecedented decision to intervene in the prime ministerial selection, taking on a distinctly 'presidential' position as head of state (inspired no doubt by his American lineage) and appointed Duff Cooper to govern from the Senate. Cooper was permitted a snap election - which saw much of a repeat of the 1942 results in Great Britain. In Ireland it was a different story as a formerly Constitutionalist dominated region was wiped out by a IPP landslide, returning the party to it's pre-republican heyday. Parliamentary arithmetic had changed once again - and it was clear that the Constitutionalists could not possibly form a governing coalition as the IPP refused to work alongside the Nationals. A de facto Independent MP, albeit one who sat on the Labour benches, who had earned a positive reputation for himself during the war especially negotiating the cooperation of an increasingly restive India, was ushered into an uncomfortable meeting with Churchill.
 
UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?

"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
  • David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).

The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.

HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)

1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha /Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]
1924-1940: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]
1928: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Neville Chamberlain (National) [5]
1932: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Alfred Milner (National) [6]
1936: def. Josiah Wedgewood IV (Labour) [7]
1940-1944: Winston Churchill (Constitutional)
1940: def. Oswald Mosely (National) [8]

1944-1948: Clement Attlee (Nominated by Labour/Constitutional)
1944: def. Bernard Montgomery (Nominated by National/Constitutional), H.G. Wells (nominated by ILM et el) [9]

1948-1900: Henry Windsor (National)
1948: def. Duff Cooper (Constitutional), William Norton (Nominated by Labour/IPP), Stafford Cripps (Independent Labour Movement, refused nomination) [10]
1952: def. Wiliam Wedgewood Benn (Labour/Constitutional), Aneurin Bevan ( Independent Socialist) [11]
[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.
[5] Smuts' diplomacy led to the Russian Uprising having a satisfying conclusion with the installation of a pro-western liberal democracy under a constitutional monarch. However, his pro-Zionist attitudes led to tensions rising with Italy under the authoritarian Benito Mussolini. Smuts' support for racial segregation proved controversial and was partially responsible for Labour returning to second place as National fell to third as Chamberlain found it difficult to criticize a government his own party participated in. In the Senate, the number of Constitutional members once more reduces but Churchill remains in control of the chamber facing Labour's Arthur Greenwood in opposition.
[6] The Constitutional victory in 1932 was deeply frustrating to the Labour Party, who had hoped their breakthrough in the Commons would correlate to success in the Senate. However, although Smuts was personally a popular figure, it was clear that the ideological battle sweeping Britain would sooner or later make headway in the Upper House. He was sympathetic to some aims of the Labour government, but struggled to endorse their sweeping proposals for the restructuring of both the domestic economy and the status of the Dominions. He conducted his role as Lord Chancellor with integrity, but following the complex 1935 Commons election he developed a sterner view as the government sought to coordinate resources to ensure his defeat in the upcoming 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] Prior to 1935, Smuts had considered stepping down from his position as head of state. Efforts by the Labour government to unseat him put a stop to that. Once upon a time it would have unthinkable for the Constitutionalists and Tories to treat with one another, but a straw had been laid on that camel's back when Mosley had rebranded the Tories, another when Lloyd George had come to terms with a coalition. So it was that the 1936 Senatorial elections were held with Smuts formally endorsed by the Nationals. In those circumstances, it barely mattered who the Labour candidate was. The weaknesses of the party - factionalism, difficulty with bicameralism, etc etc - were simply too much for them to carry the day. Smuts was to be Lord Chancellor for another four years - just as the fragile world peace that had held since the abdication of Wilhelm II was shattered by the assassination of the American President by an extremist clique of Japanese officers.
[8] With the Pacific war continuing, it became a case of when not if Britain would enter the war and the election of Churchill solidified this. Churchill was replaced in the Senate by Duff Cooper, a close ally who easily dominated the chamber against the small number of National and IPP candidates in the chamber. Churchill rallied the support of Chancellor Kurt Schumacher of Germany, President Charles De Gaulle of France and the new Social Democratic government in Moscow, against Japan and their ally Benito Mussolini. Moseley opposed the government's attitudes towards Italy and ran a campaign of isolation that received little support although a number of Labour supporters defected out of spite towards Attlee and due to Churchill being endorsed by both governing parties.
[9] Churchill was the first Lord Chancellor since Richard Haldane not to stand for reelection, but the circumstances were vastly different. Churchill had made it clear that he was not happy with the direction of the county or his party. With the Second Great War over, and factions of his party unhappy at his interference in the workings of government (which they saw as an overreach from a mostly ceremonial position) his support was less than assured. In response to this controversy, candidates ran as 'Independents'. Initially an easy victory was expected for Bernard Montgomery (hero of both the Abyssinian and Pacific campaigns; backed by Nationals and right of the Constitutionalists) but his gaffes offered an opportunity to Clement Attlee (running as a face saving move after standing down as Opposition leader; backed by Labour and left of the Constitutionalists) who narrowly claimed victory despite siphoning votes to the symbolic run of H.G. Welles (noted author and Republican; backed by Independent Labour Movement and other leftist groups).
[10] Attlee had little interest in the Lord Chancellery after a certain point - like his predecessor he ran up uncomfortably against his counterparts in the Commons. His standing aside in 1948 opened up the floor to a return to partisanship - and a shocking turn of events. With the the left and centre split against one another, whether they liked it or not, a popular war hero who had served honourably in the Russian Uprisings through to the Pacific Theatre of the Second Great War, was able to attain the Lord Chancellery. He tried his best to put clear blue water between himself and his family heritage. A National - a Windsor at that - in the Lord Chancellery did not entail a restoration of the monarchy. He promised.
[11] Windsors promise to be a neutral figure in British affairs led to a worse than expected result for National at 1948 general election. Despite this, Windsor's first term was mostly successful with state visits from the Russian Tzar and the newly enthroned Japanese Emporer being successful in improving diplomatic ties between the three nations which had been strained by the Second Great War. In 1952, Windsor was returned in a landslide being preferable to the figures Labour and the Constitutionalists put forward, although the election was overshadowed by a military coup in Italy which restored democracy to the peninsula.


HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1933: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)

1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour)
[1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 [Constitutional-National]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]
1933 - 1937: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1933 [Majority]: def. David Lloyd George (Constitutional), Oswald Mosley (National) [5]
1935 [Minority]: def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional), Leo Amery (National) [6]
1936 [Caretaker Government]: def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional)†, Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [7]
1937-1942: Megan Lloyd George (Constitutional)
1937 [Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition]: def. Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [8]
1942 [Minority]: def. Clement Attlee (Labour), J.C.C. Davidson (National), Emrys Hughes (Independent Labour Movement) [9]
1942-1943: Duff Cooper (Constitutional minority)
1943-1900:
Stafford Cripps (Independent, Labour post.1947)
1943 (Labour-Constitutional Grand Coalition, with IPP and ILM confidence and supply): Clement Attlee (Labour), Duff Cooper (Constitutional), J.C.C. Davidson (National), W.T. Cosgrave (Irish Parliamentary), Emrys Hughes (Independent Labour Movement [10]
1948 (Labour-Constitutional Grand Coalition) def. Duff Cooper (Constitutional), J.C.C. Davidson (National), W.T. Cosgrave (Irish Parliamentary) [11]


[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.

[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice, it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
[5] Attlee led his party into its first-ever government, having assumed the leadership following the death of Ramsay Mac Donald from a throat infection in 1931. It is thought Lloyd George lost power from electoral fatigue having served as Prime Minister for 23 years consecutively and general dissatisfaction with his National cabinet ministers - especially his Chancellor William Joynson-Hicks, who made controversial comments regarding the trade union movement and along with Mosley displayed anti-Semitic attitudes which disturbed not only the public but Lord Chancellor Smuts also. Attlee promised to fulfill his manifesto promises of wide-ranging nationalisation as well as reviewing the practicalities of a new electoral system for the Commons.

[6] The first Labour ministry was a hard one; opposed by the Constitutionalists in the Senate, Attlee quickly ran into trouble. Although there were a few successes (such as the bipartisan abolition of the remaining unelected members of the Senate), Attlee struggled to convince the Upper House to endorse most of his reforms. The push towards legislative and economic independence for the Dominions, the status of India, European rearmament, proportional representation, the restructuring of the welfare state, the issuing of credit for infrastructure and the attempted programme of nationalisation all triggered great controversy. Labour squabbled in factionalism, with the industrially-rooted left accusing Attlee of betrayal and intelligentsia right courting with defection to the Constitutionalists. The country came dangerously close to a general strike in the winter of 1934, and in the spring Attlee called a general election to reestablish his authority against the Senate. Labour failed to secure a majority, but remained in government following the collapse of the Constitutional-National electoral pact under the independent-minded Wallace and firebrand orator Amery. With his position weaker than before the election, Attlee was left with no choice but to push hard for a Labour victory in the 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] In the aftermath of the Senatorial elections, Attlee didn't have a leg to stand on. He was forced to go to the country and it appeared to be the Constitutionalists' election to lose. Labour factionalism finally burst out of its box as the 'National Minority Movement' endorsed Labour candidates in South Wales and other mining communities against official Labour candidates. As the results came in, the rumour was that a coalition would be formed, between the Constitutionalists and Labour - Edgar Wallace was a quixotic leader and uncomfortable with the Nationals as electoral partners. But before election night was out, he was dead. He had been ill for days before the election and his condition had rapidly deteriorated. While it was clear the Constitutionalists were the largest party, their choice of leader and coalition partner was in doubt. And second of all in the weeks prior to election day, war had broken out between the United States and a newly installed military junta in Japan. Lord Chancellor Smuts was unhappy with the prospect of changing horses in such times. Despite everything, Clement Attlee found himself being invited to return to Number 10 by the Lord Chancellor to lead a Caretaker Ministry until a new government could be formed.
[8] The Constitutionalists turned to the Lloyd George dynasty for their next prime minister. Megan Lloyd George was one of the most left-wing Constitutional MPs but also one of the MPs most friendly with Attlee and Labour which was pivotal to the creation of a functional administration following a second hung parliament. With the Pacific war between Huey Long's America and the Japanese Junta continuing, Lloyd George agreed to nationalise key industries such as the rail network and coal mines and negotiate better working conditions with workers, a policy her backbenchers did not entirely approve of but accepted their necessity should America call on its allies in war. In return for Lloyd George's concessions, Attlee accepted the role of Home secretary.

[9] By the time the United Republic declared war on Japan, it was only making official what had been the reality of the situation with the U.R. long providing financial, material and logistical support. This was popular with the public who saw it as fair payback for the USA’s support in the 1916-1920 Great War. However, it was the surrender of Japan in December 1941 that removed the final reason for the Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition with the demands for Labour's support becoming more than the conservative members of government were willing to pay. When another hung parliament arose after the election the following year, Lord Chancellor Churchill, supported by numerous backbenchers and even some ministers made it clear that Lloyd George would need to form either a minority government or abandon her party.
[10] The constitutional crisis precipitated by the Churchill ultimatum had but one inevitable conclusion. The Constitutionalists were unable to lead a government. The choice between a minority government or a backbench revolt was a false one - in practical terms such a government would be reliant on Labour confidence and supply, and would lead to a right wing revolt anyway. With Churchill refusing to allow Lloyd George to call a snap election to shore up her position, she had no choice but to stand aside. And what then? Whatever happened, the Constitutionalists' position on the centre ground meant a coalition with either of the other two major parties would inevitably result in revolt and collapse. Churchill took the unprecedented decision to intervene in the prime ministerial selection, taking on a distinctly 'presidential' position as head of state (inspired no doubt by his American lineage) and appointed Duff Cooper to govern from the Senate. Cooper was permitted a snap election - which saw much of a repeat of the 1942 results in Great Britain. In Ireland it was a different story as a formerly Constitutionalist dominated region was wiped out by a IPP landslide, returning the party to it's pre-republican heyday. Parliamentary arithmetic had changed once again - and it was clear that the Constitutionalists could not possibly form a governing coalition as the IPP refused to work alongside the Nationals. A de facto Independent MP, albeit one who sat on the Labour benches, who had earned a positive reputation for himself during the war especially negotiating the cooperation of an increasingly restive India, was ushered into an uncomfortable meeting with Churchill.
[12] Cripps quickly came to the conclusion that Parliament in its present state was unworkable and believed the number of fractional interests within each party were the issue with governing. Thus, in 1946 Parliament - in agreement with almost all represented political parties - passed major constitutional reform with devolution for Scotland, Wales, Cornwall and the English regions based on historical borders. The devolved parliaments would handle 'domestic' affairs whereas the national parliament would handle larger-scale activities such as foreign policy and defence. Cripps also came to an agreement with the Independent Labour movement promising Labour would stand aside for them in the regional parliaments as long as they would endorse Labour candidates at the national level. The National party demanded Proportional representation as part of negotiations based on the party list voting system - a demand based on a desire for power and not based on any particular affinity to the system. By 1948, Parliament was now comprised of the three main parties and a small number of regionalist or nationalist MP's with large majorities, despite this, Parliament remained hung and a new coalition was formed.
 
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