Churchill Retires in 1950 (1945-2020)
What if Winston Churchill retired after the 1945 Conservative defeat?
1945: Clement Attlee (Labour) [1]
1950: Anthony Eden (Conservative) [2]
1955: Anthony Eden (Conservative)
1957: Harold Macmillan (Conservative) [3]
1960: Nye Bevan (Labour) [4]
1961: Richard Crossman (Labour) [5]
1964: Richard Crossman (Labour) [6]
1966: George Brown (Labour) [7]
1969: Julian Amery (Conservative) [8]
1974: Julian Amery (Conservative) [9]
1977: William Whitelaw (Conservative)
1977:William Whitelaw (Conservative) [10]
1980: Shirley Williams (Labour) [11]
1985: Shirley Williams (Lab-Lib coalition) [12]
1987: David Owen (Lab-Lib coalition) [13]
1990: David Owen (Lab-Lib-SNP-SDP coalition) [14]
1993: Jonathan Aitken (Conservative-UUP coalition) [15]
1997: Jonathan Aitken (Conservative-UUP-DUP coalition) [16]
1999: William Waldegrave (Conservative-UUP-DUP coalition) [17]
2000: Chris Huhne (Liberal-SNP-Plaid Cymru-Yorkshire-Mebyon Kernow coalition) [18]
2003 (January): Sir Sean Connery ("Unity Liberal"-SNP-Plaid Cymru-Yorkshire-Mebyon Kernow-Independent Labour coalition) [19]
2003 (October): Virginia Bottomley (Conservative-UUP-DUP coalition) [20]
2008: Virginia Bottomley (Conservative-UUP-DUP coalition) [21]
2009: Winston Spencer-Churchill (Conservative-DUUP coalition) [22]
2011: Linda McAvan (Labour/Liberal Alliance-Yorkshire coalition) [23]
2016: Linda McAvan (Labour/Liberal Alliance) [24]
2020: Linda McAvan (Labour-Liberal Alliance) [25]
[1] The surprising victory of the Labour Party in the 1945 election would lead to the creation of the welfare state and the resignation of Winston Churchill as Conservative leader. His heir-apparent, Anthony Eden, became the Leader of the Opposition and agreed to uphold a general 'post-war consensus' in regards to the sweeping domestic changes across Britain. For the first time Labour held a full term in government, and Attlee led his party into a tightly-fought general election in February 1950.
[2] From the dark days of the winter of 1946/7 to the continuing austerity measures left over from the war, Attlee’s government faced the masterful haranguing of Eden and his Conservative colleagues. Intellectually revitalized and with a modernized party machine courtesy of Lord Woolton, the Tories went into the 1950 election with a spring in their step and unbridled optimism about their electoral prospects. Sadly for them, the election would not deliver the huge majority that many had expected and Labour managed a small turnaround toward the end of the campaign... which worked to turn Eden’s hypothetical 50-seat majority into an actual majority of just 11. Still, the charismatic new Prime Minister was undaunted as he prepared to implement his One Nation programme.
[3] Eden's premiership, to many, was little different from the Attlee ministry in terms of overall economic objectives and social policies. Much was done on the housing front with the rapid expansion of what Eden called the "property-owning democracy" which, to him, signified the centrist appeal of the Conservative Party. Eden also sought to improve Britain's international standing and browbeat the Egyptian government into withdrawing from the Suez Canal and was fundamental in overthrowing Nasser - something that greatly harmed relations with other regional Arab powers, not least the United States. His tenure was regarded as an era of renewed prosperity after the austere decade following WWII and was in office with record low unemployment. However, as his health deteriorated after a botched surgical operation while Eden struggled to chair cabinet and he decided it was best for the party should he resign as Prime Minister for the sake of his health (sources claim Douglas-Home and Macmillan encouraged him to resign). Over the following days, the tooing-and-throwing of the Conservative Party candidates left two obvious contenders - Rab Butler Lord Privy Seal and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Harold Macmillan. Macmillan stood and was eventually called upon by the Queen due to his wide popularity within the party.
[4] Macmillan inherited a healthy majority from Eden's victory at the 1955 general election, but the years between 1957 and 1960 proved far tougher than those that preceded it. Macmillan is remembered today as the Prime Minister of the Gulf War, as attempts to hold the Middle East firmly under London and Paris's thumb fell apart. As Soviet-backed Nasserite socialism spread to Jordan and Iraq, and bloody insurrection became the order of the day, Macmillan found himself cast as the stern defender of Empire a role which didn't suit him. National Service saw young working class men go to fight to defend Arab kings who quavered in their palaces, and return battered and broken - or dead. Initial patriotic support for the war faded, and was soon replaced by seemingly constant protests, which the government was ill-prepared to confront, resulting in heavy-handed suppression. The situation was not helped by the state of affairs within the Conservative party - while Macmillan was at heart a One Nation Tory, a new generation of MPs were unhappy at how wedded the party had become to socialist Labour policies, and wished to see them undone. The resignation of men like Peter Thorneycroft and Enoch Powell from Cabinet over the government's economic course only added to the bitter atmosphere. Needless to say, when the exhausted government came to election time, few were surprised when the firebrand face of the anti-Gulf protests secured victory.
[5] The Labour Party under the left-wing Aneurin Bevan had secured victory, but Bevan's victory was to be short-lived. With his strong election victory, he had consolidated his power against what was the growing divide with the right of the party, though they continued to be a strain for the socialist government. It had been clear that the leadership had to moderate some of their views as they did before the election. Positions such as nuclear disarmament that Bevan had once advocated were no longer official policy. However, Bevan was facing his own problems. The Prime Minister was charismatic, perhaps too charismatic, that was to be his downfall. It was no secret to those close to Bevan that he was facing some health issues during the election, but he didn't think much of it, he remained committed to fighting the campaign to focus on them. In office, his health would only take a turn for the worse, to the point he could no longer hide it. The official line from Downing Street acknowledged that the Prime Minister was seriously ill, but spoke no further. It was only within the next few months that Bevan himself confirmed it; he had been diagnosed with cancer. Facing an increasingly unpredictable international climate, in the Cold War and in Middle East with the Gulf withdrawal, the Prime Minister reluctantly decided he had to put his health first and ensure an orderly transition of leadership. He announced his intention to resign, with Labour Party Deputy Leader Richard Crossman subsequently elected his successor. Just over a year since the election, Britain had a new Prime Minister.
[6] The Crossman government was guided by philosophy - the NHS was (on paper at least) protected from future privatization by law, while a commitment to house-building played well with the electorate. Crossman was rewarded with a decent majority in an election finally called in 1964, although this victory then brought previously-settled issues back into contention. As economic recession struck the West Crossman came under pressure to readdress the issue of the nuclear deterrent, and as these arguments raged in Parliament decolonization continued in earnest. The Conservatives rallied, fighting against the perceived and very-deliberate decline of Britain as an interventionist global power (although in fact the debacle of the Gulf War had done far more in the eyes of the Americans). Divisions within the Labour Party also rose, with the Bevanites feuding with centrists and moderates willing to compromise on socialist dogma.
[7] The internal conflicts of the government were spilling out into open denunciations and cabinet meeting leaks, lapped up by the press and by the baying Conservative opposition. In the months following the ‘64 victory, Crossman’s strategy of appearing aloof and “rising above the fray” would no longer cut it any longer. In the autumn, he ruled out devaluation (which put the left back); in the spring of ‘65, he committed the government to fiscally restrictive measures by cutting unemployment benefits and raising fuel duties. In 1966, just after England’s ignominious loss to North Korea in the World Cup semi-final, Crossman and his Chancellor (Harold Wilson) went to the United States to ask for a substantial loan. When the press got wind of it, the left jumped into action and Barbara Castle took up the mantle to challenge her former ally for the leadership of the party. Persuaded to “get out of the game” by his right-wing allies, Crossman bowed out and stated he would serve any successor. In the event, colourful Foreign Secretary George Brown would enter the contest and win handily on an anti-unilateralist and pro-European platform against a quixotic left wing.
[8] Brown's working class charm would soon wear thin with the British public, as the occasional gaffe turned into a string of public embarrassments on the international stage. While the left continued to hound him, the initially defensive right was soon putting pressure on him to resign - which only added to the stress which the Prime Minister attempted to alleviate with alcohol. However, unlike Crossman attempts to remove him got nowhere as Brown jealously guarded his position and as the years dragged on the economy continued to flounder and the government was forced to go cap in hand to the United States, leading to the infamous Dreadful Bargain. The Romney Administration was all too willing to offer the British a lesser equivalent of the loan offered WWII, on the condition that the United Kingdom send 'advisors' into the quagmire of the New Banana Wars - which had begun with the initially successful invasion of Cuba and had now spread across much of Latin America. It was the final indignity for a Labour government initially elected on a campaign of peace and anti-imperialism. By 1969, the Conservatives achieved a comfortable majority, on a platform of reversing the long list of such indignities Britain had endured, from the decline of Empire to the influence of the United States, to the unrest on Britain's streets - helped along by many former Labour voters plumping for the Liberals or the resurgent ILP in protest at the government's involvement in America's wars.
[9] Amery quickly proved to be an able administrator, and did much to revitalize the reputation of the Conservative Party. Proving tough on civil unrest Amery held off Labour threats of a general strike and forced through union restrictions, leading to the partial privatization of key industries, and was a key member of the Atlantic Council held in 1972 that established Britain as an 'equal partner' of the new Western Alliance. (The Alliance replaced the myriad of non-aggression and defensive pacts that had lopsidedly established the United States as the only true superpower, and did much to restore the faith of her European allies. It came at a crucial time for the Americans given the sudden worsening of the Banana Wars and the need for further international support against Communism). Such successes portrayed Amery as a major international statesman with the ability to strengthen Britain and weaken her enemies - whom to many in the Conservative Party formed the entryist movements taking root in the Opposition. The Conservatives won a strong majority in 1974 on an ambitiously-named manifesto - The New Vision for Britain.
[10] Amery retired in 1977, for "personal reasons." After a heated battle to replace him, the Tories opted for William Whitelaw as the least offensive option. Whitelaw solidified his authority by calling an election in late 1977, where he led the Tories to a third term over the divided Labour.
[11] After a string of defeats over eleven years, the Labour needed a makeover; with their party bleeding more moderate supporters towards the Liberals, the party's 1978 leadership election came down to two women - the left's favorite (or more accurately, their second favorite) Barbara Castle was able to unite Foot and Benn supporters behind her while Shirley Williams ran on a more centrist, progressive platform. Ultimately Williams bested Castle, leaving many on the left wing of the Labour Party feeling disenchanted. Yet Whitelaw's austerity budget and partial privatization efforts resulted in Labour being propelled into office, with Williams becoming the first female Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.
[12] Plus: large changes to the industrial relations system, negotiating with trade unions to initiate the Prices and Incomes Accord (commonly called just 'The Accord') in 1982, an agreement whereby unions agreed to restrict wage demands and the government pledged to minimise inflation and promote an increased social wage. Seen as one of the most peaceful and stable times in Government-Worker relations. Minus: A poor relationship with American President George Bush with diplomatic bickering playing out on both sides of the Atlantic. Unknown: negotiated peace of the Falklands Conflict, with too many concessions seen as being given to the moribund Argentine junta. Result: the closest post-WWII election in British history, resulting in a coalition between the Labour and Liberal parties.
[13] The first Liberal ministerial presence in Westminster saw a growing conchord between that party and the centrist leadership of Labour - to the detriment of the sidelined left. The price of coalition was a referendum on a more proportional voting system - which was roundly rejected by the British electorate. Williams stepped aside in 1987, at the height of a seeming boom. But only a few months into Owen's term, the economy went into a downturn - and the breakaway of hardline MPs of the Socialist Campaign Group has cost the government its majority. While the SCP have refused to allow a 'Tory vote of confidence' the Owen government is effectively on life support going into 1989.
[14] David Owen's Labour-Liberal coalition seemed to be merely delaying the inevitable as the end of the 1980's rapidly approached. Limping on until February 1990, most polls predicted a repeat of the last February election 40 years earlier. However, the results would turn out to be even more surprising than that time. While the election would be endlessly debated, most analysts put the results down to two main events. First - with the move of the Labour Party towards the centre, the Conservative Party needed to help distinguish themselves and so dropped Francis Pym (longtime opposition leader and notable 'soft' Conservative) for John Nott (relatively more right-wing and leader of the 'hard' Conservative movement). Unfortunately, much of their revised policy platform (including a controversial introduction of a Value Added Tax) reminded voters of Whitelaw's austerity budget and played heavily into Labour's "Not Nott" advertising. Second - the 'Berlin Wall Massacre' discredited the hard-left and allowed Owen to position the Socialist Campaign Group as a rejected element of the party rather than as the breakaway element it was. Even so, the results were even closer than five years previously and The Sun had to famously pulp its "Nott Now! Nott Forever!" early morning issue predicated on a Conservative victory. To secure his numbers, Owen had to make deals with not only the Liberal Party, but also both the Scottish National Party and the Social Democratic Party of Northern Ireland (including promises of devolution referendums before the end of the year). While supporters dubbed it the 'Sunrise Coalition' after the warm complimentary colours of the respective parties, many turned this into the 'Sunset Coalition' due to its perceived instability. Only time would tell...
[15] Initially the 'Sunrise Coalition' was a triumph for the Westminster party system; despite leading a government formed by an eclectic mix of parties, Owen was able to secure some minor domestic successes and survived his first two years of government relatively easily. Proportional representation - a Liberal condition - passed by a comfortable margin in the Commons, while Owen again pledged his support for the progressive reform of the justice system and referenda on devolution. However, this opened a can of worms for the Labour Party. Although not a manifesto pledge in 1990, the formation of the coalition necessitated that devolution become a major issue across the Parliament. The Welsh embarrassed the government by narrowing turning it down, and while the Scots endorsed the formation of an assembly London was largely unwilling to grant independent tax powers to Edinburgh. Division in the coalition worsened when the IRA turned from peace talks and ignited a new series of offensives against British troops in Ulster, with many members believing the SDP partnership with Owen made him a biased broker. The Conservatives rallied against the 'Coalition of Catastrophe' and constantly lobbied for a general election. Ultimately, the SNP pulled the plug and hoped to make major gains at an election where the future of the controversial devolution experiment would be decided. The first election to be held under PR, the Conservatives surged as the Scots and Middle England deserted Owen in droves. Although majority government was unlikely under the new system, Aitken came close - and formed a formal coalition with the resurgent and hardliner UUP in Northern Ireland.
[16] After the turmoil of the Owen years, domestically the Aitken government presented an image of calmness and careful (Conservative) consideration. Internationally, they weren't much more adventurous, with the only major measures including participation in the historic "Paris-Ritz" agreement which designed the frame-work towards the eventual Unified German Confederation and more controversially, committing troops to the U.S.A. "incursion" into Colombia to topple General Escobar Gaviria, which most political commentators saw as President Romney merely trying to wrap up his father's unfinished business. Although many critics decried Aitken's government as 'do-nothing', they went to polls on May 1, 1997 (a year before their term was due to expire) to take advantage of polls which indicated that the public were wary of the 'overly close' working relationship between Labour leader Cherie Booth and Liberal leader Anthony Blair. The campaign slogan of "Trust the Tories" (brainchild of influential Minister Without Portfolio, Jeffrey Archer) while again light on detail seemed to manifest itself all over the country - with the notable exception of Scotland. With the exception of the Liberals in the far North, support in Scotland for mainstream parties had plunged since devolution. The SNP led by former professional footballer and Gulf War POW Sir Sean Connery took advantage of the election to rail again against the injustices from down south. Indeed the only serious opposition to the SNP came from recently re-titled SSP (Scottish Solidarity Party - formerly Scottish Socialist Party) led by Gordon Brown which replaced the Labour party as the 'go-to' party for left-leaning voters. The second election under the PR system saw the beginnings of a move towards an informal alliance system, roughly broken into the "Blue List" (Conservative Party/UUP/DUP), "Red List" (Labour/SSP/SDP) and "Alternate List" (Liberals/SNP/Plaid Cymru) - (Sinn Féin of course continued to follow a policy of abstentionism). When the final votes were counted, the results surprised nobody - a "Blue List" Aitken government was returned with a healthy majority.
[17] Although the Tory project of the mid-1990s had been rewarded with a decent coalition government in 1997 Aitken quickly ran into problems. Questions were raised over the conduct of numerous ministers regarding controversial arms deals with former Banana-War states, and Fleet Street turned on the Prime Minister for his subsequent attempts to reform the press and break up the newspaper conglomerates. The Conservative government was also strongly criticized for heavy-handed police action following the industrial strikes of 1998. Public opinion plummeted, and in early-1999 Aitken was challenged in a leadership contest by his Home Secretary, William Waldegrave. Ambitious, Waldegrave was able to court the moderate centre of the Blue List, and was elected as leader (and Prime Minister) in a narrow upset. Waldegrave restored the faith of the Northern Irish unionists, and his balanced leadership style brought many former Aitkenites back into the fold. Nevertheless, he called a general election the following winter - unfortunately the wettest since meteorological records began.
[18] While Waldegrave's election to the leadership softened relations with his coalition, it did little to soothe the misgivings of the British public. Support for devolution had risen drastically over the years, yet the Tories openly brought the experiment to a grinding halt. To make matters worse, while the heavy-handed suppression that brought down Aitken was kept to a minimum, Waldegrave oversaw the implementation of more subtle methods. Over the course of his short tenure, an intricate surveillance system was introduced. Of course, the Prime Minister assured in his characteristically academic and reasonable tone, this was in the interest of "public security". While it was true that support for the IRA had galvanised thanks to the SDP, the pre-emptive arrest of several prominent union leaders on suspicion of planning illegal strikes, did not go unnoticed. "Trust the Tories", once a masterwork of political campaigning, became a sarcastic rallying cry against a deceitful elite. Thus, when Tony Lloyds's excruciatingly cautious manifesto spawned even more vicious infighting within Labour, the charismatic Liberal leader Chris Huhne smelled blood. He released an unprecedented, ambitious plan centred on "restoring civil liberties" and "reclaiming the integrity of the nation". It included various devolution referenda, deregulation of the press and various industries and increased government transparency, especially in dealings with foreign nations. It even alluded to the development of a written constitution. Despite strongly expressed internal fears that the manifesto, dubbed the "Freedom Bill" was too radical for Britain to swallow, it proved to be exactly what was needed to peel away pro-union Labour voters and disaffected left-leaning Tories and to encourage support for regional parties. In December 2000 the Alternate List won a majority, and, under a drenched gazebo outside Number 10, it was Chris Huhne that adressed the people as Prime Minister.
[19] Chris Huhne’s premiership was almost two years and two months from the Shakespearean playbook. While inevitable that his “Alternative List” coalition couldn’t deliver everything on its optimistic manifesto, it managed key reforms including the 2001 Welsh Devolution and the 2002 Regional Council Act. Unfortunately, the Conservative and Labour parties continually stymied progress, using their combined numbers and knowledge of parliamentary procedure to delay or amend legislation. Enter the Independent Commission Against Corruption - idealists hailed it as a vehicle to clean up British politics, pragmatists pointed out its means for this new government to punch above its weight. What’s certain - without ICAC, “British Watergate” isn’t what would come to mind for the average person when asked about Huhne’s time in office. For most of late 2001 and early 2002, British news was full of ICAC revelations (with only a dip during September when reports of a foiled terror plot knocked them from the front pages). While various controversial arms deals with former Banana-War states were already public knowledge, the full nature of the transactions had been kept a secret. Now it became easy to believe that weapons on all sides of Colombia’s civil war had been procured through British agreements. (Exit Jeffrey Archer, given the epitaph “Minister for Fiction” such was his association with many of the contracts). Former PM Aitkin would have been expelled from the Conservatives if he had not already resigned to form the Christian Democrats (a party undeniably Christian but not evidently democratic) after his overthrow by Waldegrave and a millennium inspired religious awakening. However, it was time to exit PM Huhne when ICAC revealed that his wife’s environmental waste company was working for many of the same arms companies. Reminiscent of Mikhail Gorbachev’s new year’s resignation three years earlier, Huhne announced he would relinquish the Liberal Party leadership immediately and role of PM as soon as a replacement was chosen. Enter Sir Sean Connery, the man who would be PM, a man for whom re-entry into Westminster in 2000 was a move towards retirement. However, when it became clear that the level of scandal (both real and imagined) meant no Liberal candidate would be able to hold the government together, he agreed to do his duty for Queen and Country, and fulfill the role of PM until a permanent replacement could be found or an election called.
[20] The early-2000s had dashed the age-old British tradition of stable government against the rocks, and even Sir Sean Connery failed to keep the fractious 'Alternative List' in line. He remained as a caretaker until the October 2003 election, and the return of the Blues to government. Bottomley was seen as a no-nonsense and pragmatic leader, and decisively overturned the de-facto majority held by the nationalist parties (largely at their expense and Labour). Northern Ireland swung decisively to unionism, while the Cornish and Independent Labourites were wiped out completely. Bottomley had cleaned up the image of her party in record time, and had used the chaotic coalition governments to Huhne and Connery to discredit any further moves to decentralize political power. Although she held off from moving on the electoral system (despite many within the Conservatives calling for a return to FPTP), the ICAC was increasingly relegated to a powerless quango while smaller parties faced a dramatic increase in financial costs to place down deposits for respective candidates. A rise in economic productivity and a decline in Irish terrorism further strengthened the position of the government, and continued refusals from Westminster to allow an independence referendum in Scotland positioned the Conservatives once more as the natural party of government.
[21] Virginia Bottomley's first ministry was generally considered stable and competent, especially when compared to the chaos of the "Liberal Experiment". Tax breaks and subsidies for new businesses allowed the economy to thrive and productivity to rise. However, while Education and the arts enjoyed increased subsidies, funding for health and social care was cut drastically. As well as this, critics complained of a curtailment of gay rights. Section 28, the legislation preventing homosexuality to be "promoted" was reinstated after being repealed by the Liberals. Additionally, calls for gay, lesbian and bisexual people to be allowed to enter into civil partnerships, perform IVF or adopt children were explicitly denied by Bottomley. Despite this, many were happy with the economic environment and stabilty of Bottomley's premiership. This, coupled with weak opposition, a further increase in the price of election deposits and ambiguous election rules set out by ICAC meant that in 2008, Virginia Bottomley returned to Number 10, but with a decreased majority.
[22] The 2009 Conservative Leadership challenge (also known as the Battle of the Churchill’s) was primarily between Winston Spencer-Churchill and A. N. Winston Soames. Preempted by the 2008-2009 financial crash, it brought the strong economic management of Bottomley’s first term in office into stark rebut. While the crisis originated in the United States, brought about by the “New Democrats” hands-off approach to regulation, it quickly impacted the European banking system. While no direct links to Bottomley’s management could be made, her relatively long tenure by modern British standards and lingering public doubts around Conservative trustworthiness saw her support plummet. A no-confidence motion was put forward after coalition partners UUP and DUP announced they would be formally merging to create the DUUP and would no longer support Bottomley as PM (rumours swirled that this was in response to Bottomley planning to cut troop numbers in Northern Ireland as an economic measure). Two main candidates quickly emerged; A. N. Winston Soames, Minister of Defence and Winston Spencer-Churchill, Minster for Regional U.K., both playing on the legend of their grandfather who led the country through a time of acute crisis and then retired when the job was done. While early support was behind Soames, the final ballots gave leadership to Spencer-Churchill (popular accounts point to his name-recognition, insider accounts point to his greater support for Ulster Unionism). Recent reports indicate that Soames knew of Spencer-Churchill’s ill-health during the ballot but declined to publicise the fact out of respect for his cousin.
[23] It is believed by many that the successful co-operation between the Labour and Liberal parties prevented a continuing stretch of Conservative government going into the 2010s; Spencer-Churchill was indeed in ill-health, but agreed to an early election in 2011 in a bid to head-off the Alliance before they gathered steam. Beleaguered and ailed by his cancer, Spencer-Churchill left much of the campaigning to his ministers and was notably absent from the first leaders' debate on television. A week before the polls opened he announced he would stand down following a Conservative victory - derailing the Blue List campaign despite his good intentions, as the 'young blood' of Tories began their own pushes for leadership. McAvan, however, ran a tightship after becoming the formative leader of the Alliance in 2010. The Alliance swept to a strong victory in 2011, as many Scottish and Welsh constituencies returned Labour MPs for the first time since the 1980s. Although the SNP retained their narrow majority in Holyrood McAvan was able to form a 12-seat majority at Westminster, with the broad Alliance only allying with the Yorkshire Party (probably the greatest success of the devolved parties). From the start the government was controversial with many as it did not require backing from a 'national minority' of the UK, but McAvan pledged her ministry to sweeping and popular changes to the struggling welfare state, and authorized the Scots to hold a local referendum on the future of the deterrent in 2013. (This move led to the removal of nuclear weapons from Scotland and their redeployment to Plymouth).
[24] Linda McAvan's extensive reforms were met with shrieks of terror from Blue economists. Large sums of money were injected into a reorganised welfare system and industry. Moreover, the health service saw a huge increase in funding, and was reinvigorated. Section 28 was obliterated in parliament, early in her first term and marriage was legalised between lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. Despite the SNP's steady climb in the polls, calls for a referendum on Scottish independence were met with a cold stone wall from McAvan. Especially after her campaigning in the 2013 deterrent referendum fell on deaf ears and produced a 69-31 result against her. Ultimately, McAvan's increases in funding saw evident results on the ground, and, after a steady increase in public opinion since the Liberal government, most rejoiced when rights for the LGBT community were expanded, producing an image of an incredibly strong and competent government. Come the election, Leader of the Opposition Charles Walker's friendly, honest and charismatic personality and moderate manifesto urging restraint for the sake of the economy, were not enough to overcome an incumbent Prime Minister, who many considered to be one of the most impactful in recent memory. Linda McAvan was returned to number 10 with a majority of 53, with no need for Yorkshire Party support.
[25] The 2020 election overturned two of the most entrenched post-war British political theories. That multi-party coalitions were inherently unstable was shown to be false as was the often stated ‘fact’ that Prime Ministers couldn’t win more than two elections. With what most pundits agreed was eight largely successful years behind them, the ‘Labour’ movement (which now included most major Red List parties including the SDP and SSP) and Liberal Alliance formerly joined into a semi-permanent coalition (based heavily on the Liberal-Country coalition in Australia). In response, the Conservative Party, under new leader Chris Davies, made a similar move, highlighting their full name, the 'Conservative and Unionist Party' in a manner they hadn’t for decades - if ever. McAvan continued a moderate leftist-centrist position, with only minor backlash against her apology for historic wrongdoings by British forces in Gulf War and Banana War operations. Despite polls which suggested a narrowing of the government’s lead, McAvan took the opportunity to call an early election when the opposition was thrown into disarray after ‘Jonathon Aitkin’s Christian Democratic Party’ revealed a secret funding deal between the two parties with a particular focus to roll back LGBT rights. McAvan countered that she would propose a special Recall MP’s Act if re-elected which would allow for recall motions to be placed against sitting MP’s if fraudulent activity could be proven (including ‘knowingly lying’ to the public). While this was denounced by the Blue List as a publicity stunt, some have pointed to its success, as come Election Day, there was in fact a small three seat swing towards the government. This controversy overshadowed the minor outrage when Linda McAvan announced in her victory speech that she would stand down as leader the following year, after 10 years as Prime Minister. Despite McAvan’s endorsement for Julia Gillard, her loyal deputy (and less notably former First Minister for Wales - a largely administrative role) in a move to ensure a fitting end to her era, with the first female PM to succeed another, if anything in the past seventy-plus years of British politics had shown, nothing was certain….
***
While it looks like I’ve left this on a cliff-hanger, I wanted to wrap up this PM’s list and try and draw some of the various threads together (the uncertainty of leadership being one of them!). This was the first list I participated in, and it was a lot of fun. I need to take a proper look at the Triumph in the Suez thread now and see if it can be just as interesting!
What if Winston Churchill retired after the 1945 Conservative defeat?
1945: Clement Attlee (Labour) [1]
1950: Anthony Eden (Conservative) [2]
1955: Anthony Eden (Conservative)
1957: Harold Macmillan (Conservative) [3]
1960: Nye Bevan (Labour) [4]
1961: Richard Crossman (Labour) [5]
1964: Richard Crossman (Labour) [6]
1966: George Brown (Labour) [7]
1969: Julian Amery (Conservative) [8]
1974: Julian Amery (Conservative) [9]
1977: William Whitelaw (Conservative)
1977:William Whitelaw (Conservative) [10]
1980: Shirley Williams (Labour) [11]
1985: Shirley Williams (Lab-Lib coalition) [12]
1987: David Owen (Lab-Lib coalition) [13]
1990: David Owen (Lab-Lib-SNP-SDP coalition) [14]
1993: Jonathan Aitken (Conservative-UUP coalition) [15]
1997: Jonathan Aitken (Conservative-UUP-DUP coalition) [16]
1999: William Waldegrave (Conservative-UUP-DUP coalition) [17]
2000: Chris Huhne (Liberal-SNP-Plaid Cymru-Yorkshire-Mebyon Kernow coalition) [18]
2003 (January): Sir Sean Connery ("Unity Liberal"-SNP-Plaid Cymru-Yorkshire-Mebyon Kernow-Independent Labour coalition) [19]
2003 (October): Virginia Bottomley (Conservative-UUP-DUP coalition) [20]
2008: Virginia Bottomley (Conservative-UUP-DUP coalition) [21]
2009: Winston Spencer-Churchill (Conservative-DUUP coalition) [22]
2011: Linda McAvan (Labour/Liberal Alliance-Yorkshire coalition) [23]
2016: Linda McAvan (Labour/Liberal Alliance) [24]
2020: Linda McAvan (Labour-Liberal Alliance) [25]
[1] The surprising victory of the Labour Party in the 1945 election would lead to the creation of the welfare state and the resignation of Winston Churchill as Conservative leader. His heir-apparent, Anthony Eden, became the Leader of the Opposition and agreed to uphold a general 'post-war consensus' in regards to the sweeping domestic changes across Britain. For the first time Labour held a full term in government, and Attlee led his party into a tightly-fought general election in February 1950.
[2] From the dark days of the winter of 1946/7 to the continuing austerity measures left over from the war, Attlee’s government faced the masterful haranguing of Eden and his Conservative colleagues. Intellectually revitalized and with a modernized party machine courtesy of Lord Woolton, the Tories went into the 1950 election with a spring in their step and unbridled optimism about their electoral prospects. Sadly for them, the election would not deliver the huge majority that many had expected and Labour managed a small turnaround toward the end of the campaign... which worked to turn Eden’s hypothetical 50-seat majority into an actual majority of just 11. Still, the charismatic new Prime Minister was undaunted as he prepared to implement his One Nation programme.
[3] Eden's premiership, to many, was little different from the Attlee ministry in terms of overall economic objectives and social policies. Much was done on the housing front with the rapid expansion of what Eden called the "property-owning democracy" which, to him, signified the centrist appeal of the Conservative Party. Eden also sought to improve Britain's international standing and browbeat the Egyptian government into withdrawing from the Suez Canal and was fundamental in overthrowing Nasser - something that greatly harmed relations with other regional Arab powers, not least the United States. His tenure was regarded as an era of renewed prosperity after the austere decade following WWII and was in office with record low unemployment. However, as his health deteriorated after a botched surgical operation while Eden struggled to chair cabinet and he decided it was best for the party should he resign as Prime Minister for the sake of his health (sources claim Douglas-Home and Macmillan encouraged him to resign). Over the following days, the tooing-and-throwing of the Conservative Party candidates left two obvious contenders - Rab Butler Lord Privy Seal and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Harold Macmillan. Macmillan stood and was eventually called upon by the Queen due to his wide popularity within the party.
[4] Macmillan inherited a healthy majority from Eden's victory at the 1955 general election, but the years between 1957 and 1960 proved far tougher than those that preceded it. Macmillan is remembered today as the Prime Minister of the Gulf War, as attempts to hold the Middle East firmly under London and Paris's thumb fell apart. As Soviet-backed Nasserite socialism spread to Jordan and Iraq, and bloody insurrection became the order of the day, Macmillan found himself cast as the stern defender of Empire a role which didn't suit him. National Service saw young working class men go to fight to defend Arab kings who quavered in their palaces, and return battered and broken - or dead. Initial patriotic support for the war faded, and was soon replaced by seemingly constant protests, which the government was ill-prepared to confront, resulting in heavy-handed suppression. The situation was not helped by the state of affairs within the Conservative party - while Macmillan was at heart a One Nation Tory, a new generation of MPs were unhappy at how wedded the party had become to socialist Labour policies, and wished to see them undone. The resignation of men like Peter Thorneycroft and Enoch Powell from Cabinet over the government's economic course only added to the bitter atmosphere. Needless to say, when the exhausted government came to election time, few were surprised when the firebrand face of the anti-Gulf protests secured victory.
[5] The Labour Party under the left-wing Aneurin Bevan had secured victory, but Bevan's victory was to be short-lived. With his strong election victory, he had consolidated his power against what was the growing divide with the right of the party, though they continued to be a strain for the socialist government. It had been clear that the leadership had to moderate some of their views as they did before the election. Positions such as nuclear disarmament that Bevan had once advocated were no longer official policy. However, Bevan was facing his own problems. The Prime Minister was charismatic, perhaps too charismatic, that was to be his downfall. It was no secret to those close to Bevan that he was facing some health issues during the election, but he didn't think much of it, he remained committed to fighting the campaign to focus on them. In office, his health would only take a turn for the worse, to the point he could no longer hide it. The official line from Downing Street acknowledged that the Prime Minister was seriously ill, but spoke no further. It was only within the next few months that Bevan himself confirmed it; he had been diagnosed with cancer. Facing an increasingly unpredictable international climate, in the Cold War and in Middle East with the Gulf withdrawal, the Prime Minister reluctantly decided he had to put his health first and ensure an orderly transition of leadership. He announced his intention to resign, with Labour Party Deputy Leader Richard Crossman subsequently elected his successor. Just over a year since the election, Britain had a new Prime Minister.
[6] The Crossman government was guided by philosophy - the NHS was (on paper at least) protected from future privatization by law, while a commitment to house-building played well with the electorate. Crossman was rewarded with a decent majority in an election finally called in 1964, although this victory then brought previously-settled issues back into contention. As economic recession struck the West Crossman came under pressure to readdress the issue of the nuclear deterrent, and as these arguments raged in Parliament decolonization continued in earnest. The Conservatives rallied, fighting against the perceived and very-deliberate decline of Britain as an interventionist global power (although in fact the debacle of the Gulf War had done far more in the eyes of the Americans). Divisions within the Labour Party also rose, with the Bevanites feuding with centrists and moderates willing to compromise on socialist dogma.
[7] The internal conflicts of the government were spilling out into open denunciations and cabinet meeting leaks, lapped up by the press and by the baying Conservative opposition. In the months following the ‘64 victory, Crossman’s strategy of appearing aloof and “rising above the fray” would no longer cut it any longer. In the autumn, he ruled out devaluation (which put the left back); in the spring of ‘65, he committed the government to fiscally restrictive measures by cutting unemployment benefits and raising fuel duties. In 1966, just after England’s ignominious loss to North Korea in the World Cup semi-final, Crossman and his Chancellor (Harold Wilson) went to the United States to ask for a substantial loan. When the press got wind of it, the left jumped into action and Barbara Castle took up the mantle to challenge her former ally for the leadership of the party. Persuaded to “get out of the game” by his right-wing allies, Crossman bowed out and stated he would serve any successor. In the event, colourful Foreign Secretary George Brown would enter the contest and win handily on an anti-unilateralist and pro-European platform against a quixotic left wing.
[8] Brown's working class charm would soon wear thin with the British public, as the occasional gaffe turned into a string of public embarrassments on the international stage. While the left continued to hound him, the initially defensive right was soon putting pressure on him to resign - which only added to the stress which the Prime Minister attempted to alleviate with alcohol. However, unlike Crossman attempts to remove him got nowhere as Brown jealously guarded his position and as the years dragged on the economy continued to flounder and the government was forced to go cap in hand to the United States, leading to the infamous Dreadful Bargain. The Romney Administration was all too willing to offer the British a lesser equivalent of the loan offered WWII, on the condition that the United Kingdom send 'advisors' into the quagmire of the New Banana Wars - which had begun with the initially successful invasion of Cuba and had now spread across much of Latin America. It was the final indignity for a Labour government initially elected on a campaign of peace and anti-imperialism. By 1969, the Conservatives achieved a comfortable majority, on a platform of reversing the long list of such indignities Britain had endured, from the decline of Empire to the influence of the United States, to the unrest on Britain's streets - helped along by many former Labour voters plumping for the Liberals or the resurgent ILP in protest at the government's involvement in America's wars.
[9] Amery quickly proved to be an able administrator, and did much to revitalize the reputation of the Conservative Party. Proving tough on civil unrest Amery held off Labour threats of a general strike and forced through union restrictions, leading to the partial privatization of key industries, and was a key member of the Atlantic Council held in 1972 that established Britain as an 'equal partner' of the new Western Alliance. (The Alliance replaced the myriad of non-aggression and defensive pacts that had lopsidedly established the United States as the only true superpower, and did much to restore the faith of her European allies. It came at a crucial time for the Americans given the sudden worsening of the Banana Wars and the need for further international support against Communism). Such successes portrayed Amery as a major international statesman with the ability to strengthen Britain and weaken her enemies - whom to many in the Conservative Party formed the entryist movements taking root in the Opposition. The Conservatives won a strong majority in 1974 on an ambitiously-named manifesto - The New Vision for Britain.
[10] Amery retired in 1977, for "personal reasons." After a heated battle to replace him, the Tories opted for William Whitelaw as the least offensive option. Whitelaw solidified his authority by calling an election in late 1977, where he led the Tories to a third term over the divided Labour.
[11] After a string of defeats over eleven years, the Labour needed a makeover; with their party bleeding more moderate supporters towards the Liberals, the party's 1978 leadership election came down to two women - the left's favorite (or more accurately, their second favorite) Barbara Castle was able to unite Foot and Benn supporters behind her while Shirley Williams ran on a more centrist, progressive platform. Ultimately Williams bested Castle, leaving many on the left wing of the Labour Party feeling disenchanted. Yet Whitelaw's austerity budget and partial privatization efforts resulted in Labour being propelled into office, with Williams becoming the first female Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.
[12] Plus: large changes to the industrial relations system, negotiating with trade unions to initiate the Prices and Incomes Accord (commonly called just 'The Accord') in 1982, an agreement whereby unions agreed to restrict wage demands and the government pledged to minimise inflation and promote an increased social wage. Seen as one of the most peaceful and stable times in Government-Worker relations. Minus: A poor relationship with American President George Bush with diplomatic bickering playing out on both sides of the Atlantic. Unknown: negotiated peace of the Falklands Conflict, with too many concessions seen as being given to the moribund Argentine junta. Result: the closest post-WWII election in British history, resulting in a coalition between the Labour and Liberal parties.
[13] The first Liberal ministerial presence in Westminster saw a growing conchord between that party and the centrist leadership of Labour - to the detriment of the sidelined left. The price of coalition was a referendum on a more proportional voting system - which was roundly rejected by the British electorate. Williams stepped aside in 1987, at the height of a seeming boom. But only a few months into Owen's term, the economy went into a downturn - and the breakaway of hardline MPs of the Socialist Campaign Group has cost the government its majority. While the SCP have refused to allow a 'Tory vote of confidence' the Owen government is effectively on life support going into 1989.
[14] David Owen's Labour-Liberal coalition seemed to be merely delaying the inevitable as the end of the 1980's rapidly approached. Limping on until February 1990, most polls predicted a repeat of the last February election 40 years earlier. However, the results would turn out to be even more surprising than that time. While the election would be endlessly debated, most analysts put the results down to two main events. First - with the move of the Labour Party towards the centre, the Conservative Party needed to help distinguish themselves and so dropped Francis Pym (longtime opposition leader and notable 'soft' Conservative) for John Nott (relatively more right-wing and leader of the 'hard' Conservative movement). Unfortunately, much of their revised policy platform (including a controversial introduction of a Value Added Tax) reminded voters of Whitelaw's austerity budget and played heavily into Labour's "Not Nott" advertising. Second - the 'Berlin Wall Massacre' discredited the hard-left and allowed Owen to position the Socialist Campaign Group as a rejected element of the party rather than as the breakaway element it was. Even so, the results were even closer than five years previously and The Sun had to famously pulp its "Nott Now! Nott Forever!" early morning issue predicated on a Conservative victory. To secure his numbers, Owen had to make deals with not only the Liberal Party, but also both the Scottish National Party and the Social Democratic Party of Northern Ireland (including promises of devolution referendums before the end of the year). While supporters dubbed it the 'Sunrise Coalition' after the warm complimentary colours of the respective parties, many turned this into the 'Sunset Coalition' due to its perceived instability. Only time would tell...
[15] Initially the 'Sunrise Coalition' was a triumph for the Westminster party system; despite leading a government formed by an eclectic mix of parties, Owen was able to secure some minor domestic successes and survived his first two years of government relatively easily. Proportional representation - a Liberal condition - passed by a comfortable margin in the Commons, while Owen again pledged his support for the progressive reform of the justice system and referenda on devolution. However, this opened a can of worms for the Labour Party. Although not a manifesto pledge in 1990, the formation of the coalition necessitated that devolution become a major issue across the Parliament. The Welsh embarrassed the government by narrowing turning it down, and while the Scots endorsed the formation of an assembly London was largely unwilling to grant independent tax powers to Edinburgh. Division in the coalition worsened when the IRA turned from peace talks and ignited a new series of offensives against British troops in Ulster, with many members believing the SDP partnership with Owen made him a biased broker. The Conservatives rallied against the 'Coalition of Catastrophe' and constantly lobbied for a general election. Ultimately, the SNP pulled the plug and hoped to make major gains at an election where the future of the controversial devolution experiment would be decided. The first election to be held under PR, the Conservatives surged as the Scots and Middle England deserted Owen in droves. Although majority government was unlikely under the new system, Aitken came close - and formed a formal coalition with the resurgent and hardliner UUP in Northern Ireland.
[16] After the turmoil of the Owen years, domestically the Aitken government presented an image of calmness and careful (Conservative) consideration. Internationally, they weren't much more adventurous, with the only major measures including participation in the historic "Paris-Ritz" agreement which designed the frame-work towards the eventual Unified German Confederation and more controversially, committing troops to the U.S.A. "incursion" into Colombia to topple General Escobar Gaviria, which most political commentators saw as President Romney merely trying to wrap up his father's unfinished business. Although many critics decried Aitken's government as 'do-nothing', they went to polls on May 1, 1997 (a year before their term was due to expire) to take advantage of polls which indicated that the public were wary of the 'overly close' working relationship between Labour leader Cherie Booth and Liberal leader Anthony Blair. The campaign slogan of "Trust the Tories" (brainchild of influential Minister Without Portfolio, Jeffrey Archer) while again light on detail seemed to manifest itself all over the country - with the notable exception of Scotland. With the exception of the Liberals in the far North, support in Scotland for mainstream parties had plunged since devolution. The SNP led by former professional footballer and Gulf War POW Sir Sean Connery took advantage of the election to rail again against the injustices from down south. Indeed the only serious opposition to the SNP came from recently re-titled SSP (Scottish Solidarity Party - formerly Scottish Socialist Party) led by Gordon Brown which replaced the Labour party as the 'go-to' party for left-leaning voters. The second election under the PR system saw the beginnings of a move towards an informal alliance system, roughly broken into the "Blue List" (Conservative Party/UUP/DUP), "Red List" (Labour/SSP/SDP) and "Alternate List" (Liberals/SNP/Plaid Cymru) - (Sinn Féin of course continued to follow a policy of abstentionism). When the final votes were counted, the results surprised nobody - a "Blue List" Aitken government was returned with a healthy majority.
[17] Although the Tory project of the mid-1990s had been rewarded with a decent coalition government in 1997 Aitken quickly ran into problems. Questions were raised over the conduct of numerous ministers regarding controversial arms deals with former Banana-War states, and Fleet Street turned on the Prime Minister for his subsequent attempts to reform the press and break up the newspaper conglomerates. The Conservative government was also strongly criticized for heavy-handed police action following the industrial strikes of 1998. Public opinion plummeted, and in early-1999 Aitken was challenged in a leadership contest by his Home Secretary, William Waldegrave. Ambitious, Waldegrave was able to court the moderate centre of the Blue List, and was elected as leader (and Prime Minister) in a narrow upset. Waldegrave restored the faith of the Northern Irish unionists, and his balanced leadership style brought many former Aitkenites back into the fold. Nevertheless, he called a general election the following winter - unfortunately the wettest since meteorological records began.
[18] While Waldegrave's election to the leadership softened relations with his coalition, it did little to soothe the misgivings of the British public. Support for devolution had risen drastically over the years, yet the Tories openly brought the experiment to a grinding halt. To make matters worse, while the heavy-handed suppression that brought down Aitken was kept to a minimum, Waldegrave oversaw the implementation of more subtle methods. Over the course of his short tenure, an intricate surveillance system was introduced. Of course, the Prime Minister assured in his characteristically academic and reasonable tone, this was in the interest of "public security". While it was true that support for the IRA had galvanised thanks to the SDP, the pre-emptive arrest of several prominent union leaders on suspicion of planning illegal strikes, did not go unnoticed. "Trust the Tories", once a masterwork of political campaigning, became a sarcastic rallying cry against a deceitful elite. Thus, when Tony Lloyds's excruciatingly cautious manifesto spawned even more vicious infighting within Labour, the charismatic Liberal leader Chris Huhne smelled blood. He released an unprecedented, ambitious plan centred on "restoring civil liberties" and "reclaiming the integrity of the nation". It included various devolution referenda, deregulation of the press and various industries and increased government transparency, especially in dealings with foreign nations. It even alluded to the development of a written constitution. Despite strongly expressed internal fears that the manifesto, dubbed the "Freedom Bill" was too radical for Britain to swallow, it proved to be exactly what was needed to peel away pro-union Labour voters and disaffected left-leaning Tories and to encourage support for regional parties. In December 2000 the Alternate List won a majority, and, under a drenched gazebo outside Number 10, it was Chris Huhne that adressed the people as Prime Minister.
[19] Chris Huhne’s premiership was almost two years and two months from the Shakespearean playbook. While inevitable that his “Alternative List” coalition couldn’t deliver everything on its optimistic manifesto, it managed key reforms including the 2001 Welsh Devolution and the 2002 Regional Council Act. Unfortunately, the Conservative and Labour parties continually stymied progress, using their combined numbers and knowledge of parliamentary procedure to delay or amend legislation. Enter the Independent Commission Against Corruption - idealists hailed it as a vehicle to clean up British politics, pragmatists pointed out its means for this new government to punch above its weight. What’s certain - without ICAC, “British Watergate” isn’t what would come to mind for the average person when asked about Huhne’s time in office. For most of late 2001 and early 2002, British news was full of ICAC revelations (with only a dip during September when reports of a foiled terror plot knocked them from the front pages). While various controversial arms deals with former Banana-War states were already public knowledge, the full nature of the transactions had been kept a secret. Now it became easy to believe that weapons on all sides of Colombia’s civil war had been procured through British agreements. (Exit Jeffrey Archer, given the epitaph “Minister for Fiction” such was his association with many of the contracts). Former PM Aitkin would have been expelled from the Conservatives if he had not already resigned to form the Christian Democrats (a party undeniably Christian but not evidently democratic) after his overthrow by Waldegrave and a millennium inspired religious awakening. However, it was time to exit PM Huhne when ICAC revealed that his wife’s environmental waste company was working for many of the same arms companies. Reminiscent of Mikhail Gorbachev’s new year’s resignation three years earlier, Huhne announced he would relinquish the Liberal Party leadership immediately and role of PM as soon as a replacement was chosen. Enter Sir Sean Connery, the man who would be PM, a man for whom re-entry into Westminster in 2000 was a move towards retirement. However, when it became clear that the level of scandal (both real and imagined) meant no Liberal candidate would be able to hold the government together, he agreed to do his duty for Queen and Country, and fulfill the role of PM until a permanent replacement could be found or an election called.
[20] The early-2000s had dashed the age-old British tradition of stable government against the rocks, and even Sir Sean Connery failed to keep the fractious 'Alternative List' in line. He remained as a caretaker until the October 2003 election, and the return of the Blues to government. Bottomley was seen as a no-nonsense and pragmatic leader, and decisively overturned the de-facto majority held by the nationalist parties (largely at their expense and Labour). Northern Ireland swung decisively to unionism, while the Cornish and Independent Labourites were wiped out completely. Bottomley had cleaned up the image of her party in record time, and had used the chaotic coalition governments to Huhne and Connery to discredit any further moves to decentralize political power. Although she held off from moving on the electoral system (despite many within the Conservatives calling for a return to FPTP), the ICAC was increasingly relegated to a powerless quango while smaller parties faced a dramatic increase in financial costs to place down deposits for respective candidates. A rise in economic productivity and a decline in Irish terrorism further strengthened the position of the government, and continued refusals from Westminster to allow an independence referendum in Scotland positioned the Conservatives once more as the natural party of government.
[21] Virginia Bottomley's first ministry was generally considered stable and competent, especially when compared to the chaos of the "Liberal Experiment". Tax breaks and subsidies for new businesses allowed the economy to thrive and productivity to rise. However, while Education and the arts enjoyed increased subsidies, funding for health and social care was cut drastically. As well as this, critics complained of a curtailment of gay rights. Section 28, the legislation preventing homosexuality to be "promoted" was reinstated after being repealed by the Liberals. Additionally, calls for gay, lesbian and bisexual people to be allowed to enter into civil partnerships, perform IVF or adopt children were explicitly denied by Bottomley. Despite this, many were happy with the economic environment and stabilty of Bottomley's premiership. This, coupled with weak opposition, a further increase in the price of election deposits and ambiguous election rules set out by ICAC meant that in 2008, Virginia Bottomley returned to Number 10, but with a decreased majority.
[22] The 2009 Conservative Leadership challenge (also known as the Battle of the Churchill’s) was primarily between Winston Spencer-Churchill and A. N. Winston Soames. Preempted by the 2008-2009 financial crash, it brought the strong economic management of Bottomley’s first term in office into stark rebut. While the crisis originated in the United States, brought about by the “New Democrats” hands-off approach to regulation, it quickly impacted the European banking system. While no direct links to Bottomley’s management could be made, her relatively long tenure by modern British standards and lingering public doubts around Conservative trustworthiness saw her support plummet. A no-confidence motion was put forward after coalition partners UUP and DUP announced they would be formally merging to create the DUUP and would no longer support Bottomley as PM (rumours swirled that this was in response to Bottomley planning to cut troop numbers in Northern Ireland as an economic measure). Two main candidates quickly emerged; A. N. Winston Soames, Minister of Defence and Winston Spencer-Churchill, Minster for Regional U.K., both playing on the legend of their grandfather who led the country through a time of acute crisis and then retired when the job was done. While early support was behind Soames, the final ballots gave leadership to Spencer-Churchill (popular accounts point to his name-recognition, insider accounts point to his greater support for Ulster Unionism). Recent reports indicate that Soames knew of Spencer-Churchill’s ill-health during the ballot but declined to publicise the fact out of respect for his cousin.
[23] It is believed by many that the successful co-operation between the Labour and Liberal parties prevented a continuing stretch of Conservative government going into the 2010s; Spencer-Churchill was indeed in ill-health, but agreed to an early election in 2011 in a bid to head-off the Alliance before they gathered steam. Beleaguered and ailed by his cancer, Spencer-Churchill left much of the campaigning to his ministers and was notably absent from the first leaders' debate on television. A week before the polls opened he announced he would stand down following a Conservative victory - derailing the Blue List campaign despite his good intentions, as the 'young blood' of Tories began their own pushes for leadership. McAvan, however, ran a tightship after becoming the formative leader of the Alliance in 2010. The Alliance swept to a strong victory in 2011, as many Scottish and Welsh constituencies returned Labour MPs for the first time since the 1980s. Although the SNP retained their narrow majority in Holyrood McAvan was able to form a 12-seat majority at Westminster, with the broad Alliance only allying with the Yorkshire Party (probably the greatest success of the devolved parties). From the start the government was controversial with many as it did not require backing from a 'national minority' of the UK, but McAvan pledged her ministry to sweeping and popular changes to the struggling welfare state, and authorized the Scots to hold a local referendum on the future of the deterrent in 2013. (This move led to the removal of nuclear weapons from Scotland and their redeployment to Plymouth).
[24] Linda McAvan's extensive reforms were met with shrieks of terror from Blue economists. Large sums of money were injected into a reorganised welfare system and industry. Moreover, the health service saw a huge increase in funding, and was reinvigorated. Section 28 was obliterated in parliament, early in her first term and marriage was legalised between lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. Despite the SNP's steady climb in the polls, calls for a referendum on Scottish independence were met with a cold stone wall from McAvan. Especially after her campaigning in the 2013 deterrent referendum fell on deaf ears and produced a 69-31 result against her. Ultimately, McAvan's increases in funding saw evident results on the ground, and, after a steady increase in public opinion since the Liberal government, most rejoiced when rights for the LGBT community were expanded, producing an image of an incredibly strong and competent government. Come the election, Leader of the Opposition Charles Walker's friendly, honest and charismatic personality and moderate manifesto urging restraint for the sake of the economy, were not enough to overcome an incumbent Prime Minister, who many considered to be one of the most impactful in recent memory. Linda McAvan was returned to number 10 with a majority of 53, with no need for Yorkshire Party support.
[25] The 2020 election overturned two of the most entrenched post-war British political theories. That multi-party coalitions were inherently unstable was shown to be false as was the often stated ‘fact’ that Prime Ministers couldn’t win more than two elections. With what most pundits agreed was eight largely successful years behind them, the ‘Labour’ movement (which now included most major Red List parties including the SDP and SSP) and Liberal Alliance formerly joined into a semi-permanent coalition (based heavily on the Liberal-Country coalition in Australia). In response, the Conservative Party, under new leader Chris Davies, made a similar move, highlighting their full name, the 'Conservative and Unionist Party' in a manner they hadn’t for decades - if ever. McAvan continued a moderate leftist-centrist position, with only minor backlash against her apology for historic wrongdoings by British forces in Gulf War and Banana War operations. Despite polls which suggested a narrowing of the government’s lead, McAvan took the opportunity to call an early election when the opposition was thrown into disarray after ‘Jonathon Aitkin’s Christian Democratic Party’ revealed a secret funding deal between the two parties with a particular focus to roll back LGBT rights. McAvan countered that she would propose a special Recall MP’s Act if re-elected which would allow for recall motions to be placed against sitting MP’s if fraudulent activity could be proven (including ‘knowingly lying’ to the public). While this was denounced by the Blue List as a publicity stunt, some have pointed to its success, as come Election Day, there was in fact a small three seat swing towards the government. This controversy overshadowed the minor outrage when Linda McAvan announced in her victory speech that she would stand down as leader the following year, after 10 years as Prime Minister. Despite McAvan’s endorsement for Julia Gillard, her loyal deputy (and less notably former First Minister for Wales - a largely administrative role) in a move to ensure a fitting end to her era, with the first female PM to succeed another, if anything in the past seventy-plus years of British politics had shown, nothing was certain….
***
While it looks like I’ve left this on a cliff-hanger, I wanted to wrap up this PM’s list and try and draw some of the various threads together (the uncertainty of leadership being one of them!). This was the first list I participated in, and it was a lot of fun. I need to take a proper look at the Triumph in the Suez thread now and see if it can be just as interesting!
