UNFLINCHING AND RESOLUTE ACTION
What if the People's Budget resulted in abdication and the proclamation of a republic?
"You must handle [the House of Lords] a little more firmly, and the time has come for unflinching and resolute action. For my part, I would not remain a member of a Liberal Cabinet one hour unless I knew that the Cabinet had determined not to hold office after the next General Election unless full powers are accorded to it which would enable it to place on the Statute Book of the realm a measure which will ensure that the House of Commons in future can carry, not merely Tory Bills, as it does now, but Liberal and progressive measures in the course of a single Parliament either with or without the sanction of the House of Lords."
- David Lloyd George: Speech to the National Liberal Club (3 December 1909)
The constitutional standoff of 1910 was the dramatic climax of the struggle between monarch and parliament that had raged in Britain since before the Civil War. The so-called People's Budget was first presented by the ambitious Asquith ministry in April 1909, but encountered strong opposition from the entrenched conservative classes and the King. Unable to secure passage of the Budget the government launch launched upon a vitriolic attack upon both the House of Lords and Edward VII. Led predominantly by the ambitious Chancellor, David Lloyd George, the passage of the Bill independent of Lords or King in early-1910 triggered a constitutional crisis. The dismissal of the Liberals and the appointment of the 'King's Ministry' (led by Tory and former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour) failed to resolve the situation, and with the public firmly behind the radicals Lloyd George - having eclipsed Asquith as the face of the Commons - stormed to a landslide victory in the 1910 election. Edward VII was forced by public demand to abdicate, and died shortly afterwards. (His eldest son, George, would lift the family banner to propose restoration in the inaugural Senatorial elections in 1912).
The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.
The new Constitutional grouping of parliamentarians was the post-crisis realization of a new centre party (although predominantly formed of former Liberals and centrist Tories), but Lloyd George often proudly referred to it as the natural successor to the Liberal Party. At the 1911 Speaker's Great Conference British political institutions were reborn. The absent monarch was replaced with the elevated but largely-ceremonial position of Lord Chancellor, who would be elected every four years at the same time as the new Senate (which, despite retaining a small number of the oldest peerages and bishops, became almost wholly elected). Even though in the 1912 Senate elections Richard Haldane was elected as the Constitutional candidate for Chancellor, with a clear Senatorial majority over an abortive bid to elect George Windsor to restore the throne, Lloyd George quickly ensured that the Prime Ministership retained far greater political clout.
HEADS OF STATE (Lord Chancellors of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1912-1916: Richard Haldane (Constitutional)
1912: def. George Windsor (House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha ♔/Royalist parliamentary factions), Arthur Henderson (Labour) [1]
1916-1924: Austen Chamberlain (Constitutional)
1916: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [2]
1920: def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), Andrew Bonar Law ( Conservative and Unionist) [3]
1924-1940: Jan Smuts (Constitutional)
1924: def. Herbert Kitchener (de facto Conservative and Unionist), Stephen Walsh (Labour) [4]
1928: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Neville Chamberlain (National) [5]
1932: def. John Robert Clynes (Labour), Alfred Milner (National) [6]
1936: def. Josiah Wedgewood IV (Labour) [7]
1940-1944: Winston Churchill (Constitutional)
1940: def. Oswald Mosely (National) [8]
1944-1948: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1944: with Constitutional support def. Bernard Montgomery (National), H.G. Wells (Independent Labour Movement. et al) [9]
1948-1956: Henry Windsor (National)
1948: def. Duff Cooper (Constitutional), William Norton (Labour/IPP), Stafford Cripps (Independent Labour Movement. et al, but refused nomination) [10]
1952: def. Duff Cooper Constitutional), William Wedgewood Benn (Labour/IPP), Aneurin Bevan ( Independent Labour Movement. et al) [11]
1956-1900: Oswald Mosley (National)
1956: with Irish Parliamentary support def. Philip Noel-Baker (Constitutional), Ian Mikardo (Labour), Arthur Henderson Jnr. (Democratic), Charles Ammon (Independent Labour Movement) [10]
[1] A fervent supporter of both the People's Budget and the subsequent creation of the Republic, Haldane was a safe pair of hands with which to develop the new responsibilities of the Lord Chancellor. With the situation in Europe deteriorating and Lloyd George distracted by domestic affairs, Haldane played an important diplomatic role; the refusal of Wilhelm II of Germany to recognize Haldane as a fellow head of state, for example, was masterfully repurposed by the Chancellor to push for extensive reforms to the armed forces and to take a belligerent position against German intentions. He was also notable for his efforts to convince the rest of the Empire to accept republicanism - a process that was well underway by the outbreak of the Great War in 1916. However, he stated his intention to stand down after a single four-year term - leading to strong speculation that a figure from the former Tory ranks of Constitutionalists would be offered the candidacy in the interests of party unity.
[2] One of the many Tory defectors to the Constitutionalists, Chamberlain was successful in his bid for the Chancellorship by appealing to his country's patriotism as the great war against Germany raged on. However, commentators are worried by Arthur Henderson, whose campaign focused on the type of country Britain would be once the war concluded calling for the removal of the remaining non-elected members of the senate and the nationalisation of public utilities. In the Senate, the Constitutionalists returned to power with Chamberlain relying on the support of leading Senator Winston Churchill to pass his agenda.
[3] The 1920 election was a replay of the prior election, Henderson once again campaigned on reform of the Senate and a program of nationalisation, however, Chamberlain easily secured reelection on the back of the successful armistice with the Central Powers and the abdication of Wilhelm II. More concerning for the Tories was the poor showing of Bonar Law.
[4] Ironically, while the parliamentary campaign was a disaster for the Tories in 1924, their presidential campaign was slightly more successful as they put their efforts behind decrying inaction over the Russian Uprisings, with a decorated war hero at their head. This ended up being less than successful as the Constitutionalists nominated an Imperial war hero of their own, and Lloyd George calling a snap election whilst drawing up support for intervention in Russia, led to the Tories having their thunder stolen. The Labour presidential campaign was notably lacklustre, with a quiet acknowledgement that it would be better to have Smuts in office than Kitchener on their part.
[5] Smuts' diplomacy led to the Russian Uprising having a satisfying conclusion with the installation of a pro-western liberal democracy under a constitutional monarch. However, his pro-Zionist attitudes led to tensions rising with Italy under the authoritarian Benito Mussolini. Smuts' support for racial segregation proved controversial and was partially responsible for Labour returning to second place as National fell to third as Chamberlain found it difficult to criticize a government his own party participated in. In the Senate, the number of Constitutional members once more reduces but Churchill remains in control of the chamber facing Labour's Arthur Greenwood in opposition.
[6] The Constitutional victory in 1932 was deeply frustrating to the Labour Party, who had hoped their breakthrough in the Commons would correlate to success in the Senate. However, although Smuts was personally a popular figure, it was clear that the ideological battle sweeping Britain would sooner or later make headway in the Upper House. He was sympathetic to some aims of the Labour government, but struggled to endorse their sweeping proposals for the restructuring of both the domestic economy and the status of the Dominions. He conducted his role as Lord Chancellor with integrity, but following the complex 1935 Commons election he developed a sterner view as the government sought to coordinate resources to ensure his defeat in the upcoming 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] Prior to 1935, Smuts had considered stepping down from his position as head of state. Efforts by the Labour government to unseat him put a stop to that. Once upon a time it would have unthinkable for the Constitutionalists and Tories to treat with one another, but a straw had been laid on that camel's back when Mosley had rebranded the Tories, another when Lloyd George had come to terms with a coalition. So it was that the 1936 Senatorial elections were held with Smuts formally endorsed by the Nationals. In those circumstances, it barely mattered who the Labour candidate was. The weaknesses of the party - factionalism, difficulty with bicameralism, etc etc - were simply too much for them to carry the day. Smuts was to be Lord Chancellor for another four years - just as the fragile world peace that had held since the abdication of Wilhelm II was shattered by the assassination of the American President by an extremist clique of Japanese officers.
[8] With the Pacific war continuing, it became a case of when not if Britain would enter the war and the election of Churchill solidified this. Churchill was replaced in the Senate by Duff Cooper, a close ally who easily dominated the chamber against the small number of National and IPP candidates in the chamber. Churchill rallied the support of Chancellor Kurt Schumacher of Germany, President Charles De Gaulle of France and the new Social Democratic government in Moscow, against Japan and their ally Benito Mussolini. Moseley opposed the government's attitudes towards Italy and ran a campaign of isolation that received little support although a number of Labour supporters defected out of spite towards Attlee and due to Churchill being endorsed by both governing parties.
[9] Churchill was the first Lord Chancellor since Richard Haldane not to stand for reelection, but the circumstances were vastly different. Churchill had made it clear that he was not happy with the direction of the county or his party. With the Second Great War over, and factions of his party unhappy at his interference in the workings of government (which they saw as an overreach from a mostly ceremonial position) his support was less than assured. In response to this controversy, candidates ran as 'Independents'. Initially an easy victory was expected for Bernard Montgomery (hero of both the Abyssinian and Pacific campaigns; backed by Nationals and right of the Constitutionalists) but his gaffes offered an opportunity to Clement Attlee (running as a face saving move after standing down as Opposition leader; backed by Labour and left of the Constitutionalists) who narrowly claimed victory despite siphoning votes to the symbolic run of H.G. Wells (noted author and Republican; backed by Independent Labour Movement and other leftist groups).
[10] Attlee had little interest in the Lord Chancellery after a certain point - like his predecessor he ran up uncomfortably against his counterparts in the Commons. His standing aside in 1948 opened up the floor to a return to partisanship - and a shocking turn of events. With the the left and centre split against one another, whether they liked it or not, a popular war hero who had served honorably in the Russian Uprisings through to the Pacific Theatre of the Second Great War, was able to attain the Lord Chancellery. He tried his best to put clear blue water between himself and his family heritage. A National - a Windsor at that - in the Lord Chancellery did not entail a restoration of the monarchy. He promised.
[11] Windsor's promise to be a neutral figure in British affairs led to a worse than expected result for National at 1948 general election. Despite this, Windsor's first term was mostly successful with state visits from the Russian Tsar and the newly enthroned Japanese Emperor being successful in improving diplomatic ties between the three nations which had been strained by the Second Great War. In 1952, Windsor was returned in a landslide being preferable to the figures Labour and the Constitutionalists put forward, although the election was overshadowed by a military coup in Italy which restored democracy to the peninsula.
[12] Although determined to run again for a third term, the collapse of the Grand Coalition in the Commons just months after his re-election quickly turned Windsor's fortunes. Unpopular within his own party for a failed attempt to convince the popular and generally non-partisan A. P. Herbert to lead government in 1950 (rather than a National), Windsor was sidelined by Robert Boothby after the formation of the new majority coalition government in 1952. The National hero of the 1920s, Oswald Mosley, was pushed by the party faithful to storm to victory in 1956. This was despite a strong challenge from the Constitutionalists with Philip Noel-Baker, maintaining their strong showing in Senatorial elections despite their weakening Commons status. Although at first tentatively endorsed by the IPP, Mosley had consistently strong ratings in Ireland following his strong response to the Parliament House bombing in Dublin in 1957.
HEADS OF GOVERNMENT (Prime Ministers of the United Republic of Great Britain and Ireland)
1910-1933: David Lloyd George (Constitutional)
1910 [Majority]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), George Barnes (Labour)
1915 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist/Royalist parliamentary factions), Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1920 [Majority]: def. Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist, Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [2]
1924 [Majority]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Walter Long (Conservative and Unionist [3]
1929 [Constitutional-National]: def. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Oswald Mosley (National) [4]
1933 - 1937: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1933 [Majority]: def. David Lloyd George (Constitutional), Oswald Mosley (National) [5]
1935 [Minority]: def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional), Leo Amery (National) [6]
1936 [Caretaker Government]: def. Edgar Wallace (Constitutional)†, Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [7]
1937-1942: Megan Lloyd George (Constitutional)
1937 [Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition]: def. Leo Amery (National), Arthur Horner (Labour 'National Minority Movement') [8]
1942 [Minority]: def. Clement Attlee (Labour), John C.C. Davidson (National), Emrys Hughes (Independent Labour Movement) [9]
1942-1943: Duff Cooper (Constitutional minority)
1943-1950: Stafford Cripps (Non-Partisan/Labour)
1943 [Labour-Constitutional Grand Coalition, IPP/ILM confidence and supply]: Clement Attlee (Labour), Duff Cooper (Constitutional), John C.C. Davidson (National), W.T. Cosgrave (Irish Parliamentary), Emrys Hughes (Independent Labour Movement) [10]
1948 [Labour-Constitutional Grand Coalition, IPP/ILM confidence and supply]: Stafford Cripps (Labour), Duff Cooper (Constitutional), John C.C. Davidson (National), W.T. Cosgrave (Irish Parliamentary), Emrys Hughes (Independent Labour Movement) [11]
1950-1952: Duff Cooper (Constitutional minority)
1952-1900: Robert Boothby (National)
1952 [National/IPP majority coalition]: def. Granville West (Labour), Thelma Cazalet (Constitutional), Douglas Jay (Democratic), W.T. Cosgrave (Irish Parliamentary), Dora Russell (Independent Labour Movement) [12]
1955 [National/IPP majority coalition]: def. Albert Alexander (Labour), Thelma Cazalet (Constitutional), Alfred Edwards (Democratic), Frank MacDermot (Irish Parliamentary), Denis Pritt (Independent Labour Movement)
[1] Lloyd George took power in 1910 at the head of a new government committed to unprecedented political and social reform. After the delirium of the Great Speaker's Conference had concluded, the Constitutional Party continued their improvements to the developing 'welfare state' with protections for children and the elderly, funding for schools and clinics, industrial minimum wages and, controversially, increasingly significantly the tax demand on wealthy landowners. Irish Home Rule - the bane of Liberal ministries for decades - was finally passed just prior to the Constitutional landslide in the 1915 election (and led to a reprieve for the Irish Parliamentary Party in the subsequent devolved election). The Conservative opposition was in disarray, and the defection of many young thinkers to the optimism of the Constitutionalists left the hardliners firmly in charge. Upon the outbreak of the Great War in 1916 calls for a coalition fell on deaf ears, and Lloyd George maintained his ministry with only a minor reshuffle.
[2] Lloyd George returned to power as the war in Europe wound down due in part to the successful Gallipoli front in the east and unrest within Germany, not to mention Teddy Roosevelt leading the United States into the war as an ally of Britain (Roosevelt having returned to the White House thanks in part to the radicalism of the new British nation jumping the pond.) Lloyd George increasingly spends time planning the future state of Europe which worries allies and enemies alike in the party as their dominance on the political left is increasingly threatened by Labour especially in strongholds such as South Wales and in London. The Conservatives are worried by their lack of success over the last decade and begin to consider embracing the Lloyd George consensus.
[3] Walter Long’s refusal to stand down as Tory leader for a younger man came partly from his personality - he was notoriously stubborn - but also partly from politics - he blamed Lloyd George’s “dangerous experiment” with the rise in “radicalism and republicanism” across the continent and couldn’t bear the thought of a more conciliatory leader replacing him. Ultimately, this would backfire as the remaining moderates jumped ship. However, the early election, called in response to the Russian Uprisings, was the nail in the coffin as the Conservative and Unionists slipped to third place with Labour taking seats from the Constitutionalists in the larger cities, but the Constitutionalists taking even more seats from the Tories. Long would pass away soon after.
[4] The rump Tories gained a new, youthful leader who rebranded the party as had been done at least once before, to fit the new times. Mosley soon reaped the benefits as the United States suffered the consequences of the currency crisis in the United States that had begun with the outbreak of war in Europe nearly a decade previous. Mosley changed the Tory tune on the state's place in the economy, preaching a distinctly Lloyd George line while couching it in traditionalist rhetoric. For the first time since 1910, the Constitutionalists lost their majority. As the years had passed, Lloyd George's anti-socialism had hardened, especially given the Labour Party's opposition to the British intervention in the Russian Uprisings from 1924 to 1926. Given that choice, it was a no-brainer to sit down with Mosley.
[5] Attlee led his party into its first-ever government, having assumed the leadership following the death of Ramsay Mac Donald from a throat infection in 1931. It is thought Lloyd George lost power from electoral fatigue having served as Prime Minister for 23 years consecutively and general dissatisfaction with his National cabinet ministers - especially his Chancellor William Joynson-Hicks, who made controversial comments regarding the trade union movement and along with Mosley displayed anti-Semitic attitudes which disturbed not only the public but Lord Chancellor Smuts also. Attlee promised to fulfill his manifesto promises of wide-ranging nationalisation as well as reviewing the practicalities of a new electoral system for the Commons.
[6] The first Labour ministry was a hard one; opposed by the Constitutionalists in the Senate, Attlee quickly ran into trouble. Although there were a few successes (such as the bipartisan abolition of the remaining unelected members of the Senate), Attlee struggled to convince the Upper House to endorse most of his reforms. The push towards legislative and economic independence for the Dominions, the status of India, European rearmament, proportional representation, the restructuring of the welfare state, the issuing of credit for infrastructure and the attempted programme of nationalisation all triggered great controversy. Labour squabbled in factionalism, with the industrially-rooted left accusing Attlee of betrayal and intelligentsia right courting with defection to the Constitutionalists. The country came dangerously close to a general strike in the winter of 1934, and in the spring Attlee called a general election to reestablish his authority against the Senate. Labour failed to secure a majority, but remained in government following the collapse of the Constitutional-National electoral pact under the independent-minded Wallace and firebrand orator Amery. With his position weaker than before the election, Attlee was left with no choice but to push hard for a Labour victory in the 1936 Senatorial election.
[7] In the aftermath of the Senatorial elections, Attlee didn't have a leg to stand on. He was forced to go to the country and it appeared to be the Constitutionalists' election to lose. Labour factionalism finally burst out of its box as the 'National Minority Movement' endorsed Labour candidates in South Wales and other mining communities against official Labour candidates. As the results came in, the rumour was that a coalition would be formed, between the Constitutionalists and Labour - Edgar Wallace was a quixotic leader and uncomfortable with the Nationals as electoral partners. But before election night was out, he was dead. He had been ill for days before the election and his condition had rapidly deteriorated. While it was clear the Constitutionalists were the largest party, their choice of leader and coalition partner was in doubt. And second of all in the weeks prior to election day, war had broken out between the United States and a newly installed military junta in Japan. Lord Chancellor Smuts was unhappy with the prospect of changing horses in such times. Despite everything, Clement Attlee found himself being invited to return to Number 10 by the Lord Chancellor to lead a Caretaker Ministry until a new government could be formed.
[8] The Constitutionalists turned to the Lloyd George dynasty for their next prime minister. Megan Lloyd George was one of the most left-wing Constitutional MPs but also one of the MPs most friendly with Attlee and Labour which was pivotal to the creation of a functional administration following a second hung parliament. With the Pacific war between Huey Long's America and the Japanese Junta continuing, Lloyd George agreed to nationalize key industries such as the rail network and coal mines and negotiate better working conditions with workers, a policy her backbenchers did not entirely approve of but accepted their necessity should America call on its allies in war. In return for Lloyd George's concessions, Attlee accepted the role of Home secretary.
[9] By the time the United Republic declared war on Japan, it was only making official what had been the reality of the situation with the U.R. long providing financial, material and logistical support. This was popular with the public who saw it as fair payback for the USA’s support in the 1916-1920 Great War. However, it was the surrender of Japan in December 1941 that removed the final reason for the Constitutional-Labour Grand Coalition with the demands for Labour's support becoming more than the conservative members of government were willing to pay. When another hung parliament arose after the election the following year, Lord Chancellor Churchill, supported by numerous backbenchers and even some ministers made it clear that Lloyd George would need to form either a minority government or abandon her party.
[10] The constitutional crisis precipitated by the Churchill ultimatum had but one inevitable conclusion. The Constitutionalists were unable to lead a government. The choice between a minority government or a backbench revolt was a false one - in practical terms such a government would be reliant on Labour confidence and supply, and would lead to a right wing revolt anyway. With Churchill refusing to allow Lloyd George to call a snap election to shore up her position, she had no choice but to stand aside. And what then? Whatever happened, the Constitutionalists' position on the centre ground meant a coalition with either of the other two major parties would inevitably result in revolt and collapse. Churchill took the unprecedented decision to intervene in the prime ministerial selection, taking on a distinctly 'presidential' position as head of state (inspired no doubt by his American lineage) and appointed Duff Cooper to govern from the Senate. Cooper was permitted a snap election - which saw much of a repeat of the 1942 results in Great Britain. In Ireland it was a different story as a formerly Constitutionalist dominated region was wiped out by a IPP landslide, returning the party to it's pre-republican heyday. Parliamentary arithmetic had changed once again - and it was clear that the Constitutionalists could not possibly form a governing coalition as the IPP refused to work alongside the Nationals. A defacto Independent MP, albeit one who sat on the Labour benches, who had earned a positive reputation for himself during the war especially negotiating the cooperation of an increasingly restive India, was ushered into an uncomfortable meeting with Churchill.
[12] Cripps quickly came to the conclusion that Parliament in its present state was unworkable and believed the number of fractional interests within each party were the issue with governing. Thus, in 1946 Parliament - in agreement with almost all represented political parties - passed major constitutional reform with devolution for Scotland, Wales, Cornwall and the English regions based on historical borders. The devolved parliaments would handle 'domestic' affairs whereas the national parliament would handle larger-scale activities such as foreign policy and defence. Cripps also came to an agreement with the Independent Labour movement promising Labour would stand aside for them in the regional parliaments as long as they would endorse Labour candidates at the national level. The National Party demanded proportional representation as part of negotiations based on the party list voting system - a demand based on a desire for power and not based on any particular affinity to the system. By 1948, Parliament was now comprised of the three main parties and a small number of regionalist or nationalist MPs with large majorities, despite this, Parliament remained hung and a new coalition was formed.
[13] Although the Cripps premiership had ushered in a previously-unprecedented era of political co-operation, his death in 1950 brought about a new age in British politics. The Labour-ILM agreement outraged many on the Labour right who refused to abandon their party's rights to representation in the new regional assemblies (themselves already controversial to some), and in the tumultuous 1950 party conference Douglas Jay and his allies led a walkout to form a new Democratic alliance of centrist MPs. They had optimistically hoped to be joined by concerned Constitutionalists, but the mass walkout of the grand coalition failed to materialize. Having previously failed to establish another non-partisan figurehead, the Lord Chancellor appointed Duff Cooper to return to maintain government. With little enthusiasm for an election in the remaining Labour remnant, the Grand Coalition slowly lost parliamentary support until the final loss of a majority in 1952. The election was a thumping landslide for the reinvigorated National Party, and Robert Boothby became the first 'conservative' Prime Minister of the Nationals since the collapse of the predecessor party under Balfour in 1910. National support surged in the collapse of the centre-left, focused around a commitment for a new economic, political and diplomatic settlement for Britain. London became an observer to the new European Council of Nations in 1953, and signed off on the final treaties that proclaimed formal Indian independence. The new working coalition with the increasingly-conservative Irish Parliamentary Party proved successful, and amid an uptick in industrial productivity Boothby secured a second majority for his coalition in 1955 - primarily due to the continuing infighting of the other parliamentary factions.
