Originally this was going to be an exploration of Lansbury and British pacifism (inspired by a recent re-reading of
@Meadow's awesome 'Meet the New Boss') but then I decided to take it in a different direction. It's more of a train of thought based on prolonged British neutrality and the consequences that might have for the conflicted Empire. I also tried to use some curve-ball options and keep a butterfly net (with holes) for those born after 1924.
Outside the Box
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (1922-)
1924-1924: Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [1]
1923: (Minority) Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), Herbert Henry Asquith (Liberal)
1924-1929: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative) [2]
1924:
(Majority) Ramsay MacDonald (Labour), Herbert Henry Asquith (Liberal)
1929-1931: Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) [3]
1929: (Minority) Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), David Lloyd George (Liberal)
1931-1936: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative) [4] [5]
1931: (Majority) Arthur Henderson (Labour), David Lloyd George (Liberal), John Simon (National Liberal)
1935: (Minority) Clement Attlee (Labour), David Lloyd George (Liberal), John Simon (National Liberal)
1936-1945: Malcolm MacDonald (Labour) [6] [7]
1937: (Majority) Winston Churchill (Conservative), Geoffrey Mander (Liberal), John Simon (National Liberal), Fenner Brockway (Independent Labour)
1940: (Majority) Winston Churchill ('League' Conservative), Frank Owen (Liberal), Herwald Ramsbotham ('Anti-League' Conservative), John Simon (National Liberal), Henry Austin ('Anti-League' Liberal), Annie Maxton (Independent Labour)
1945-1950: Archibald Clark Kerr (Conservative) [8]
1945: (Majority) Malcolm MacDonald (Labour), Frederick Marquis (National Conservative), Charles Hill (National Liberal), Seebohm Rowntree ('Reform' Liberal/Progressive), Albert Roberts (Liberal), Emmanuel Shinwell (Independent Labour)
1950-1953: Oliver Lyttelton (Conservative) [9]
1950: (Majority) Evan Durbin (Labour), Harold MacMillan (National Conservative), Charles Hill (National Liberal), Kim Mackay ('Reform' Liberal/Progressive), Michael Foot (Independent Labour), John Spedan Lewis (Liberal), Philip Piratin (Communist)
1953-1960: Donald Box (Conservative) [10] [11]
1954: (Minority) Evan Durbin (Labour), Harold MacMillan (National), Arthur Young (Progressive), Michael Foot (Independent Labour), (Liberal), (National Liberal)
1955: (Minority) Evan Durbin (Labour), Philip Goodhart (National), Arthur Young (Progressive), Michael Foot (Independent Labour), Philip Piratin (Communist), (Liberal)
1960-1963: Sidney Dye (Labour) [12]
1960: (Minority) Donald Box (Conservative), John Cordeaux (National), Rod Harrod (Progressive), Michael Foot (Independent Labour), (Liberal)
1963-1970: John Chataway (National/Liberal/Progressive) [13] [14]
1963: (Majority Coalition) Sidney Dye (Labour), Harry Griffiths (Conservative), Henry Austen (Liberal), Austen Albu (Progressive), Michael Foot (Independent Labour)
1966: (Majority Coalition) Herbert Howell (Progressive), David Luard (Labour), Harry West (Conservative), Harold Davies (Independent Labour)
1970-1971: David Luard (Labour/Progressive) [15]
1970: (Minority Coalition) Patrick Wall (Conservative), John Chataway (National), John McCormick (Liberal), Harold Davies (Independent Labour), David Rollo (Scottish Representation)
1971-1973: John Chataway (National/Liberal) [16]
1971: (Majority Coalition) Harold Soref (Conservative), David Luard (Labour), William Wrigglesworth (Progressive), David Rollo (Scottish Representation), Hugh Scanlon (Independent Labour)
1973-1976: Harold Soref (Conservative) [17]
1973: (Minority) John Chataway (National), John MacCormick (Progressive), Hugh Jenkins (Liberal), Gorowny Roberts ('Rump' Labour), David Rollo (Scottish Representation), Joan Maynard ('Rebel Labour/Workers' Socialist), Hugh Scanlon (Independent Labour)
1976-1982: Alexander Douglas-Home (National/'Rump' Labour/Liberal) [18] [19]
1976: (Majority Coalition) Bryan Guinness (Conservative), William Redgrave (Independent Labour/Workers' Socialist), John MacCormick (Progressive), Angus Millan (Scottish Nationalist)
1980:
(Majority Coalition) Bryan Guinness (Conservative), William Redgrave (Workers' Socialist), George Crawford (Progressive Representation & Nationalist)
1982-1984: Alexander Douglas-Home (National/Liberal) [20]
1982: (Minority Coalition) Frederic Bennett (Conservative), Jesse Mabon (New Labour), William Redgrave (Workers' Socialist), George Crawford (Progressive Representation & Nationalist)
1984-1998: Christopher Soames (Conservative/New Labour) [21] [22] [23]
1984: (Majority Coalition) Thomas Hancock (National), Lois Shields (Liberal), Anne McDonald (Progressive Representation & Nationalist), William Redgrave (Workers' Socialist)
1989: (Majority Coalition) Thomas Hancock (National), Lois Shields (Liberal), Allan Macartney (Progressive Representation & Nationalist), Peter Kilfoyle (Workers' Socialist), Roma French (Bandit)
1994: (Majority Coalition) Mark Phillips (National), Lois Shields (Liberal), Allan Macartney (Progressive Representation), Edward Skinner (Workers' Socialist), Giles Douglas (Scottish Nationalist), Cennydd Evans (Welsh Representation), Roma French (Bandit)
1998-2004: John Straw (National/Progressive Representation/Liberal) [24] [25]
1998: (Majority Coalition) David Hicks (Conservative), Ann Atkinson (New Labour), Brian Baldry ('Commonwealth' Conservative), John Nellist (Workers' Socialist), Giles Douglas (Scottish Nationalist), Cennydd Evans (Welsh Representation), Sarah Mackichan (Bandit)
2002: (Minority Coalition) Ann Atkinson (New Labour), David Hicks (Conservative), John Nellist (Workers' Socialist), Adam Price (Nationalist), William Bone (Commonwealth), Peter Dennis (Bandit)
2004-2007: Ann Atkinson (New Labour/Nationalist/Commonwealth) [26] [27]
2006: (Minority Coalition) William Paterson (Conservative), Mairi Milne (Workers' Socialist), Maria Kelly (National), John Rees (Liberal), James Martin (Progressive Representation), Peter Dennis (Bandit)
2007: (Minority Coalition) William Paterson (Conservative), Mairi Milne (Workers' Socialist), Maria Kelly (National), John Rees (Liberal)
2007-2017: Mairi Milne (Worker's Socialist) [28] [29]
2007: (Majority) Ann Atkinson (New Labour), Alice Spelman (Conservative), Nancy Willott (Liberal), Mark Oaten (National), Wright MacAskill (Nationalist), Walter Bendall (Commonwealth), (Unaffiliated Scottish Nationalist), Charles McGowan (Bandit)
2012: (Majority) Henry Nattrass (New Labour), Creswell Timms (Liberal), William Cameron (Conservative), Wright MacAskill (Nationalist), Walter Bendall (Commonwealth), Charles McGowan (Bandit)
[1] The first Labour government was, to many, a grave disappointment. Conceived in hectic circumstances in the aftermath of a hung parliament in 1923, MacDonald was hesitantly endorsed by the Liberal Party under Asquith to form their first ministry. Lacking a majority, MacDonald was unable to introduce the radical legislation promised by his party since the beginning of the century but floundered on resolutely against hostile majorities in both Houses of Parliament. The government ended for several reasons; once the Conservatives had recovered their pride after the leadership change they were able to strengthen their hand by strongly criticizing the government over their proposed normalization of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, and collaborated with the Liberals against the passage of the Russian Treaties (preventing an Anglo-Russian loan, among other things). However, the ministry was crippled by the Campbell Case - in which the left-wing Workers' Weekly was held at the centre of a scandal to incite servicemen to mutiny. The Conservatives put down a censure motion (to which the Liberals added an amendment), and the government treated it as a vote of no-confidence. When the Liberal amendment carried, MacDonald dissolved Parliament.
[2] The 1924 election was all but assured to be a victory for Baldwin. With a Conservative majority of 209, MacDonald lost 40 seats but the Liberals were the main losers; Asquith lost 118 of his 158 seats, polarizing the political situation into a two-party system and almost fracturing the party for good. The Conservative swing was partly as a result of a strong traditionalist rally against the perceived dangers of socialism, given the links of the government to the Soviet Union and the Zinoviev Letter forgery published days before the election. Nevertheless, the Labour vote increased by one million. In government, Baldwin dropped the Conservative support for protected trade and took a surprisingly liberal line in continental affairs. Whilst the 1925 ratification of the Geneva Protocol failed to pass, the French occupation of the Ruhr split the Entente Cordiale and placed partial British support behind the League of Nations. Whilst Streseman remained at the head of the Weimar Republic, there was a feeling that Germany was headed in the right direction and he was able to work with the Foreign Secretary, Austen Chamberlain, amicably and to some effect. Nevertheless, even before the Wall Street Crash of 1929 there were serious economic problems facing the country; Baldwin was forced to head off the 1926 General Strike with significant action, using the armed forces to ensure the continuation of crucial infrastructure amid serious concerns of major civil insurrection. Rising unemployment became one of the dominant campaign issues, barely held off by the inclusion of women voters after the Fifth Reform Act. As such, the Conservatives (campaigning on a theme of 'Safety First') went into the 1929 election in a difficult situation.
[3] The election was tightly contested, and resulted in another hung parliament. The Liberals continued their decline, but Labour rallied to secure 288 seats and emerge as the largest party. In many ways MacDonald was deeply unsuited to be leading the party, as he found the increasing radicalism of his membership unsettling. Lloyd George, holding the balance of power, chose to support Labour to return them to power - but it was clear that the ministry would have to focus upon domestic concerns. With his second government stronger than his first, unemployment pay was increased and concerns in the mining industries were addressed with wage increases. Housing was also addressed, with the government continuing upon previous efforts to clear slums and promote house construction. However, the optimism of the government was utterly halted by the Wall Street Crash in 1929. The Chancellor, Philip Snowden, was forced to consider radical measures to stimulate the economy but would not permit any deficit spending. Repeated calls for the public control of imports and banking were rejected - as was a proposed increase in pensions. Unemployment sky-rocketed, and the government struggled to cope. The Opposition feared that the budget was unbalanced, and as MacDonald tried to keep Britain on the Gold Standard it was clear that major cuts in the public sector and for wages would be necessary. Whilst several members of the inner circle supported such a move, the Cabinet was divided and the trade unions were outraged. Senior ministers, including Arthur Henderson, indicated that they would resign rather than accept the cuts. Faced with an unworkable situation, MacDonald tendered his resignation to the King. However, George V encouraged the Prime Minister to form a National Government nominally led by Labour. MacDonald was unconvinced, especially when Conservative unease at the proposals were expressed to him in confidence, and consequently Baldwin was called upon to take the leadership.
[4] The collapse of the Labour government led to the resignation of MacDonald, but it was clear to Baldwin that an election should be held as soon as possible. Holding a minority government but endorsed by the Liberals, the country went to the polls in October. Having ditched MacDonald in favour of Arthur Henderson (with christian socialist George Lansbury also putting up a largely baseless leadership challenge), Labour tried to consolidate their position as the party of the working classes. Nevertheless, the result was a strong victory for Baldwin after a small faction of Liberals led by John Simon split off to endorse his proposals for protectionism. The victory was a poisoned chalice, however, as it was clear whichever party was in power would face serious challenges. Protectionism was formally endorsed in 1932, with the Commonwealth falling in line after the Ottawa Conference, and major budget cuts affected the vast majority of public services and the welfare state. With Labour strengthening in Opposition, Baldwin also faced major challenges abroad. The death of Streseman in 1930 had plunged Germany into political limbo, with the paramilitary forces of the far-left (the Roter Frontkämpferbund led by Maxim Zetkin) and the far-right (the Stahlhelm led by Thomas Duesterberg) clashing daily on the streets of every major city. The weak governments of Joseph Wirth and Adam Stegerwald completely failed to control the utter collapse of the German economy, with hyperinflation spiraling out of control. By 1934 it was clear that the country was on the verge of civil war. Baldwin was forced to concede that the country was no longer able to make reparations payments, but such terms were violently opposed by the French - leading to the virtual occupation of the entire Rhineland. In 1935, the government failed to pass the Government of India Act as Winston Churchill and his 'die-hard' Conservatives voted against the government. Weakened by the defeat, Baldwin was forced to call a general election to secure his mandate.
[5] Unlike the relatively-confident Conservative victory in 1931, the election of 1935 was much harder for the Conservatives. The years as Henderson as Labour Leader had led to the partial unification of the party and the trade unions that supported it, providing crucial funds and a united message. In contrast, the divisions of the India Act and the struggles abroad did not portray Baldwin in a positive light. Nevertheless, the Prime Minister was respected and clung to power by the skin of his teeth - supported by the National Liberals in a minority government. As the French continued their support for their occupations in the west, rearmament was a strong message of the campaign as well as the role of the League of Nations. Shortly after the return of the Conservative government in Britain, the Stahlhelm attempted a takeover of Germany and enraged French troops in the Rhineland. France immediately called for a united response from the League, but opinion were divided across Europe. France had increasingly been seen as belligerent and provoking, and in the fragile Conservative government there was significant support for the rise of a strong German government to counter the continued growth of the Soviet Union (which had been largely isolated from the economic crisis affecting the West). As such, Britain declined to support the French motions in Geneva. The result was geopolitically catastrophic, as France - enraged - demanded the expulsion of Britain from the League. The
Entente Cordiale was abandoned in Paris, and the French took on the dominant role in the League response as many nations left in protest. British volunteers left to support the actions against the Stalhelm, but other than economic sanctions Britain did nothing. With the government now in serious crisis and weakening daily, an election was inevitable. However, as Baldwin resigned his successor - Neville Chamberlain - was challenged by Winston Churchill for the leadership in an unprecedented contest. Using the weakening of the Baldwin wing to his advantage, Churchill used the 1922 Committee - increasingly dominated by the die-hards - to steer his nomination among Conservative MPs. When it became clear to Chamberlain that he had in fact lost the support of the majority of his party, Churchill was announced as Conservative Leader ahead of the election.
[6] And so, with both major parties having new leaders but the Conservatives in a crisis, Malcolm MacDonald - the son of Ramsay MacDonald - took the premiership with a narrow majority. Many believed that Churchill was too belligerent, and it was the firm view among the majority of the political classes that whilst Britain must rearm it could not risk entanglements on the continent or with the League of Nations (which remained largely isolated to French interests). As a result, for the first time in many years the Independent Labour Party (led by Fenner Brockway) broke from affiliation with Labour to campaign for true disarmament. They performed relatively well, and became the dominant force on the left to oppose the new Labour government. In 1937 the Stahlhelm officially surrendered to League forces, and the government of Johannes Popitz was inaugurated with significant support. (Germany would continue to repay her reparations commitments, and whilst the Popitz administration was deeply conservative it was largely opposed by the democratic parties of the former Roter Frontkämpferbund). The main League members - France, Italy and Poland - were jubilant at the perceived prevention of a German threat, although in truth all three were now largely dictatorial in nature. In Britain, MacDonald remained hesitant to rejoin the League despite calls from the Opposition, and instead focused upon a quiet consolidation of the armed forces and domestic reform. To the rest of Europe, the Soviet Union now emerged as the dominant threat; the death of Stalin in 1937 had led to a power struggle in the Kremlin, with Nestor Lakoba emerging as the victor amid quiet assassinations and falsified stories (chiefly against his main rival, Lavrenti Beria). Russian militarization alarmed states on the periphery of Europe, but ultimately it would prove in the east where the clash of ideologies would come to a head. The Japanese Empire had been slowly consuming China during the League intervention in Germany, and whilst viewed with great suspicion by the United States and the British Empire had been largely unchallenged. Aware of the European suspicion of Communism the Japanese applied to re-join the League in 1939, hoping that their shared interest in a weak Russia would be understood in Paris. It was. While the return of Japan into the League prompted major backlash (including in Britain), it was seen by many anti-Communists as an alliance of convenience to prevent any further growth of Communism. Hoping to consolidate his rule in Moscow, however, Lakoba announced the
'Declaration of the Perpetual Peoples' Revolution' to the 18th Party Conference, outlining Russian plans for the international spread of Bolshevism. A poorly-received speech by Maxim Litvinov at a meeting of the League in early-1940 furthered heightened tensions, and by the time of the general election later that year many believed that a war between the two blocs would prove inevitable.
[7] With the MacDonald government under heavy scrutiny, the 1940 election was tense. The issue of affiliation with the League had divided the main political factions; Labour remained largely united, although it did lose several seats to the Independent Labour Party (now under Annie Maxton). Maxton wanted a rapprochement with the USSR and strongly believed that in the wake of the rise of 'conventional fascism' in Europe the Soviet Union was a far superior bedfellow - in this goal she was joined with the Communists, and those affiliated into the depths of the Labour left. Churchill led the rump Conservatives on a policy of rejoining the League and taking the fight to the Russians, while those opposing rallied around the long-time Cabinet minister Herwald Ramsbotham. The Liberals also split (again), with Frank Owen joining forces with Churchill to push for action. The 'Anti-League' Liberals led by the nominally-Independent tennis player Henry Austin, who had joined Parliament in a by-election in 1938 on a pacifist ticket, supported isolationism. The result was a narrow majority of just sixteen for the Labour Party as the anti-war parties surged in support. Other parties (such as the British Defence League led by Mosley and Alliot Verdon Roe) secured a noticeable number of votes but lacked any representation. Europe continued along in a tentative peace, especially after the election of President Robert E. Wood in the isolationist United States, but it would be Japan who would finally provoke the Russian bear. The western reaches of China had long been a zone of conflicting national interests - from the Russians to the north and west, Japanese to the east, and the British Raj to the south. The uprising of western Chinese Communists, led by Mao Zemin with Soviet support, led to tensions between the Empire and USSR which spilled into outright war when Lakoba acknowledged the creation of an Eastern Turkestan Soviet. The Japanese responded in kind with an invasion and an air strike upon the Russian base at Vladivostok - beginning the Second World War. In Britain, the outbreak of hostilities between the League and Russia briefly paralyzed the government as the League-sympathizers in the Opposition teamed together to try and force a vote of no-confidence on the weak government. With the 'Metelvoyna' (Blizzardwar) invasion of Poland, Churchill demanded that Britain defend her as outlined in the Treaty of Versailles. MacDonald left the issue to a vote in the Commons which was narrowly passed despite the rebellion of ten Labour MPs (led by Norman Angell). Churchill set about the creation of a 'Popular Front' against Bolshevism, uniting the parties seeking intervention in a single bloc. Regardless of the political situation, however, MacDonald introduced conscription in the army and placed the Royal Navy on a posture of high alert. The Russians pushed against the League throughout 1941 and 1942, with the Polish government fleeing in exile to Paris. As the Popitz government was essentially abolished in favour of complete League control, Yugoslavia withdrew from the conflict. By 1943 it was clear that Germany would fall. Ironically falling back to the Rhineland fortifications originally designed to keep the Germans out, the League held the Russians back along the lengthy European Front that stretched from the Rhineland, across the northern Alps and into Hungary and Romania. Japan held off the Russians rather effectively in the northeast of China, but was forced to go on the defensive in the west. However, in 1944 came a blessing for the League forces as Lakoba was rendered incapacitated by an assassination plot. Once again the Kremlin fell into a succession crisis with Viktor Abakumov taking control after a crucial few weeks. In Britain, the Labour government held - but only just. MacDonald, embattled as he was, nevertheless remained resolute in his commitment to British neutrality. Public services broadcasts conducted by the BBC attempted to reassure the public, reminding them of the horrors endured by the country during the Great War. 1945 would prove a crucial year, however. The near-fascist regime in Italy fell in the spring as a sizeable Communist revolution defenestrated the King and Cabinet and immediately sought terms with Moscow, while the French government took increasingly desperate steps to fight off the Communists. By June, however, it was all over. Marcel Déat led a coup against the emergency government of Pierre Pouyade, and brought the Second World War in Europe to a close. The Soviet bloc now spread from Brittany to the steppes of Central Asia, with only Scandinavia, Greece and the Balkans remaining free of direct Russian influence. In the east, Japan struggled on. Starved on resources and crippled by insurrection in occupied China it would finally surrender in 1953 after the Great Siege of the Home Islands, bringing the Second World War (1940-1953) to a close. In Britain, however, the conclusion of the war had a great effect upon the scheduled general election. It was true and obvious to most that British inaction had partially enabled the Communist takeover of Europe; this went against the Labour government somewhat severely.
[8] The 1945 election indicated the direction that British politics was taking; Labour took an absolute beating despite their strong domestic record, and were handily defeated by the co-operating forces of the conservatives. Nevertheless, the Kerr government was representative of the impact that Popular Front formed by Churchill had had on the right; while Kerr led the rump of the traditional party, Frederick Marquis led a smaller independent faction called the 'National Conservatives' that favoured an alliance with other non-socialist groups in Parliament. Similar in many ways to the early National Liberals, Marquis whipped with the government but developed a partly-independent manifesto. Furthermore, the further fracturing of the Liberal Party worsened matters for Labour; the elderly Rowntree served as a figurehead for those demanding a centrist alternate of British problems while the basic Liberals further lost direction. The result was an indication of the public fear for the future, faced with a largely hostile and aggressive Soviet Europe. Kerr (whilst personally a moderate) had a rightist agenda, rebuffed by some as apologist for the failures of the near-fascist regimes of conquered Europe. Inheriting negotiations from MacDonald, Kerr brought the former Danish possessions in the North Atlantic under British control and granted Iceland independence (under British protection) in 1946. A new India Act was passed, granting it Dominion status, and passed comfortably in the Commons despite far-right grumblings. Britain watched as the former states of Europe were reconstituted into Soviets, and the Russian government of Abakumov created swathes of new puppet regimes (that it milked to improve industrial and economic prestige far eastwards in the motherland). This placed further strain upon Labour as the party found itself torn, and the Henderson reforms finally gave way to the fracturing of the Communist parties from the PLP. Only the Independent Labourites continued to advocate friendship with the USSR, leading to rumours that Annie Maxton had been placed upon the new MI11 'watchlist'. Indeed, Britain was consumed by a 'Red Scare' through the late-1940s; the roles of the Secret Services became synonymous with the political repression of far-left organizations and media censorship. The BBC became especially tightly controlled, with a Ministry for Public Information formed in 1947. Acknowledging that the Soviet Union was the hegemon of Europe, the party remained divided as to how it should be diplomatically treated. As the Republican administration of President Orville Bullingdon formally acknowledged the new puppet governments in Europe in 1949, Stanley followed suit. However, it was clear that tensions in America were rising as to the continued growth of the Communist threat. Kerr was also keen to restore the Conservative role as the natural party of government; major efforts were made to modernize infrastructure, and whilst the government remained opposed to nationalization it endorsed strongly the rationalization of the railways into 1950. Major work began on a proper motorway system for the country, too, and the Council Housing System - enacted to cross-party support in 1948 - continued the work begun by Ramsay MacDonald in improving the public health via an increased standard of living. However, with his health failing and having had a long and distinguished career Kerr announced that he would retire prior to the 1950 election. Unable to be persuaded to stay on by the King, the Conservative set about on their usual backroom deals to appoint a new leader.
[9] The elevation of Lyttelton was a compromise, despite other figures being suggested in the media in the few transitional days. Harold MacMillan, a major contender, caused great controversy when he defected to the National Conservatives after he was overlooked by the 1922 Committee. (MacMillan would use his influence to led his party at the 1950 election). Labour, under a new leader, continued to struggle - and the basic Liberals were virtually finished when they secured fewer seats than the Independent Labour Party. (1950 was the last election before the consolidation of both the National and Progressives Parties). As the Abakumov regime became increasingly forceful against the Russian puppets in Europe, Britain rallied around the Empire and became increasingly close to the United States. The International Democratic Organization (IDO) was announced by Bullingdon in 1952 - shortly before his bid for re-election was defeated - and Britain latched onto it as a means of securing her influence with the up-and-coming American superpower. Colonial revolts in Asia and Africa were forcibly suppressed by the British, although her protectorate over the former Dutch in Indonesia was coming under increasing fire from far-left insurgencies. It became clear to the Lyttelton government that Britain was slowly but surely running out of money, and even the industrialization of India (continuing as a government-sponsored programme) was failing to keep Britain comparable with American or Russian strength. Major cuts began, but here the government came under fire. Lyttelton sought to modernize the military in a bid to reduce inefficiency, but was strongly opposed by the far-right of the party who accused him of 'going soft on Communism'. The new Conservative intake of both 1945 and 1950 had strengthened the role of the traditional die-hard base, and Lyttelton was almost challenged for the leadership in 1952. With moderate MPs threatening to jump ship if Lyttelton was threatened, the Prime Minister battled on for several months. In early-1953, however - and partly triggered by the sensational election of Jesse Helms as President - the Prime Minister was challenged and defeated.
[10] The collapse of support for Lyttelton within his party brought in one of the most controversial premierships of the Twentieth Century. Donald Box, a member of the radical reactionaries on the far right of the party, sought a Conservative Party that was willing to suppress political opinion to save the Empire. He immediately faced a hemorrhaging of his party moderates that went on reinforce the National Party, but used the consolidation of support to majorly re-write the Conservative manifesto. 1954 was a redefining election, given the surge of 'third-party' strength and Labour really only remained the second-largest party thanks to the FPTP system. The result was a hung parliament - the first since 1935. Box appealed to MacMillan, but the latter was not interested in a deal. As such, Durbin then tried a deal with MacMillan and Young but likewise failed. (It was rumoured that the third-parties had agreed not to enter into a coalition in a bid to weaken the power of Labour and the Conservatives). This worked, as Box returned at the helm of a minority government lacking general support from across the House. The Conservatives were deeply frustrated by the 1954 defeat, but foreign affairs would work in their favour. The death of Abakumov in the summer led to a brief leadership struggle in the Kremlin, where Zhumabay Shayakhmetov emerged victorious. Shayakhmetov was keen to introduce liberal market reforms to the huge Soviet sphere - both as a means to increase industrial productivity but also to keep the resentful European client states under control. In Britain (and indeed the United States) this grated strongly against the growing suspicion of Communism but improved the political situation for the Conservatives. Box, noting the turn of public opinion, took a notable turn to the centre to head off the Nationals and pointed to the opening of the London Ring Motorway and the major redevelopment of the Hendon Aerodrome as successes of a Conservative economy. In the winter, MacMillan stood down due to ill health and the much more compromising Goodhart took control of the Nationals. With his standing substantially improved largely down to coincidence, Box called another election in 1955 to hopefully secure a majority.
[11] 1955 was a defining election, and the penultimate of the traditional 'old-party' system that had existed since the end of the First World War. In his last election as Labour leader Durbin had abolished Clause Four of the party manifesto in a bid to capture more of the centrist vote. The move, while forward-thinking, divided what was left of the assured Labour base. The party plunged in support whilst the Nationals and Progressives rose, bringing the total of each of the three parties to be roughly equal. The Independent Labour and Communist Parties (who had campaigned against a rogue motion for their abolition during the first Box government) captured crucial votes in deep industrial heartlands, leading to their best performances in many years. Box was denied a majority, once again, but this time was able to unite with the Nationals in a confidence-and-supply deal. Despite the ever-present military concerns with the Soviets, they ironically became the export base for British industries - the series of
Jet motor cars produced by Rover throughout the 1950s were surprisingly popular on the continent and became a pin-up for Conservative tolerance. Box personally remained unconvinced, and legislation regarding the right-to-strike were introduced in 1957. Major colonial revolts broke out across the latter periods of the Conservative government, requiring significant intervention from the Colonial Office in East and Southern Africa, as well as Malaya, leading to pushes for further imperial liberalization and even independence for some regions. Shayakhmetov continued with his reforms, and in some more trustworthy client states pushes for liberalization were acknowledged with the right to hold partly free and fair elections (although naturally all the parties remained sanctioned by the FSB). This prompted a backlash among Bolshevik hardliners, but for now the Compact remained stable. In Britain, the events on the continent led to a lessening of public concern and the government was able to bring in sweeping reforms to the healthcare and education systems, abolishing National Insurance in favour of smaller regional schemes.
[12] With the Cold War at a great thaw, there was great optimism across the country. The minority government survived, even with the Conservatives being pressured to further colonial liberalizations in the run-up to the 1960 election. Indeed, the election was too close to call - with the further equalization of party seats expected. The result was the third consecutive hung parliament with the Conservatives as the largest party, and was consequently the last election in which the top two positions were held by the Conservatives and Labour. However, with concerns regarding the future of Bolshevik Europe at a low Sidney Dye was propelled to the premiership with support from both the Progressive and National Parties, running officially with a minority government but actually commanding a decent majority. The reward for such an arrangement, however, was the implementation of a new voting system. Proportional Representation was enacted in a tense Commons vote for the Seventh Reform Act, ensuring that the next election would have momentous implications for British politics. Nevertheless, Dye led a broad church of a government and hoped to use his significant domestic successes (with the coalition embracing major expansions to the welfare state) to restore Labour fortunes, and called an election for 1964.
[13] The fortunes of the Labour and Conservative Parties continued to worsen in 1963 as neither emerged as the largest party. The Nationals witnessed one of the greatest political breakthroughs in British history, and John Chataway found himself at the helm of a party triumphant. Coalitions would now become a factor of life in Britain, and Chataway approached the Liberals and Progressives - both of whom had greatly benefited from PR - to form a government. This led to a narrow majority of six, requiring some Labour co-operation throughout the Parliament. Almost immediately, however, Chataway was forced to deal with the end of the thaw in the Anglo-Russian relationship. In 1964, Vasily Iosifovich Dzhugashvili attempted to seize power in Moscow in a coup having assassinated Shayakhmetov. To many in the Kremlin, having the son of Stalin in charge was incredibly dangerous and so the new premier immediately faced a counter-coup. It briefly seemed like the Soviet Union might enter into a period of civil war, but as Vasily was shot in Red Square and the military-dominated government of Kharitonovich took over the Americans and the IDO regarded the new regime as a switch-back to 'traditional hostile Communism'. In Britain, Chataway threw his support behind the new opposition to the Soviets and vocally praised the attempts at secession in France, Belgium and Denmark. The Conservatives called for one step further, and demanded that nuclear missiles be deployed to Malta, Gibraltar and (in some cases, led by Donald Box) the Channel Islands. Chataway was a strong advocate of diplomatic and economic pressure on the USSR, but did not seek direct military confrontation. His coalition partners equally opposed such antagonistic measures. While public support around the coalition intensified, the crisis gave the Conservatives a new lease of life.
[14] The National/Liberal/Progressive coalition was determined to keep Britain on a moderate route through the Cold War; the Prime Minister turned up the pressure on the struggling Soviet regime in 1967, when with IDO support the Commonwealth enacted major constraints on the ability of the Russians to import grain. Despite protests that such a move would lead to mass famine in Asia, Chataway signed off on the move. Across 1967 and into 1968, Western Europe rose up in uprisings and in the Netherlands the refusal of the puppet government to abandon scheduled elections required tanks to patrol the streets of Amsterdam. Work continued to reduce the nuclear stockpile developed under the Conservatives, but Chataway reassured the Opposition that 'in the interests of assured British neutrality' a small armoury would remain. Emboldened by the strength of the government, the Progressives even signed off on a modest increase in defence spending. Nevertheless, after the economic boom of the late-1950s and early-1960s the remaining British nationalized industries were struggling. Chataway was personally reluctant to privatize them, believing most to be crucial national services, but with the Nationals a predominantly centre-right party the alliance with the Progressives began to fracture. The coalition lost ground in the polls, and Chataway chose to risk an election in 1970.
[15] The result was a tense contest, but few expected the result. Chataway was publicly abandoned by the Progressive Party (in a move that would come back to bite them), and with coalition plans off the table the elderly King surprisingly brought in David Luard as Prime Minister. Luard led a minority government, unable to scrape Liberal support but united in hostility to the increasingly rightist Conservatives. (The 1970 election also saw the first arrival of permanent Scottish Representation in Parliament).Inheriting the international crisis and a rapidly worsening economy, Labour attempts to rationalize the nationalized industries failed disastrously when the government Budget was defeated and strikes erupted all across the north. When Herbert Howell (Deputy Prime Minister and Progressive leader) resigned, it was clear that the Labour government was unmanageable. Embarrassed and desperately trying to keep his party united, Luard dissolved Parliament and called another election.
[16] The 1971 election saw the National coalition returned to government, with Chataway the first returning Prime Minister since Baldwin in 1931. The Liberals, however, surged in power under John McCormick - stealing much limelight from the similar manifesto of the Progressives and eating away at the limited Scottish Representation support in the Highlands and Islands. Luard, humiliated completely by the humiliating collapse of his party, resigned shortly after the election - only for Labour to split once and for all. Chataway this time took stronger action on the economy, breaking up the older behemoths of nationalization (most notably the British Mining Corporation), and whilst he faced strikes the government was able to point to major increases in the standard of living and play off the insecurities of Soviet actions on the continent. The death of 1972 further suppressed the heat of the insurrections in the north, and the coronation of Queen Margot turned the public mood into one of nervous optimism. However, three issues would come to divide the government in 1973 - Liberal opposition to the British bid for the 1980 Olympic Games (citing the cost), their hostility to the further strengthening of the Mediterranean Fleet in the Defence Review, and the National rejection of their demand to introduce contested elections for the position of Speaker of the House. With the government delicate and the Conservatives now garnering serious strength (with the Rally for Britain in Hyde Park gathering almost fifteen thousand people), the terrorist attack upon the Soviet nuclear power station at Brennilis would bring it down. Allegations that the perpetrators of the bombing - which led to the Channel Nuclear Disaster - had connections to illegal liberation fronts based in London resulted in an Opposition charge, defeating Chataway in a vote of no-confidence.
[17] The following government was one of the most controversial in British history; the 1973 election saw the complete fracturing of the Labour vote and decimation of the far-leftist share, and the Conservatives under Soref emerged as the largest party by some margin. Soref was easily one of the furthest right Conservative leaders of the century, and his government - which made little attempt at forming a coalition - was met with major public protests in major cities. Soref deployed Civil Defence units to the north to 'keep order' among the grating industrial classes, and aligned strongly with the Americans to fight Communist insurgencies all across the world. Unfortunately for the left, the economy began to recover and unemployment dropped (although Soref deliberately deserted some of the most rebellious areas). Under the combined influence of the IDO, United States and the Empire it was clear that the Soviet Union was in a position of sheer collapse. The Brennilis Disaster had exposed internationally the situation in the Soviet bloc, and the death of Premier Kharitonovich began the death throes of the USSR. The resurrection of the Paris Commune in 1975 failed to produce a coordinated Russian response, and soon the European Spring had taken hold. Soref threw his support behind the independence declarations in France, Flanders, Holland, Denmark and the Germanies. With the Red Army deserting and puppet state battalions turning against their former overlords, the emergency government of Leonid Abalkin monumentally announced that the Paris Compact was formally under a state of dissolution. The Conservatives were triumphant, declaring that even with a minority government they had used their credibility to bring to Communism to an end. In reality, however, the Russian problems were deep-rooted and Europe would continue to face major problems as the Soviet regimes in the west came to an end. Deliriously excited and facing good polls, Soref took the country to the ballot box in 1976.
[18] The Conservatives remained the largest party but took a heavy beating over their domestic legacy; Soref wanted to reform his government, but the Nationals decided to try and overthrow it via proposing a majority coalition. Presented to Queen Margot, Soref was unable to declare he had majority support in the House and Douglas-Home took control in a major upset. The Conservatives were enraged, but there was little they could do. Douglas-Home used the government reliance on the rump Labour faction to encourage worker relations, and immediately embarked upon new economic treaties with the emerging states of Europe. It became clear to the first time just how badly the Soviets had managed the Compact, and the British economy entered into a boom period - supplying everything that the new democracies needed. However, while the European Spring brought the Compact to an end the former members retained good ties (with only Italy remaining largely loyal to the Soviet Union). 1978 saw the formation of the European Economic Exchange, spectacularly combining the various weak currencies and creating the European Dollar. This was an immediate threat to Sterling, and Douglas-Home devalued the Pound to ensure exports remained high. Work also began on the formation of regional assemblies for the Home Islands, as well as more significant talks to introduce a seperate legislative chamber for the chaos of Northern Ireland. This saw the Liberals secured further victories in Scottish by-elections, and the slow abortion of the Labour core. As such, the coalition went into the 1980 election with great confidence.
[19] Douglas-Home was returned as Prime Minister by a comfortable majority given the sudden upswing in industrial productivity and optimism brought about by the end of Communism. The parties, however, faced a mix of emotions regarding the role of Britain in the new continental system and whilst the Conservatives swung behind isolationism and protectionism the National government struggled to define their position. The result was a lack of direction for the government through the IDO-sponsored European Talks, and in 1982 Douglas-Home faced a walkout from his Labour allies regarding the 'privatization' of the North Sea following the discovery of petrochemical resources. The result was the loss of the National majority, and the dissolution of Parliament. The reformation of what remained as Labour placed them in a powerful position.
[20] The 1982 election saw the Conservatives hold their share, led by their final 'die-hard' figurehead Bryan Guinness. The Nationals plummeted in support given their imagined defeat at the IDO talks, but the Prime Minister reformed the coalition without support from Mabon. The neutering of the government, however, proved fatal - as Britain struggled to find her role in the new order, Douglas-Home embarked on sweeping reforms to the Commonwealth in a bid to re-establish it as an economic bloc and to promote further political reforms in her African satellites. This was a controversial proposal, and when the reconstituted Liberal manifesto was released in 1984 (calling for the formal abolition of hereditary peers and an elected Lords) the Conservatives took their chance. Soames (somewhat controversially) collaborated with the New Labour Party in their opposition to further economic integration with Europe, and with surprising support from the Workers' Socialist Party brought the government down. Douglas-Home, no longer commanding the support of the House, resigned.
[21] Soames initially intended to govern without an election until 1987, but decided upon the advice of his ministers to take the plunge and called a contest for the winter of 1984. It was clear that the Conservative Party was a very different animal from the Box and Soref years, and Soames sought to redefine the party as a tolerant yet protectionist force. Forming a coalition with the New Labour Party, with some scratching their heads at the move and the uprising political support for it, Soames ditched the proposals for devolution at home and lessened the emphasis on liberalizations across the Commonwealth. As the economy slowed in the wake of the recovering situation in Europe and the Pound truly beginning to suffer against the European Dollar, the National Opposition radicalized into calling for a referendum to bring the country into the Continental Agreement. This merely strengthened support for the Conservatives, who portrayed their enemies as liberalizing the economy to the point of extinction. It was a shrewd but effective tactic, emboldened by the beginning of the Chinese War in 1986; the United States threw support behind the Chinese Republic, and Soames - via a successful vote in the House - took Britain to war in support for the South. The result was a dramatic yet brief resurrection of the Cold War as the core USSR moved to aggressive postures in the Pacific and Eastern Europe. Indeed, by 1989 some believed that a conflict between the West and East was inevitable - fears of which had been believed to be dead since the European Spring - but (perhaps cynically) Soames took the country to the polls to capitalize upon the concern of the British public.
[22] 1989 saw the Conservative-led coalition make minor increases upon their 1984 standing, in an election that was largely uninteresting (except the surprising inclusion of a Bandit Party MP for Brighton Pavilion). Soames continued the British efforts in China, as the Communists were pushed further back onto the foothills of the Himalayas while the IDO fought in Geneva for a diplomatic solution. The conclusion of hostilities in 1991 saw the Soviet Union agree to the formal unification of China, although in reality the Communist Party would remain a major force in the newly-constituted Chinese Parliament. A surprise defeat for the government in 1992, over the continuation of direct control over Malta, weakened the relationship between the two coalition partners; New Labour, conscious of a major rise in support for nationalism after the division of the PRN in 1993, formally acknowledged renewed calls for devolution in their policy pledges. Soames held out to 1994 before calling his third election.
[23] With his third victory, Soames became the first and only Prime Minister of the Twentieth Century to secure third consecutive election victories (although the second to win three elections, after Chataway). However, this time the terms of the arrangement were rather different; New Labour now demanded an attempt at devolution in exchange for their loyalty, and Soames was unable to secure support from any other parties instead. 1994 saw record representation for nationalist movements, and sure enough the Preliminary Devolution Bill proposed in 1995 saw widespread (if sometimes reluctant) support across the House. However, the final Conservative government would inadvertently preside over the beginning of the end of the Commonwealth. Most of the British satellite states had become increasingly independent, but it was the shock victory of the Indian Peoples! Party in 1996 that recorded the British establishment. The party was anti-Commonwealth and at first the British refused to enter into negotiations regarding the end of Indian Dominion status. However, Soames was forced to back down when it became clear a sizeable portion of the New Labour Party would rebel against the government if it did not concede to the Indian demands, and Soames - frustrated - announced his resignation for 1998 (calling a general election).
[24] The Conservatives, now on the defensive, would struggle in 1998. They remained the second largest party, but were hurt by the Baldry wing breaking off to form the 'Commonwealth' Conservatives while fighting off a surge in support for the Nationals. However, in a precursor to the next election and partially as a result of the moves towards devolution, the nationalist parties continued to make major gains. Straw, however, did well as the country moved into the speculation of the New Millennium. Having formed a narrow alliance with help from the Progressive Representation Party and the reduced Liberals, Straw continued the moves in Scotland and Wales but hit snags in regional resistance to the Northern Irish Assembly, also provoking a walk-out of the ProgReps in December 2000. In 2001, the new parliamentary buildings in Edinburgh and Bridgend were opened but the government surprisingly was defeated in the Monmouth and Orkney by-elections - this was an indication of what was to come. Emboldened by the new movements in Europe, the Scottish Nationalists and the Welsh pushed for a modern Britain with the role of their status in the United Kingdom under scrutiny. Straw failed to realize the surge in this support, and confident that he had done enough to address nationalist concerns focused upon the continuing de-imperialization of the Commonwealth. Believing he would be returned with a majority coalition, Straw called an election for 2002.
[25] The 2002 election shook the core of British politics. The presiding coalition collapsed in support as the united nationalist parties made sweeping gains all across Scotland and Wales. The Progressive Representation Party was entirely obliterated in Scotland, while the party clung on in Yorkshire and the Liberals narrowly survived in the majority of the southwestern seats. The Nationals too were badly hit, as the New Labour Party emerged as the largest force in Parliament. However, their leader Ann Atkinson was not interested in a coalition with the Conservatives and Straw re-formed his government as a minority. From the get-go there would be problems, as the Nationalists caused trouble by loading Parliament with anti-nuclear bills and welfare amendments. Public morale was hit hard by the death of Queen Margot shortly after the January election, but nothing prepared the government for the Second Wall Street Crash in 2004; as the bottom fell out of the American dollar the Pound was suddenly found failing on the rocks. Massive layoffs occurred in the private sector, and Straw was forced to intervene by controversially nationalizing the energy industries to ensure public supply and deploying Civil Defence to mining communities to counter domestic action by picketers. The Opposition rallied, and Straw fell.
[26] The collapse of the Straw government led to New Labour forming their own administration, but highly unusually Atkinson did not call a general election. The party united with the New Labour, the Nationalists and the Commonwealth Party in opposition to perceived advances of the continental system into Britain - citing the economic downturn and industrial crisis as an indication that Britain had failed to adjust to the new order. Military spending shot up, but this merely worsened the situation in the Treasury. As the Milne Workers' Socialist Party continued to snatch the centre-left vote (with voters trying to rally around a new alternative), the government utterly failed to control the freefall in Sterling. Atkinson, losing by-elections, called an election for 2006. The result was a weakened coalition, still a minority, and a virtually unworkable situation in the Commons. After protracted coalition talks among most parties, the King called Atkinson to reform her coalition as an emergency action. The government unsurprisingly went back to the polls in 2007.
[27] The public believed that the New Labour had proven themselves unfit to govern at the head of their strange coalition. The result was further losses for the Atkinson government, and a virtual crisis in Parliament. Once again, the King asked New Labour to form a government but the Prime Minister refused. Another election was called.
[28] 2007, the first year of two elections in over a century, was momentous. As the members of the New Labour government were decimated, the Workers' Socialists stormed to the first single-party majority government since the implementation of PR. Milne wanted Britain to abandon her imperialist past, and focus upon integration with the new European projects with a domestic agenda revolving around mass infrastructural and industrial spending. In 2010, the government announced a major coup - it would enter the sphere of the European Dollar in 2015, formally abolishing the Pound Sterling, and would combine with the governments in Paris and elsewhere to create the European Assembly. The right screamed treason, but Milne was able to point to the recovering British economy and renewed faith in public services. The Workers' Socialists swept the board in the devolved assemblies, regardless of the growing national debt, and the Chancellor (Richard Corbyn) quietly enacted measures to prevent a major rise in inflation. Milne was popular, and as her government consolidated power in marginal seats she was able to last an entire five-year Parliament - the first since the Soames ministries.
[29] Milne stormed to a second consecutive victory in 2012, pointing to her strong international and domestic record. As the IDO widened and the western economies recovered from the 2004 Crash, there was renewed optimism across Europe. Sure enough, in 2015 the Pound was abolished and Britain took her place at the European table. It would prove the end for the Commonwealth Party, and the conservative right were utterly powerless when Milne signed off on the final and absolute independence of the British sphere in Africa. Hong Kong was handed over to the Chinese Republic, and in 2016 Australia became the first Commonwealth member to become a republic. The breaking of ground on the Channel Tunnels and the opening of the first stretch of high-speed railway line pointed to the strength of the Workers' Socialist government, and the election for 2017 would cement the role of the party as the natural party of government for the Twenty-first Century.
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