List of Alternate Presidents and PMs II
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Hope it doesn't turn into spam, I just think its an interesting TL idea!
I know it maaaybe doesn't belong given that this is the "Alt PMs and Presidents List" thread but I've seen both pre-1900 stuff since the first version of this thread and any Alt Heads of State/Government lists seem to get included.
Oh no I wasn't being derisive at all! I also think they're goodHope it doesn't turn into spam, I just think its an interesting TL idea!
I know it maaaybe doesn't belong given that this is the "Alt PMs and Presidents List" thread but I've seen both pre-1900 stuff since the first version of this thread and any Alt Heads of State/Government lists seem to get included.
More of a general comment on how it took off so quickly
Oh no I wasn't being derisive at all! I also think they're good
More of a general comment on how it took off so quickly
Ah fab! Glad you like them!
Exitstencil - FEAR, LOATHING AND THE WAY IT IS '72
FEAR, LOATHING AND THE WAY IT IS '72
1961-1964: George Smathers / Hubert Humphrey (Democratic)
1964-1964: Hubert Humphrey / Vacant (Democratic)
1964-1969: Hubert Humphrey / Albert Rossellini (Democratic)
1964: def - Nelson Rockefeller / Fred Schwengel (Republican)
1969-1973: Mark Hatfield / Jim Rhodes (Republican)
1968: def - Hubert Humphrey / Philip Hart (Democratic), Hubert Humphrey / Albert Rossellini (Democratic)
1973-1975: Mark Hatfield / Walter Cronkite (Republican)
1972: Mark Hatfield / Jim Rhodes (Republican), Birch Bayh / Walter Cronkite (Democratic), Walter Cronkite / Abraham Ribicoff (Rogue Electors')
1975-1975: Walter Cronkite / Vacant (Democratic)
1975-???: Walter Cronkite / Jesse Unruh (Democratic)
Oppo - Canadian Action
1968-1979: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)
1968 (Majority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), Tommy Douglas (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Ralliement créditiste)
1972 (Minority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1974 (Majority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1979-1980: Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative)
1979 (Minority): Pierre Trudeau (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1980-1984: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)
1980 (Majority): Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1984: John Turner (Liberal)
1984-1988: Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative)
1984 (Majority): John Turner (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
1988-1992: Jean Chrétien (Liberal) [1]
1988 (Majority): Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform) [2]
1992-2005: Kim Campbell (Progressive Conservative) [3]
1992 (Majority): Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Steve Langdon (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Mel Hurtig (National) [4]
1997 (Majority): John Nunziata (Liberal), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Preston Manning (Reform), Buzz Hargrove (New Democratic) [5]
2001 (Majority): John Nunziata (Liberal), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Jan Brown (Reform) [6]
2004-2009: André Bachand (Progressive Conservative) [7]
2005 (Minority): David Orchard (Canadian Action), Mark Eyking (Liberal), Jan Brown (Reform) [8]
2009-2019: Pat Martin (Canadian Action) [9]
2009 (Majority): André Bachand (Progressive Conservative), Jason Kenney (Reform), Bob Rae (Liberal) [10]
2014 (Minority): Dianne Watts (Progressive Conservative), Brian Tobin (Liberal), Candice Hoeppner (Reform) [11]
2019-Present: Dianne Watts (Progressive Conservative) [12]
2019 (Majority): Brian Tobin (Liberal), Pat Martin (Canadian Action), Candice Hoeppner (Reform) [13]
[1] Chrétien was really seen as being a great man elected at the wrong time. The recession of the early 1990s would be detrimental to his ministry, with some Liberals encouraging him to resign. He would call an early election in 1992, thinking his campaign skills would allow him to make a comeback. Unfortunately, it would be unsuccessful.
[2] 1988 has been seen as a battle between two of Canada's political titans, Chrétien (with Turner being removed in '86) and Mulroney. The Tories would start off with a lead, but the Liberals ran a clever campaign opposing Mulroney's free trade agreement. Ed Broadbent's NDP would have an impressive showing, but not earning as many seats as they hoped for. A new third party would enter the ring, the Reformists, reminiscent of the old SoCreds. The Liberals would return to the days of Trudeau, but that would ultimately not be.
[3] The "founder of the modern Tories", Kim Campbell has made a great influence on Candian politics, as the fifth longest serving Prime Minister. While at the time, Campbell was best known for the economic recovery and the Quebec independence referendum, her legacy is the Valentine's Day Attacks. Along with attacks on the U.S. Capital and the WTC, Canada would be hit when a plane crashed into First Canadian Place. Campbell's stirring unity speech with President Ann Richards has been seen as a shining moment in US-Canadian unity (after her time in 24 Sussex, she would also give the eulogy at Richard's funeral). Campbell would retire once the war effort was mostly finished, saying she would "hand the reigns to a new generation of citizens."
[4] Liberals had a sense of optimism about 1992 that seems bizarre in hindsight. The Conservatives would have a messy battle for their leadership, with Mulroney announcing he wouldn't retire at the last moment to take down Kim Campbell. It was already late, and Mulroney offended many by saying Campbell "would be more concerned with her Russian boyfriend than leading us to victory." However, Chrétien was shocked at his polling numbers declining. Voters turned to other left-wing parties, like the NDP, the CAP, or the Nationalists. Election Day came and went, and the Liberals were destroyed by the Tories. Not only that, but the NDP would almost take the position of Leader of the Opposition.
[5] 1997 was looking positive for the Tories, with Campbell very popular. Backbench "Rat Pack" MP John Nunziata would take the Liberal's leadership election as a centrist. The NDP would also get a new leader, CAW President Buzz Hargrove. Hargrove would prove to be a bad campaigner and unpopular with the establishment. This would cause Liberals and New Democrats to vote for the CAP. The Liberals would have a weak position as the opposition to the Tories. Like the Liberals and the NDP, the Reformists would have a weaker performance with a popular Tory government.
[6] Campbell would call a snap election following the Valentine's Day Attacks and the War in Afganistan to build up support for the "War on Terror." While the CAP claimed that Campbell was politizing terrorism, the vast majority of the nation disagreed. Plus, the Conservatives had given Canada a strong leader for the past nine years, why change a PM at a crisis? Campbell would score a large mandate.
[7] It would be difficult to follow Campbell's legacy, but that was the job of Bachand, a forty three year old Red Tory. The decision in the early days of the administration was if and when to have a snap election, which Bachand decided to do in mid-2005. Bachand had a smaller mandate than Campbell (having to work with moderate Reform MPs), which would foreshadow the rest of his ministry. An economic recession would lower the popularity of the Conservative administration, leaving Bachand without allies in parliament. Like the last young Red Tory PM, Bachand would lose another term.
[8] Orchard's last election as CAP leader would be a disappointment. Orchard was caught post-election ranting on the campaign, claiming that the Liberals split the vote, and that he would have won in a landslide. The Liberals were in third place, a result expected since 1992 finally occurring. Jan Brown would make an impressive showing for the Reform Party, but she would be removed for working with the Tories.
[9] Pat Martin would be a very controversial PM. While a fiery campaigner, Martin would spend his days in 24 Sussex with controversy after controversy surrounding him. Martin would often threaten news outlets who wrote articles critical of him with libel lawsuits, and was one to use profanity. This overshadowed his new governmental reforms, which hurt his approval ratings and in the polls.
[10] 2009 represented the low point in the Liberal Party's history, and the first non-PC PM in almost two decades. While the CAP started outed with a lead, the Tories made a slow comeback, but it was too little, too late.
[11] 2014 was a nail-biter for all parties, but especially the two major ones. Martin's string of gaffes was front and centre, but the public cared much less than expected. Replacing Bachand would be another British Columbian woman, Dianne Watts. Watts was more to the right of the party, but was generally popular with all factions. The Liberals would have a surprise, as Brian Tobin would make a sudden reappearance on the political scene. After Canadians went to the polls, the CAP would have a much smaller number of seats. Tobin's Liberals would make a comeback, coming back into third. Watts was very close to being able to form a government, but there was always another election. Both Watts and Martin had been encouraged by some to resign, but both stayed on.
[12] Time will only tell if Watts will be the second coming of Kim Campbell, or if she will fall flat in a new political landscape. The attention is on who will be the leader of the Liberals and the CAP.
[13] Like 2014, 2019 was a close race. Unlike 2014, Watts, Martin, or Tobin could become the PM. Martin was the safe bet for most of the campaign, but the poor economy hurt his reputation with swing voters. Polls went back and forth, with this being the most expensive campaign in Canadian history. Ultimately, Watts would take the PCs back to 24 Sussex. However, the other story was Tobin's even bigger surge, and the CAP's loss of many seats (Martin himself would lose re-election). Tobin had not just done his job to give the Liberals some urgent CPR, but ended up taking them back to second. He would resign, satisfied at his job.
1968 (Majority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), Tommy Douglas (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Ralliement créditiste)
1972 (Minority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1974 (Majority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1979-1980: Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative)
1979 (Minority): Pierre Trudeau (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1980-1984: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)
1980 (Majority): Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1984: John Turner (Liberal)
1984-1988: Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative)
1984 (Majority): John Turner (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
1988-1992: Jean Chrétien (Liberal) [1]
1988 (Majority): Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform) [2]
1992-2005: Kim Campbell (Progressive Conservative) [3]
1992 (Majority): Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Steve Langdon (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Mel Hurtig (National) [4]
1997 (Majority): John Nunziata (Liberal), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Preston Manning (Reform), Buzz Hargrove (New Democratic) [5]
2001 (Majority): John Nunziata (Liberal), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Jan Brown (Reform) [6]
2004-2009: André Bachand (Progressive Conservative) [7]
2005 (Minority): David Orchard (Canadian Action), Mark Eyking (Liberal), Jan Brown (Reform) [8]
2009-2019: Pat Martin (Canadian Action) [9]
2009 (Majority): André Bachand (Progressive Conservative), Jason Kenney (Reform), Bob Rae (Liberal) [10]
2014 (Minority): Dianne Watts (Progressive Conservative), Brian Tobin (Liberal), Candice Hoeppner (Reform) [11]
2019-Present: Dianne Watts (Progressive Conservative) [12]
2019 (Majority): Brian Tobin (Liberal), Pat Martin (Canadian Action), Candice Hoeppner (Reform) [13]
[1] Chrétien was really seen as being a great man elected at the wrong time. The recession of the early 1990s would be detrimental to his ministry, with some Liberals encouraging him to resign. He would call an early election in 1992, thinking his campaign skills would allow him to make a comeback. Unfortunately, it would be unsuccessful.
[2] 1988 has been seen as a battle between two of Canada's political titans, Chrétien (with Turner being removed in '86) and Mulroney. The Tories would start off with a lead, but the Liberals ran a clever campaign opposing Mulroney's free trade agreement. Ed Broadbent's NDP would have an impressive showing, but not earning as many seats as they hoped for. A new third party would enter the ring, the Reformists, reminiscent of the old SoCreds. The Liberals would return to the days of Trudeau, but that would ultimately not be.
[3] The "founder of the modern Tories", Kim Campbell has made a great influence on Candian politics, as the fifth longest serving Prime Minister. While at the time, Campbell was best known for the economic recovery and the Quebec independence referendum, her legacy is the Valentine's Day Attacks. Along with attacks on the U.S. Capital and the WTC, Canada would be hit when a plane crashed into First Canadian Place. Campbell's stirring unity speech with President Ann Richards has been seen as a shining moment in US-Canadian unity (after her time in 24 Sussex, she would also give the eulogy at Richard's funeral). Campbell would retire once the war effort was mostly finished, saying she would "hand the reigns to a new generation of citizens."
[4] Liberals had a sense of optimism about 1992 that seems bizarre in hindsight. The Conservatives would have a messy battle for their leadership, with Mulroney announcing he wouldn't retire at the last moment to take down Kim Campbell. It was already late, and Mulroney offended many by saying Campbell "would be more concerned with her Russian boyfriend than leading us to victory." However, Chrétien was shocked at his polling numbers declining. Voters turned to other left-wing parties, like the NDP, the CAP, or the Nationalists. Election Day came and went, and the Liberals were destroyed by the Tories. Not only that, but the NDP would almost take the position of Leader of the Opposition.
[5] 1997 was looking positive for the Tories, with Campbell very popular. Backbench "Rat Pack" MP John Nunziata would take the Liberal's leadership election as a centrist. The NDP would also get a new leader, CAW President Buzz Hargrove. Hargrove would prove to be a bad campaigner and unpopular with the establishment. This would cause Liberals and New Democrats to vote for the CAP. The Liberals would have a weak position as the opposition to the Tories. Like the Liberals and the NDP, the Reformists would have a weaker performance with a popular Tory government.
[6] Campbell would call a snap election following the Valentine's Day Attacks and the War in Afganistan to build up support for the "War on Terror." While the CAP claimed that Campbell was politizing terrorism, the vast majority of the nation disagreed. Plus, the Conservatives had given Canada a strong leader for the past nine years, why change a PM at a crisis? Campbell would score a large mandate.
[7] It would be difficult to follow Campbell's legacy, but that was the job of Bachand, a forty three year old Red Tory. The decision in the early days of the administration was if and when to have a snap election, which Bachand decided to do in mid-2005. Bachand had a smaller mandate than Campbell (having to work with moderate Reform MPs), which would foreshadow the rest of his ministry. An economic recession would lower the popularity of the Conservative administration, leaving Bachand without allies in parliament. Like the last young Red Tory PM, Bachand would lose another term.
[8] Orchard's last election as CAP leader would be a disappointment. Orchard was caught post-election ranting on the campaign, claiming that the Liberals split the vote, and that he would have won in a landslide. The Liberals were in third place, a result expected since 1992 finally occurring. Jan Brown would make an impressive showing for the Reform Party, but she would be removed for working with the Tories.
[9] Pat Martin would be a very controversial PM. While a fiery campaigner, Martin would spend his days in 24 Sussex with controversy after controversy surrounding him. Martin would often threaten news outlets who wrote articles critical of him with libel lawsuits, and was one to use profanity. This overshadowed his new governmental reforms, which hurt his approval ratings and in the polls.
[10] 2009 represented the low point in the Liberal Party's history, and the first non-PC PM in almost two decades. While the CAP started outed with a lead, the Tories made a slow comeback, but it was too little, too late.
[11] 2014 was a nail-biter for all parties, but especially the two major ones. Martin's string of gaffes was front and centre, but the public cared much less than expected. Replacing Bachand would be another British Columbian woman, Dianne Watts. Watts was more to the right of the party, but was generally popular with all factions. The Liberals would have a surprise, as Brian Tobin would make a sudden reappearance on the political scene. After Canadians went to the polls, the CAP would have a much smaller number of seats. Tobin's Liberals would make a comeback, coming back into third. Watts was very close to being able to form a government, but there was always another election. Both Watts and Martin had been encouraged by some to resign, but both stayed on.
[12] Time will only tell if Watts will be the second coming of Kim Campbell, or if she will fall flat in a new political landscape. The attention is on who will be the leader of the Liberals and the CAP.
[13] Like 2014, 2019 was a close race. Unlike 2014, Watts, Martin, or Tobin could become the PM. Martin was the safe bet for most of the campaign, but the poor economy hurt his reputation with swing voters. Polls went back and forth, with this being the most expensive campaign in Canadian history. Ultimately, Watts would take the PCs back to 24 Sussex. However, the other story was Tobin's even bigger surge, and the CAP's loss of many seats (Martin himself would lose re-election). Tobin had not just done his job to give the Liberals some urgent CPR, but ended up taking them back to second. He would resign, satisfied at his job.
So, um....
YAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAS
Timeline. Timeline now. (Yes, yes, I know "Jungleland," but still...) Great choices. Nice hat tip to @Emperor Norton I and "footnote history," I once ginned up a Hatfield-and-a-Democrat unity ticket (against Agnew and Wallace) but I like the sideways wink at @Drew, and Jesse Unruh is criminally underused. Niiiiiiice. Sorry Squeaky remembered how to shoot straight though, Saint Mark ended up presidentin' the hard way...
Mumby - austria pls
austria pls
2004-2010: Heinz Fischer (Social Democratic)
2004 def. Benito Ferrero-Waldner (People's)
2010-2016: Heinz Fischer (Independent)
2010 def. Barbara Rosenkranz (Freedom), Rudolf Gehring (Christian)
2016-2022: Alexander Van der Bellen (Independent Green)
2016 def. Norbert Hofer (Freedom), Irmgard Griss (Independent), Rudolf Hundstorfer (Social Democratic), Andreas Khol (People's), Richard Lugner (Independent)
2022-2028: Felix Baumgartner (Independent 'Freiheit Bewegung')
2022 def. Mirko Messner (Communist), Sebastian Kurz (Peoples'), Alexander Van der Bellen (Independent)
2004-2010: Heinz Fischer (Social Democratic)
2004 def. Benito Ferrero-Waldner (People's)
2010-2016: Heinz Fischer (Independent)
2010 def. Barbara Rosenkranz (Freedom), Rudolf Gehring (Christian)
2016-2022: Alexander Van der Bellen (Independent Green)
2016 def. Norbert Hofer (Freedom), Irmgard Griss (Independent), Rudolf Hundstorfer (Social Democratic), Andreas Khol (People's), Richard Lugner (Independent)
2022-2028: Felix Baumgartner (Independent 'Freiheit Bewegung')
2022 def. Mirko Messner (Communist), Sebastian Kurz (Peoples'), Alexander Van der Bellen (Independent)
Exitstencil - The American Spirit
THE AMERICAN SPIRIT
1974-1981: Gerald Ford / Nelson Rockefeller (Republican)
1976: Jimmy Carter / Walter Mondale (Democratic)
1981-1989: Morris Udall / Jim Sasser (Democratic)
1980: George W. Bush / Gerald Ford (Republican)
1984: Paul Laxalt / Robert Kasten, Jr. (Republican
1989-1992: Chuck Robb / John Conyers (Democratic)
1988: James B. Edwards / Pete Wilson (Republican)
1992-1993: John Conyers / Vacant (Democratic)
1993-2001: Bill Weld / George Deukmejian (Republican)
1992: Mario Cuomo / Brock Adams (Democratic), Thomas Sowell / John C. Whitehead (National Unity)
1996: Bill Bradley / John Breaux (Democratic)
2001-2005: George Deukmejian / Richard Vinroot (Republican)
2000: Bill Clinton / Chris Dodd (Democratic)
2005-2013: Bob Graham / Gary Locke (Democratic)
2004: George Deukmejian / Richard Vinroot (Republican), Lyndon LaRouche / Various (LaRouche Movement)
2008: Tommy Thompson / Jim Talent (Republican)
2013-2017: Gary Locke / Brian Schweitzer (Democratic)
2012: Jim Talent / Tim Pawlenty (Republican)
2017-???: Sherrod Brown / Deval Patrick (Democratic)
2016: Peter Pace / Sam Brownback (Republican), Rush Limbaugh / Andy Biggs (Independent)
I'm intrigued - any chance at footnotes? I'm curious as to what happened to Locke in 2016.
I'll put some footnotes up sometime soon. Just to satisfy your curiosity, Locke lost big in the primaries.
1807-1809: William Cavendish-Bentinck, 3rd Duke of Portland (Tory)
1807 def. William Grenville, 1st Baron Grenville (Whig)
1809-1809: Spencer Perceval (Tory)
1809-1836: Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson (Non-Partian / Military)
General elections 'temporarily' suspended, the country is ruled through an expanded and military dominated Privy Council
1836-1839: Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington (Non-Partisan / Military)
1839-1841: Queen Charlotte (Hanover, Personal Rule)
Parliament dissolved and Privy Council reappointed in preparation for transition to civilian rule
1841-0000: William Lovett (Workingmen's)
1841 def. Robert Peel (Radical-Whig), Charles Gordon-Lennox (Tory), Richard Oastler (Nelsonite)
1807 def. William Grenville, 1st Baron Grenville (Whig)
1809-1809: Spencer Perceval (Tory)
1809-1836: Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson (Non-Partian / Military)
General elections 'temporarily' suspended, the country is ruled through an expanded and military dominated Privy Council
1836-1839: Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington (Non-Partisan / Military)
1839-1841: Queen Charlotte (Hanover, Personal Rule)
Parliament dissolved and Privy Council reappointed in preparation for transition to civilian rule
1841-0000: William Lovett (Workingmen's)
1841 def. Robert Peel (Radical-Whig), Charles Gordon-Lennox (Tory), Richard Oastler (Nelsonite)
Exitstencil - THE HUNGER OF THE AMERICAN SOUL
THE HUNGER OF THE AMERICAN SOUL
Presidents of the United States of America (1969 - present)
1969 - 1973: Eugene J. McCarthy / Frank G. Clement (Democratic)
def. 1968: Richard M. Nixon / Spiro T. Agnew (Republican), George C. Wallace / Curtis E. LeMay (American Independent)
With a last minute plea to Senator George McGovern to stay off the ballot succeeding, the Anti-Humphrey vote at the 1968 DNC coalesced behind the controversial Senator from Minnesota, Eugene McCarthy. While McCarthy was an unconventional candidate, his support of the former Governor of Tennessee and charismatic populist was just as (if not more) strange. The Odd Couple, as they were referred to by the press, managed to take the White House thanks to supposed information of Nixon trying to stall Vietnam peace talks leaked to the press, the Peace movement and Clements' hypnotic speaking style.
President McCarthy, elected on an anti-war wave, made it the centerpiece of his agenda, and after many talks lasting til' the wee hours of the morning, he was proud to announce the conclusion of the Vietnam War by late 1969. While technically a few advisors remained, the boots on the ground were long gone, and that was enough for the American people.
President McCarthy then moved to an even larger task - a transformative domestic agenda. While he managed to achieve an expansion in Social Security and garnered collective bargaining rights for farmers, Southern Democrats made his life a living hell by trying to block his federal aid increase for Education by forcing his hand on busing - McCarthy wouldn't budge, and by the time a compromise was reached, it was too late.
As 1972 came around, McCarthy was still confident of reelection. While this could be ascribed to his own arrogance, the economy was doing fine, his domestic programs sorta were implemented, and, hey, he ended Vietnam. On the Republican side of the aisle, Governor Dan Evans of Washington took it upon himself to represent the liberal wing of the party, garnering the tacit endorsement of Nelson Rockefeller himself. However, Evans would be challenged by the Conservative just a bit to the South. The Governor of California, the myth, the legend, Ron Reagan.
The charming and handsome Reagan would frequently lock horns with the less well-endowed Evans, battling over everything from foreign policy to nature conservation. While Evans would surprisingly prove to be a strong candidate, the nomination was already in Reagan's corner from the time he announced his run.
While McCarthy faced no real threat in the primaries, he was intensely bothered by another power player in the party - His own Vice President. Personally, he had been chafing under Clements' larger-than-life personality ever since he took office. He was President, so why wasn't he getting the love of the people? Despite the voices of reason in his inner circle demanding he keep Clements' on board, McCarthy had already made his mind up. Ironically, he picked a candidate that was just as showy, selecting freshman Senator John Glenn, the former astronaut himself. Although he had only served since 1970, McCarthy had "the utmost faith in his skill and the wherewithal he has needed for this post."
As the conventions wrapped up, McCarthy was technically had the odds in his favor, but seemed to systematically make the wrong choice at every option given. Reagan was cool and calm, where as McCarthy seemed increasingly erratic and off-kilter in his speeches, going on long-winded anecdotes in the middle of stump speeches. McCarthy kept on with gumption but as the polls suddenly gave Reagan the lead just three weeks before Election Day, the campaign was ground to a halt.
Glenn, despite his background, was no Frank Clements', and without that key speaker to fight against Reagan's all-out war on the charm factor, McCarthy was simply left blowing in the wind.
1973-1976: Ronald W. Reagan / William T. Cahill (Republican)
def. 1972: Eugene J. McCarthy / John H. Glenn (Democratic), Walter J. Matthau / Jack U. Lemmon (Rogue Elector)
Reagan's presidency was... divisive, to say the very least. While he narrowly won the General Election, Congress was still firmly in Democratic hands, and they were dead-set on blocking anything that so much has had his vague attachment to it.
His attempts to stop inner-city busing? Stopped. Cahill's pet project for budget decreases on Social Security? Death by Committee. The only major piece of his platform he managed to get through was purely Executive, and, well, it blew up in Ronnie's face.
Since '68, Reagan had been a strong advocate for taking the dollar off of the gold standard, favoring a "free-floating" currency that had more fluidity in the markets in comparison to the strict management of the Bretton Woods System. However, this lead to uncertainty among traders and investors, and on Valentine's Day, 1974, stocks plunged nationwide. Reagan initially tried to remedy this with some more of his sunny optimism and supply-side economics, but the Democratic House would have none of it. Each side slandered each other with names unfit for print in response, with both hoping the blame for the crisis fell to the other. And, in bad news for the G.O.P., the buck stopped with Reagan.
For the Democrats, the hot new craze was all about "Reubin the Good." The young Governor of Florida wasn't too handsome and couldn't be said to be too charismatic, but goddamn if he didn't do his job well. While Reubin seemed set for a drawn-out battle with McCarthyite Mike Gravel and Establishmentarian Robert Straub, Gravel ended up refusing to run and Straub underperformed spectacularly in the New Hampshire Primary. Nay, his foe would be Senator John Tunney, a young progressive who fancied himself the heir to John Kennedy's mantle. While the battle would be prolonged, with Tunney calling Askew a "half-baked hick," and the normally mild-mannered Governor famously referring to Tunney as a "suntanned prick, who frankly can kiss my ass," the Floridian would take the nomination, thanks to Tunney's alienation from the party bosses who still held significant sway in the party.
Reagan found an easy path to renomination, and him and Cahill were raring to get back to what they were best at: campaigning. Running on a slogan of "Renewal in America," the two men gave a surprisingly active campaign from an incumbent President, sparing no expenses in a nationwide tour. Askew himself would be seen less frequently, preferring to stay governing back home to make himself look like "Presidential material." However, he did have a huge amount of Grade A surrogates in his stead, and they wasted no time in getting the message out there. Reagan was increasingly overwhelmed with the duties on the campaign trail, and had to take numerous breaks from the arduous trek across the nation he was on. Images of Reagan pale and weak flooded the pages of Time and the Washington Post, and despite his own assurances that he was fine, the public didn't buy it.
1976-1977: William T. Cahill / Vacant (Republican)
While most experts would hand Askew's victory due to the recession that was a-ragin', the talk of the day was about the health of President Reagan, what was he hiding, and all sorts of political intrigue. However, America was still shocked when Reagan died before the transition of power could take place. Ironically, Reagan, who was ill at the time with a severe case of the flu, would die from a fall down a flight of stairs in the White House, cracking open his own skull. While the nation mourned, William Cahill took power with the pure intention of serving as a placeholder, the Presidential equivalent of wallpaper.
Despite some famous' addresses to the public about "national unity" and "the nature of power," Cahill served his function well. On January 20th, when he handed over the reigns to Askew, he was more than glad to retire to the Jersey beaches he grew up with, soaking up the sun for his golden years.
1977 - ???: Reubin O. Askew / Claiborne B. Pell (Democratic)
def. 1976: Ronald W. Reagan / William T. Cahill (Republican)
Taking office with a powerful mandate only to be undercut by the man he defeated dying, President Askew hopes he can serve as the glue to unite the frayed nation in these trying times. With Congress at his back, Askew is set on ending this recession, solving the cultural division between the left and right, and bring America together, no matter the cost....
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Spens1 - Australia as Multi-Party System
Australia as Multi-Party System:
aka a whole lot of begrudgingly dealing with each other so the other lot don't win. Also butterfly's, many many butterfly's (and a whole lot of ASB probably). As mentioned below, it essentially begins with a defection which makes it a three party system. The rest of the cards only begin to fall a lot later on, however the tension builds for quiet some time.
1983-1991: Bob Hawke (Labor) [1]
1991-1996: Paul Keating (Democrat) [2]
1996-2004: John Howard (Liberal) [3]
2004-2007: Kim Beasley (Labor) [4]
2007-2010: Kevin Rudd (Labor) [5] – Minority Government (Supply and Confidence with Greens)
2010-2011: Julia Gillard (Labor) [5] – Minority Government (Supply and Confidence with Greens)
2011-2015: Peter Costello (Democrat) [6]
2015-: Malcolm Turnbull (Democrat)
Parties:
Right-Wing Coalition:
Liberal-National Party (aka The Coalition) (Centre-Right to Right):
One of the two major parties within the Labor Party. The coalition has existed for almost 100 years (beginning in 1923). This Coalition right now is tenuous, with regional based National MP’s clashing with city based MP’s on many issues.
Conservative Party (Right Wing):
This party would form in 2013 after Tony Abbott was ousted as leader of the Liberal-National Party by Julie Bishop. Dissatisfied by the direction the party was heading, he, along with those loyal to him and those who were from the conservative faction would leave the Coalition to form their own party. The party would absorb the Liberal Democrat Party along with other minor conservative parties (such as Family First) and are now the second largest right-wing party in Australia.
One Nation (Right to Far Right):
The party, originally started by Pauline Hanson, would be a fairly minor party until the recent surge of populism around the world. They now enjoy relatively high support for one of the more minor parties (around 6-8%) and have been a force in regional areas.
Left-Wing Coalition:
Labor Party (Centre-Left to Centre):
The other of the two traditional Powerhouses, they have also had the left wing of the party leave for the Progressive Party. This would push them towards the centre. However, they remain relatively progressive socially (pushing for marriage equality, equal pay) as well as socially moderate. Due to their push toward the centre, they have lost some support to the Progressive Party in inner city areas.
Progressive Party (Left to Centre-Left):
This is one of the two parties that would form after the Green Party split into two separate party’s. They are a broad based party much like the major party’s. Since the split, they have garnered reasonable popularity, particuarly within the inner city areas of the major captal city’s. The party is made up of the moderate and right-wing of the former Green’s (Left) and left-wing of the Labor Party.
Environmental Party (Left to Far Left):
As the name suggests, they are a party whose main concerns are with the environment. They are however also focused on other issues, they are a broad-based party that is the furthest left out of all the major parties within the Australian electoral system. They were formed after the split of the Green’s Party, with the ‘old green’s’ splitting and forming the party along with the NSW Greens. They enjoy large support in areas of Northern Tasmania and moderate support elsewhere.
Moderate/Cross Bench:
Australian Democrats (Centre):
Often the king makers within this crazy new world in Australian politics for the other two traditional powerhouses. The party gained prominence in the 1980’s when Paul Keating left the Labor Party after disagreements with leader Bob Hawke, he would ascend immediately to a high position in the party and would become leader in 1988 (as promised), with many from the right of Labor and left of LNP would join the party, feeling alienated with their respective parties. The Keating term would be tumultuous however as Australia would be faced with a recession, with Keating becoming a 1 term PM. They would become a background party for the rest of the 90’s and into the 2000’s, only regaining power in 2011 (after high dissatisfaction with the two major coalitions and infighting amongst both factions). The Prime Minister at the time Peter Costello would resign from politics in 2015, allowing Turnbull to become the new PM (winning his own mandate in 2017).
Footnotes:
[1] Would go down as one of the most popular prime minister's in modern history. However his time towards the end was marred by infighting and defection to the democrats (most notably his likely successor Paul Keating). Many thought he was losing his touch and some even questioned his mental stability.
[2] Keating's ascension to the Prime Ministership would be a tumultuous one. He would win majority government outright, partially due to his own popularity, partially do to effective campaigning (including tv, radio and newspaper interview's). On the first week of parliamentary sitting, former PM Bob Hawke would jump up and start screaming at Keating and deliver a line that would live on in Australian parliamentary folklore: "You're a Bastard Keating, A Traitor and a Bastard". His term in office would be like his first week, rough. A recession, interest rates reaching almost 20% and general economic uncertainty would mar his term. The only reason he was re-elected was, as noted by several political commentators, the lack of 'any better alternative' (as Labor and Liberal parties would chose new leaders and run ineffective campaigns). His second term in office would be slightly better with a recovering economy and the country realigning their interests towards Asia, however many thought the damage had been done.
[3] John Howard would regain the Liberal Party Leadership after Hewson lost to Keating (an election many felt they should have won) and was aggressive in his campaigning. He was rewarded for his efforts and the conservative politician would remain leader for 8 years. The Liberal Party would look to trade more with its traditional trading partners such as the U.S. and U.K. He himself however was not a popular man, he would introduce measures such as the GST in 1998 that would be deeply unpopular. He would win re-election in 2000, only just though, requiring a deal with the Democrats (who would withdraw their support after the Tampa incident). After the Tampa scandal and taking Australia into Iraq and Afghanistan (both which would see his approval rating sit at 22% by 2004), he would lose not only the election, but only retain his seat by 126 votes (eventually losing his seat in 2007).
[4] Having taken over the party leadership in 1995 from Brian Howe after Howe's resignation, Beasley would lead the party to two election defeats (missing out on the Prime Ministership narrowly in 2000). Beasley's term would see the withdrawal of troops from the Middle East and Afghanistan, along with continuing the re-allignment of trade towards Asia (in particular, China, Japan and India) and E.U moreso than the U.K. and U.S. He would step down from the position after his one term, wanting to spend more time with his family and other interests. Despite serving only one term, he would leave office with a high approval rating (62%) for withdrawing troops and keeping the economy booming throughout the period.
[5] The infamous Rudd-Gillard era. This period would be marred with political infighting amongst the Labor Party. Rudd would start off as a popular leader, leading Australia through the GFC relatively unscathed, however it would begin to unravel. Constant travelling and tape of him verbally abusing an airline hostess would prove the final straw, with the party deciding to side with Gillard during a leadership spill (which would lead to the very public defection of Wayne Swann and Kevin Rudd). Her time would be short however, as she would try (and fail) to introduce a carbon tax and also be marred by political infighting.
[6] After 15 years, the Democrats, this time under Peter Costello would becoming the governing party of Australia. Comfortably beating the Liberal (led by Tony Abbott) and Labor (led by then PM Julia Gillard). This would also be the first time the Green's Party would gain over 10% of the primary vote (10.2%), with Labor haemorrhaging votes to the party. Whilst their would be factional infighting in both traditional powerhouse parties (Labor's left and right, as well as the moderate and conservative factions of the liberal's), the Democrats would be the only stable force at the time. Costello (himself defecting to the Democrat's in 1998 after disagreements over the introduction of the GST) and his cabinet (including the controversial appointments of Swann as Finance Minister and Rudd as Foreign Minister) would go about introducing a number of sweeping reforms and projects to diversify the economy. Many infrastructure projects would be approved, in an attempt to bolster growth (with the end of the mining boom), most notably, a national high speed rail network and a fully fibre optic National BroadBand Network (with the system expected to be amongst the fastest in the world). These projects would be approved by parliament (with Moderate, Labor, Green and moderate Liberal support). A major social reform would be the introduction of same-sex marriage in 2013, with overwhelming majority approval (with only conservative members of the liberal party and other right to far-right wing parties disapproving).
[7] The Liberal party by 2012 would be rife with infighting. Their were major fundamental disagreements within the party, with the conservative faction disapproving of the introduction of the NBN, high speed network's as well as some of those member's being against same-sex marriage (with Leader Tony Abbott stating he believed 'marriage is an institution between man and woman'). Moderate members would vote in approval of these issues, against the wishes of their leader. Things would come to a head when Julie Bishop would challenge Tony Abbott for the leadership of the party in 2013. She would win the spill and Tony Abbott, along with the right of the Liberal Party and supporters of him, would leave and form the Conservative Party. They would absorb both the Liberal Democratic Party and Family First parties, positioning themselves as "the only true, conservative, right-wing party in Australia who will stand up for our morals and values". Their views would be classified as Conservatism with a hard C (as opposed to the Liberal's conservatism with a soft C) by political commentators, with the party being both fiscally conservative and socially conservative. In the 2014 election, they would garner 12% of the popular vote, becoming the 2nd largest right wing party and 4th largest party in an increasingly multi-party system.
[8] After Bob Brown resigned as leader of the Green's, two factions emerged. The Old Green's (those primarily concerned with environmental issues) and the New Green's (Those who are concerned by all issues, however are more pragmatic than their far left counterparts). Tensions would simmer on for years until before the 2014 election, Richard Di Natale would become leader and would try to make the party more broad based. By the end of 2015, both factions couldn't agree on anything and decided that they would split into two new parties.
The Progressive Party, led by Richard Di Natale and the Environmental Party, led by Lee Rhiannon. The Progressive Party would see members from the Labor Left join almost immediately (feeling alienated by Labor under Shorten, who pushed the party to the Centre), providing an instant boost to the parties fortunes. The Environmental Party would receive support from the former NSW Green's and Tasmanian Greens, with both factions agreeing to join the Environmental Party.
In 2017, The Progressive Party would receive 12% of the vote (mostly from former Labor voters and young voters), winning each of the 5 capital cities inner city seats (with both Tanya Plibersek and Kate Ellis defecting to the party in 2015). The Environmental Party would gain 5% of the vote nationally and pick up 2 seats in Tasmania.
[9] With populism rising across the world, Pauline Hanson would take over the party again and run in the 2017 federal election. The party would fair well, but would underperform, gaining 8% of the national vote (well below the 12% expected) and would fail to pick up a seat in parliament (however Hanson herself would become a senator along with 2 other party members).
aka a whole lot of begrudgingly dealing with each other so the other lot don't win. Also butterfly's, many many butterfly's (and a whole lot of ASB probably). As mentioned below, it essentially begins with a defection which makes it a three party system. The rest of the cards only begin to fall a lot later on, however the tension builds for quiet some time.
1983-1991: Bob Hawke (Labor) [1]
1983 Def: Malcolm Fraser (Liberal)
1986 Def: Andrew Peacock (Liberal)
1988 Def: John Howard (Liberal); Paul Keating (Democrat)
1991-1996: Paul Keating (Democrat) [2]
1991 Def: Bob Hawke (Labor); John Howard (Liberal)
1993 Def: John Hewson (Liberal); Brian Howe (Labor)
1996-2004: John Howard (Liberal) [3]
1996 Def: Kim Beasley (Labor); Paul Keating (Democrat)
2000 Def: Kim Beasley (Labor); Natasha Stott Despoja (Democrat)
2004-2007: Kim Beasley (Labor) [4]
2004 Def: John Howard (Liberal); Peter Costello (Democrat)
2007-2010: Kevin Rudd (Labor) [5] – Minority Government (Supply and Confidence with Greens)
2007 Def: John Howard (Liberal); Peter Costello (Democrat)
2010-2011: Julia Gillard (Labor) [5] – Minority Government (Supply and Confidence with Greens)
2011-2015: Peter Costello (Democrat) [6]
2011 Def: Tony Abbott (Liberal); Julia Gillard (Labor); Bob Brown (Greens)
2014 Def: Julie Bishop (Liberal); Bill Shorton (Labor); Tony Abbott (Conservative) [7]; Richard Di Natale (Greens)
2015-: Malcolm Turnbull (Democrat)
2017 Def: Julie Bishop (Liberal); Anthony Albanese (Labor); Richard Di Natale (Progressive) [8]; Tony Abbott (Conseravtive); Pauline Hanson (One Nation) [9]; Lee Rhiannon (Environmental) [8]
Parties:
Right-Wing Coalition:
Liberal-National Party (aka The Coalition) (Centre-Right to Right):
One of the two major parties within the Labor Party. The coalition has existed for almost 100 years (beginning in 1923). This Coalition right now is tenuous, with regional based National MP’s clashing with city based MP’s on many issues.
Conservative Party (Right Wing):
This party would form in 2013 after Tony Abbott was ousted as leader of the Liberal-National Party by Julie Bishop. Dissatisfied by the direction the party was heading, he, along with those loyal to him and those who were from the conservative faction would leave the Coalition to form their own party. The party would absorb the Liberal Democrat Party along with other minor conservative parties (such as Family First) and are now the second largest right-wing party in Australia.
One Nation (Right to Far Right):
The party, originally started by Pauline Hanson, would be a fairly minor party until the recent surge of populism around the world. They now enjoy relatively high support for one of the more minor parties (around 6-8%) and have been a force in regional areas.
Left-Wing Coalition:
Labor Party (Centre-Left to Centre):
The other of the two traditional Powerhouses, they have also had the left wing of the party leave for the Progressive Party. This would push them towards the centre. However, they remain relatively progressive socially (pushing for marriage equality, equal pay) as well as socially moderate. Due to their push toward the centre, they have lost some support to the Progressive Party in inner city areas.
Progressive Party (Left to Centre-Left):
This is one of the two parties that would form after the Green Party split into two separate party’s. They are a broad based party much like the major party’s. Since the split, they have garnered reasonable popularity, particuarly within the inner city areas of the major captal city’s. The party is made up of the moderate and right-wing of the former Green’s (Left) and left-wing of the Labor Party.
Environmental Party (Left to Far Left):
As the name suggests, they are a party whose main concerns are with the environment. They are however also focused on other issues, they are a broad-based party that is the furthest left out of all the major parties within the Australian electoral system. They were formed after the split of the Green’s Party, with the ‘old green’s’ splitting and forming the party along with the NSW Greens. They enjoy large support in areas of Northern Tasmania and moderate support elsewhere.
Moderate/Cross Bench:
Australian Democrats (Centre):
Often the king makers within this crazy new world in Australian politics for the other two traditional powerhouses. The party gained prominence in the 1980’s when Paul Keating left the Labor Party after disagreements with leader Bob Hawke, he would ascend immediately to a high position in the party and would become leader in 1988 (as promised), with many from the right of Labor and left of LNP would join the party, feeling alienated with their respective parties. The Keating term would be tumultuous however as Australia would be faced with a recession, with Keating becoming a 1 term PM. They would become a background party for the rest of the 90’s and into the 2000’s, only regaining power in 2011 (after high dissatisfaction with the two major coalitions and infighting amongst both factions). The Prime Minister at the time Peter Costello would resign from politics in 2015, allowing Turnbull to become the new PM (winning his own mandate in 2017).
Footnotes:
[1] Would go down as one of the most popular prime minister's in modern history. However his time towards the end was marred by infighting and defection to the democrats (most notably his likely successor Paul Keating). Many thought he was losing his touch and some even questioned his mental stability.
[2] Keating's ascension to the Prime Ministership would be a tumultuous one. He would win majority government outright, partially due to his own popularity, partially do to effective campaigning (including tv, radio and newspaper interview's). On the first week of parliamentary sitting, former PM Bob Hawke would jump up and start screaming at Keating and deliver a line that would live on in Australian parliamentary folklore: "You're a Bastard Keating, A Traitor and a Bastard". His term in office would be like his first week, rough. A recession, interest rates reaching almost 20% and general economic uncertainty would mar his term. The only reason he was re-elected was, as noted by several political commentators, the lack of 'any better alternative' (as Labor and Liberal parties would chose new leaders and run ineffective campaigns). His second term in office would be slightly better with a recovering economy and the country realigning their interests towards Asia, however many thought the damage had been done.
[3] John Howard would regain the Liberal Party Leadership after Hewson lost to Keating (an election many felt they should have won) and was aggressive in his campaigning. He was rewarded for his efforts and the conservative politician would remain leader for 8 years. The Liberal Party would look to trade more with its traditional trading partners such as the U.S. and U.K. He himself however was not a popular man, he would introduce measures such as the GST in 1998 that would be deeply unpopular. He would win re-election in 2000, only just though, requiring a deal with the Democrats (who would withdraw their support after the Tampa incident). After the Tampa scandal and taking Australia into Iraq and Afghanistan (both which would see his approval rating sit at 22% by 2004), he would lose not only the election, but only retain his seat by 126 votes (eventually losing his seat in 2007).
[4] Having taken over the party leadership in 1995 from Brian Howe after Howe's resignation, Beasley would lead the party to two election defeats (missing out on the Prime Ministership narrowly in 2000). Beasley's term would see the withdrawal of troops from the Middle East and Afghanistan, along with continuing the re-allignment of trade towards Asia (in particular, China, Japan and India) and E.U moreso than the U.K. and U.S. He would step down from the position after his one term, wanting to spend more time with his family and other interests. Despite serving only one term, he would leave office with a high approval rating (62%) for withdrawing troops and keeping the economy booming throughout the period.
[5] The infamous Rudd-Gillard era. This period would be marred with political infighting amongst the Labor Party. Rudd would start off as a popular leader, leading Australia through the GFC relatively unscathed, however it would begin to unravel. Constant travelling and tape of him verbally abusing an airline hostess would prove the final straw, with the party deciding to side with Gillard during a leadership spill (which would lead to the very public defection of Wayne Swann and Kevin Rudd). Her time would be short however, as she would try (and fail) to introduce a carbon tax and also be marred by political infighting.
[6] After 15 years, the Democrats, this time under Peter Costello would becoming the governing party of Australia. Comfortably beating the Liberal (led by Tony Abbott) and Labor (led by then PM Julia Gillard). This would also be the first time the Green's Party would gain over 10% of the primary vote (10.2%), with Labor haemorrhaging votes to the party. Whilst their would be factional infighting in both traditional powerhouse parties (Labor's left and right, as well as the moderate and conservative factions of the liberal's), the Democrats would be the only stable force at the time. Costello (himself defecting to the Democrat's in 1998 after disagreements over the introduction of the GST) and his cabinet (including the controversial appointments of Swann as Finance Minister and Rudd as Foreign Minister) would go about introducing a number of sweeping reforms and projects to diversify the economy. Many infrastructure projects would be approved, in an attempt to bolster growth (with the end of the mining boom), most notably, a national high speed rail network and a fully fibre optic National BroadBand Network (with the system expected to be amongst the fastest in the world). These projects would be approved by parliament (with Moderate, Labor, Green and moderate Liberal support). A major social reform would be the introduction of same-sex marriage in 2013, with overwhelming majority approval (with only conservative members of the liberal party and other right to far-right wing parties disapproving).
[7] The Liberal party by 2012 would be rife with infighting. Their were major fundamental disagreements within the party, with the conservative faction disapproving of the introduction of the NBN, high speed network's as well as some of those member's being against same-sex marriage (with Leader Tony Abbott stating he believed 'marriage is an institution between man and woman'). Moderate members would vote in approval of these issues, against the wishes of their leader. Things would come to a head when Julie Bishop would challenge Tony Abbott for the leadership of the party in 2013. She would win the spill and Tony Abbott, along with the right of the Liberal Party and supporters of him, would leave and form the Conservative Party. They would absorb both the Liberal Democratic Party and Family First parties, positioning themselves as "the only true, conservative, right-wing party in Australia who will stand up for our morals and values". Their views would be classified as Conservatism with a hard C (as opposed to the Liberal's conservatism with a soft C) by political commentators, with the party being both fiscally conservative and socially conservative. In the 2014 election, they would garner 12% of the popular vote, becoming the 2nd largest right wing party and 4th largest party in an increasingly multi-party system.
[8] After Bob Brown resigned as leader of the Green's, two factions emerged. The Old Green's (those primarily concerned with environmental issues) and the New Green's (Those who are concerned by all issues, however are more pragmatic than their far left counterparts). Tensions would simmer on for years until before the 2014 election, Richard Di Natale would become leader and would try to make the party more broad based. By the end of 2015, both factions couldn't agree on anything and decided that they would split into two new parties.
The Progressive Party, led by Richard Di Natale and the Environmental Party, led by Lee Rhiannon. The Progressive Party would see members from the Labor Left join almost immediately (feeling alienated by Labor under Shorten, who pushed the party to the Centre), providing an instant boost to the parties fortunes. The Environmental Party would receive support from the former NSW Green's and Tasmanian Greens, with both factions agreeing to join the Environmental Party.
In 2017, The Progressive Party would receive 12% of the vote (mostly from former Labor voters and young voters), winning each of the 5 capital cities inner city seats (with both Tanya Plibersek and Kate Ellis defecting to the party in 2015). The Environmental Party would gain 5% of the vote nationally and pick up 2 seats in Tasmania.
[9] With populism rising across the world, Pauline Hanson would take over the party again and run in the 2017 federal election. The party would fair well, but would underperform, gaining 8% of the national vote (well below the 12% expected) and would fail to pick up a seat in parliament (however Hanson herself would become a senator along with 2 other party members).
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Cevolian - Finished When He Quits
Finished When He Quits
"A man is not finished when he's defeated, he's finished when he quits."
"A man is not finished when he's defeated, he's finished when he quits."
1969-1973: Richard Nixon/Spiro Agnew (Republican)
1968 def - Hubert Humphrey/Edmund Muskie (Democratic), George Wallace/Curtis LeMay (American Independent Party)
1972 def - George McGovern/Sargent Shriver (Democratic)
1973-1977: Richard Nixon/Gerald Ford (Repblican)
When Richard Nixon sought to replace the scandalous Spiro Agnew with Gerald Ford, most knew he wasn't unlikely to last long as Vice President. External commentators recognised that he only has the last four years of the Nixon Presidency to serve, whilst figures inside the administration saw Ford as little more than a placeholder. In fact, Nixon had much wider plans, and with the so-called "Watergate Hotel Scandal" turning out to be nothing (and any investigation was abandoned after Bob Woodward's unfortunate death in a car accident), began the process of campaigning to repeal the 22nd amendment. In the end it was only repealed narrowly, with the 28th amendment passing with the exact number of states required. The popular President, who had won peace with honour in Vietnam and seemed the most deft hand to deal with the nation's economic woes could now seek a third term. The nation, however, was shocked when President Nixon announced that he would seek to form a third party to run for President and hoped to have former Democrat John Connally as his running mate...
1977-1981: Richard Nixon/John Connally (National Majority)
1976 def - Mo Udall/Frank Church (Democratic), Ronald Reagan/Nelson Rockefeller (Republican)
Despite the divided conservative vote, Nixon and Connally would win in 1976 and whilst not as big a win as in 1972, they entered the White House comfortably with a mandate to govern. It was from there that things went downhill; although the Republicans had been defeated with their "party unity" ticket in the Presidential election, they had kept most of their Senate and House seats, with Nixon's National Majority Party picking up just six seats in the Senate (though many from both other parties were willing to pass some of his reforms). Throughout Nixon's third term the Democrats and Republicans would have a majority together, and form 1979, the Dmeocrats alone would have a majority in both houses. With little he could do domestically, and with most of his work "already done" in foreign affairs, Nixon spent his last two years in office as a lame duck, even as he worked with the USA's Cold War rivals to pass the "Strategic Military Armaments Reduction Treaty" (SMART) in 1978. With Stagflation still gripping the country and more and more scandals leaked to the press, Nixon declined to run in 1980 and, after a brief challenge from John Anderson, Vice President Connally secured the nomination easily.
1981-1989: Birch E. Bayh/Dolph Briscoe (Democratic)
1980 def - John Connally/John Anderson (National Majority), Donald Rumsfeld/Alexander Haig (Republican)
1984 def - Jack Kemp/Elliot Richardson (National Republican)
1980 saw strident Nixon critic, constitutional amendment author, and electoral reform advocate Birch Bayh elected to the Presidency in a narrow victory he himself saw as reason enough for electoral reform (which was narrowly passed, alongside the re-instatement of the 22nd amendment, in 1982). Bayh governed from the left, enacting liberal policies which inspired a new generation of left-wing activists with hope after the dark days of the Nixon administration and brought the country "into the light of the modern day". Surprisingly, Bayh continued Nixon's efforts to lessen Cold War tensions, signing SMART II in 1983 and then signing the "Mutual Military Reduction Treaty" in 1984 which saw Germany demilitarised. The quiet death of the Cold War was immensely popular, and saw Bayh re-elected on a andslide against the newly united National Republican Party in 1984.
In Bayh's second term, the rifts within the Democratic Party became clearer, and with the Electoral College scrapped, many even called for the setting up of a new left-wing party. This did not happen (in part because Bayh was able to negotiate that Ted Kennedy would be cornoated in 1988 (after a strong showing as a challenger in the 1984 primary) in return for Dolph Briscoe being handed a free Senate run in 1988, and if he lost it the State Department. With the National Republicans sweeping the 1986 mid-terms there was little that Bayh could do which was as radical as the actions of his first term, though work towards expanding healthcare (already done under Medicaid II in 1985) was completed with widespread approval. A controversial bill on Universal Basic Income drafted under Nixon narrowly saw defeat in the Senate despite widespread support on both sides of the aisle, and wouldbe in the Party Platform for the Democrats in 1988. However, as the 1988 election rolled around, economic recovery seemed to have slowed despite early success form Bayh's stimulus packages - the National Republicans with their promise of widespread fiscal responsibility and reform won a slim margin of victory, and Edward Kennedy, despite a hard fought campaign, found himself locked out in the cold...
1989-0000: Charles Percy/Lloyd Bentsen (National Republican)
1988 def - Ted Kennedy/Jerry Brown (Democratic)
The story of Charles Percy and Lloyd Bentsen is truly that of the National Republican Party. A centrist Republican, Percy had been an early defector to the National Majority Party, and was the party's Senate leader from 1976-1988, whilst also having had a long and illustrious career on the Sebate Foreign Affairs Committee. Bentsen, a Conservative Democrat, represented the other wing of the National Majority Party; disaffected southern conservative democrats with no home in an increasingly left-wing party. When the two secured the nomination in 1988, it had become clear that the "National Majority" party was truly in control of the "New GOP", and that old-school Republicans had been largely phased out. Now entering office, the two seem set to once again enforce the will of the "Silent Majority" of Americans.
You go from strength to strength. Love the little footnote touch of Rush running in '16 because the GOP are too moderate for his taste after the tilt to Weld in the Nineties (let's hear it for the last of the liberal Republicans! Of course Weld was also a pretty heavy drinker in those days perhaps that's been butterflied.) I met Jim Sasser as a boy in the late Seventies, kudos for getting him in. My only question mark is Graham: I like the guy even though he's to my right, but I don't know that even wanting someone with gravitas and those national security credentials (if he has them ITTL) that Graham fights his way to the top of the pack. But I too want to know about Locke and even more so about Conyers so footnotes or nah
PS: also met Sherrod Brown when I was even younger and he was, like, twelve or something and just getting started in the Ohio lege.
PPS: UDALL! UDALL! UDALL! My first ever primaries crush.
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You are on a roll lately. And I'm a sucker for an Askew-as-Carter-substitute list, he'd have been a much better pick. (Sidebar: Askew was such a Presbyterian Boy Scout he didn't swear at least in public or where it would get back to the public. It would be annoying if he wasn't such a decent human being.) I like pulling Cahill and Pell up from obscurity (wonder if Weyrich or Viguerie will go after some of the rumors about Pell being closeted ITTL to undercut Askew's authentically squeaky clean image. And Reubin was charismatic in his way -- he was a *gifted* trial attorney when he was younger, in commercials especially he knew how to sway a "jury". My father's best friend, who was first a reporter and then as a successful businessman a player in Florida Democratic politics, liked Askew as well as anyone he ever met. Chiles and Buddy McKay were more fun, he said, but Reubin you could trust implicitly.) Wonder where the New Right will go from here as they try to martyrize Ronnie despite TTL's "Reagan Shock". I will say Askew stands a better chance of getting re elected because he understood pocketbook issues better than Carter. But who knows. I still think you need to go write the Hatfield-Cronkite timeline.
ETA: I'm just glad we survived that narcissistic wrecker McCarthy without crippling the party.
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