Let Us Have Peace

Surprised that Pendleton would not be damaged goods from 1864. If it is him in the top ticket, he would need a war democrat as his VP. Wade on the republican ticket would most likely push the war democrats back into the normal democratic fold, and an added bonus would be soldiers who would hate grant.

So, maybe McClearnard. Hancock is on the outs as well. Hell, even John a Logan and William Rosecrans are possible.
 
“That would be nice. Thank you.” He accepted the menu, glanced at it and was pleased to see that they offered Old Crow, which he promptly ordered. Julia, Caroline and Wade asked for a red Californian wine which had just come in, and as the waiter sped away, Grant glanced at the menu.
Was Californian wine being shipped around the country like that yet? If it's still American grapes, it's not going to be great wine - would a fancy restaurant dare sell such?
“I’ve got this.” He told the Ohioan, and paid in greenbacks.
Greenbacks, eh?

I'm sure a fancy hotel would much rather have had harder currency....
 
It appears we have a similar pantheon. :D
(Wendell Phillips tops my list, along with Wade* and Ingersoll; Lincoln less for his views [though they were ever evolving, and one can never say for sure what they really were...] than for his quite amazing political skill [hence the difficulty in nailing down views] and his utter humanity.)
*Sumner too, but Sumner was economically too much a gold democrat for me to appreciate him fully, and far too politically naive.

That reminds me: as Darth_Kiryan says, Sumner at State would be rather interesting, not only for its direct changes but also because that avoids a bitter Sumner chairing the FRC. Might we see the annexation of Santo Domingo? It also has interesting knock-on effects on Anglo-American relations; might Sumner be kept under tighter rein regarding the Alabama Claims if he's in the Cabinet? That would also prevent him *personally* burning a lot of bridges (e.g. with John Bright), though I don't offhand recall when he first started setting fire to them over the Claims.

Back to Phillips, I'm very glad indeed to hear he'll be popping up; it's easy, in the sanitized (or at least streamlined) versions of history we often get, to miss just how radical the Radicals were, a great stew of Abolition, Woman Suffrage, and often-as-not Georgism or other proto-socialist ideologies. Phillips for his part spent a fair portion* of his fortune (and of his goodwill from the Brahmins) in a somewhat quixotic bid for Governor of Massachusetts on the Labor ticket (and Peter Cooper spent a quite staggering number of millions in today's dollars as the first Labor candidate for president, in 1876).
*what of it he hadn't anonymously given away already...

Another figure you might want to look into is Robert Green Ingersoll, perhaps the most famous orator of his day, free-thinker, and radical (but also ruthless partisan). While he could not *win* office, a more radical Grant administration might well appoint him to one.

Dathi THorfinnsson: Let's recall Grant packed the court pretty much solely to overturn Chase's overturning of Greenbacks. :p
 
That reminds me: as Darth_Kiryan says, Sumner at State would be rather interesting, not only for its direct changes but also because that avoids a bitter Sumner chairing the FRC. Might we see the annexation of Santo Domingo? It also has interesting knock-on effects on Anglo-American relations; might Sumner be kept under tighter rein regarding the Alabama Claims if he's in the Cabinet? That would also prevent him *personally* burning a lot of bridges (e.g. with John Bright), though I don't offhand recall when he first started setting fire to them over the Claims.

It also puts someone competent in the State office, not to say that OTL Hamilton Fish was not competant. The problem is that Sumner is part of the radical group, like Benjamin wade, and if the Radicals have too much influence it might cause a problem.
 
Back to Phillips, I'm very glad indeed to hear he'll be popping up; it's easy, in the sanitized (or at least streamlined) versions of history we often get, to miss just how radical the Radicals were, a great stew of Abolition, Woman Suffrage, and often-as-not Georgism or other proto-socialist ideologies. Phillips for his part spent a fair portion* of his fortune (and of his goodwill from the Brahmins) in a somewhat quixotic bid for Governor of Massachusetts on the Labor ticket (and Peter Cooper spent a quite staggering number of millions in today's dollars as the first Labor candidate for president, in 1876).


It's probably not emphasised because it doesn't really signify.

Congress came to accept the Radical line on Reconstruction because Andrew Johnson cornered them into it by being more pro-Southern than they could (yet) swallow. It wasn't particularly radical in any other way, and the Radicals' interest in those other matters is more interesting biographically than historically.

Incidentally, is Grant going to die in office? If not, I'm surprised at how much attention the Vice-Presidency is getting, since it's most unlikely to matter. Did Colfax, the OTL Vice, have a huge influence on Administration policy?
 
Mike: I'm well aware of your position on this (The US had the best of all possible Reconstructions, it's metaphysically impossible for blacks to come out better, the universe would explode) and quite simply I disagree with it. It was a time of quite *incredible* sociopolitical ferment, not unlike another 60s, and a more Radical Reconstruction is likely as not to see its opposition considered still-Confederate rather than Good White Men Being Put Upon.

And Colfax didn't have half the energy Wade did; Wade may be many things, but the idea of him becoming a non-entity once made Vice President is laughable (in a way it was absolutely not for Colfax or the aged Wilson). Further (@ Darth_Kiryan), given his statements and positions, I find it hard to imagine anyone at Credit Mobilier would be stupid enough to try to bribe him.
 
Further (@ Darth_Kiryan), given his statements and positions, I find it hard to imagine anyone at Credit Mobilier would be stupid enough to try to bribe him.

what?:confused::confused:

I said that Wilson and Colfax were corrupt bastards - i did not infer that Wade was. I have no idea what wade is like under any circumstances, he is an unknown entity to me. Frankly, maybe having someone of stronger will and connections and even convictions will be better for Grant in the long run, especially if they can make a better cabinet for his presidency overall.

and for all that i know, they have done so by starting with Wade.
 
I did not think you did suggest that, I was merely pointing out that Wade was bitterly opposed to pretty much exactly the people running Credit Mobilier, and thus would unlikely be corrupted (by them, at least). Hint: we're agreeing. :)
 
a more Radical Reconstruction is likely as not to see its opposition considered still-Confederate rather than Good White Men Being Put Upon.


Why should Grant having a different VP and a few different Cabinet officers have any dramatic effect on public opinion -.about Reconstruction or anything else?
 
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Glad to be of help.

Absolutely. I'm glad that people are going through my work and picking up on things that I've done wrong, it makes sure that my writing is of a higher quality.

Surprised that Pendleton would not be damaged goods from 1864. If it is him in the top ticket, he would need a war democrat as his VP. Wade on the republican ticket would most likely push the war democrats back into the normal democratic fold, and an added bonus would be soldiers who would hate grant.

So, maybe McClearnard. Hancock is on the outs as well. Hell, even John a Logan and William Rosecrans are possible.

Pendleton held a surprising amount of strength in 1868, though ultimately he was denied the nomination through a combination of the War Democrats rallying behind Hancock, and the other anti-Pendleton delegates throwing their weight behind Thomas Hendricks. McClernand is a possibility too, he certainly has a motive to go after Grant, though I'm not sure if he's well known enough to snatch the nomination away from any of the big players, and his friendship with Abe Lincoln won't make him terribly popular with the Peace crowd.

Honestly, I'm not sure who is going to win. It's almost anyone's game at this point. Seymour may actually take the nomination as a compromise candidate just like IOTL, I really don't know. But you are correct, a War Democrat becoming the nominee is much more likely ITTL.

Oooooooohhhhhhh

Me like

Thank you.

Was Californian wine being shipped around the country like that yet? If it's still American grapes, it's not going to be great wine - would a fancy restaurant dare sell such?

That's a good point. I suppose California wasn't quite that well settled yet for wine to be being mass produced. I'll swap it over to French.

Greenbacks, eh?

I'm sure a fancy hotel would much rather have had harder currency....

Yeah, I didn't realize that greenbacks were mostly used for war spending…goes to show my level of research for this project. Grr, I'll have to research harder. Greenbacks shall be swapped over to silver, which the good General should have plenty of.

It appears we have a similar pantheon. :D
(Wendell Phillips tops my list, along with Wade* and Ingersoll; Lincoln less for his views [though they were ever evolving, and one can never say for sure what they really were...] than for his quite amazing political skill [hence the difficulty in nailing down views] and his utter humanity.)
*Sumner too, but Sumner was economically too much a gold democrat for me to appreciate him fully, and far too politically naive.

I've been researching Charles Sumner quite a bit lately since Wade will doubtlessly be pushing for him to become Secretary of State and he might become a major character if he is thusly nominated, and I'm really not sure what to think of the guy. On one hand he's very good at what he does and has admirable social views for the time that he lived in, but he had a tendency to be very spiteful, especially when it wasn't advisable for him to be.

And I do agree with you on Lincoln, his political skills were hyper-competant and he was very good at being a genuine human being to other people, regardless of who they were. He's my favorite President and definitely the right person for the period that he led us through.

That reminds me: as Darth_Kiryan says, Sumner at State would be rather interesting, not only for its direct changes but also because that avoids a bitter Sumner chairing the FRC. Might we see the annexation of Santo Domingo? It also has interesting knock-on effects on Anglo-American relations; might Sumner be kept under tighter rein regarding the Alabama Claims if he's in the Cabinet? That would also prevent him *personally* burning a lot of bridges (e.g. with John Bright), though I don't offhand recall when he first started setting fire to them over the Claims.

You mentioning the Alabama Claims is interesting, I have something more or less planned for that, depending on whether or not Sumner ends up in State. I'm not entirely sure whether Grant would let Sumner hold that much authority, since he is a very outspoken radical and might use his post to talk about things not strictly foreign policy related (i.e. the goddamned Klansmen and color-phobic bigots in the reconstructing south).

As for Santo Domingo, we shall have to see. Ultimately the whole thing might collapse as it did IOTL, but if it succeeds then it might leave ripples that travel far beyond the foamy shores of our beloved America. (That's the great thing about this timeline, America wasn't quite a world power yet in 1868, so I only really have to worry about butterflies in North America for the time being. That'll start changing after, say, 1870 or so, but still…it's nice not to have to focus on the entire globe for a bit).

Back to Phillips, I'm very glad indeed to hear he'll be popping up; it's easy, in the sanitized (or at least streamlined) versions of history we often get, to miss just how radical the Radicals were, a great stew of Abolition, Woman Suffrage, and often-as-not Georgism or other proto-socialist ideologies. Phillips for his part spent a fair portion* of his fortune (and of his goodwill from the Brahmins) in a somewhat quixotic bid for Governor of Massachusetts on the Labor ticket (and Peter Cooper spent a quite staggering number of millions in today's dollars as the first Labor candidate for president, in 1876).
*what of it he hadn't anonymously given away already…

Grant is going to have to spend a lot of his presidency balancing the radicals and the rest of the party off of each other, which he did semi-successfully IOTL. However, ITTL, with an extremely radical running mate, the job is going to become that much more difficult.

Another figure you might want to look into is Robert Green Ingersoll, perhaps the most famous orator of his day, free-thinker, and radical (but also ruthless partisan). While he could not *win* office, a more radical Grant administration might well appoint him to one.

I'll look into him, he sounds like an interesting character.

Dathi THorfinnsson: Let's recall Grant packed the court pretty much solely to overturn Chase's overturning of Greenbacks. :p

Ah court packing, it's sort of frightening how often that seems to happen in our fair land.

It also puts someone competent in the State office, not to say that OTL Hamilton Fish was not competant. The problem is that Sumner is part of the radical group, like Benjamin wade, and if the Radicals have too much influence it might cause a problem.

Exactly. If Sumner is appointed then he'll have to be balanced out with someone who isn't a complete radical. I do sort of wonder what would have happened if Grant had staffed his entire cabinet with Ben Wade style radicals…honestly, the south probably would have restarted the Civil War.

It's probably not emphasised because it doesn't really signify.

Congress came to accept the Radical line on Reconstruction because Andrew Johnson cornered them into it by being more pro-Southern than they could (yet) swallow. It wasn't particularly radical in any other way, and the Radicals' interest in those other matters is more interesting biographically than historically.

Ah, but this is alternate history. Here's where we ask the question of what happens when the radicals manage to grab as much power as they absolutely can right when the Johnson administration, and indeed anti-Reconstruction sentiment, are at their nadir?

And don't worry, this won't turn into a 'Reconstruction is an absolute success and race relations are completely repaired by 1930 or so' timeline, I'm not that optimistic. Things will change, in pretty drastic ways sometimes, but the world will still be mostly recognizable once I'm through and Grant leaves office.

Incidentally, is Grant going to die in office? If not, I'm surprised at how much attention the Vice-Presidency is getting, since it's most unlikely to matter. Did Colfax, the OTL Vice, have a huge influence on Administration policy?

So far as I know Grant will not die in office. I have no plans to kill off the President, I've already done that before and it's not nearly as fun as it sounds.

And regarding Colfax, he was a pretty low energy guy by the time he was sworn in as Vice President and was more focused on his wife (incidentally a relative of Benjamin Wade) and being comfortable (hence the rampant bribery and other corrupt shit he did) than really doing his job. Wade is pretty much the opposite. He's dedicated to getting what he wants, especially now that he's the second most powerful man in the country, and he's not going to let anything like corruption or scandals get in his way.

Basically he's the 19th century version of the Terminator, except with civil rights.

I do not think that either of Grants Vice-Presidents, Colfax or Wilson are notable for anything other than being corrupt bastards who took bribes.

Yup. Colfax was a good House Speaker, but he stopped really caring when he became Vice President, and Wilson was just old when he took Colfax's place so he never really had a chance to do much of anything.

Mike: I'm well aware of your position on this (The US had the best of all possible Reconstructions, it's metaphysically impossible for blacks to come out better, the universe would explode) and quite simply I disagree with it. It was a time of quite *incredible* sociopolitical ferment, not unlike another 60s, and a more Radical Reconstruction is likely as not to see its opposition considered still-Confederate rather than Good White Men Being Put Upon.

Well…there is about 20% of the population that will automatically assume that the blacks are out to murder them in their beds (the type of people who grew up with tales of Nat Turner ringing in their ears every night), but most people, although they are racist, probably don't really care what skin color the person they work next to in the factory/field/shoeshine booth/whatever has so long as they're getting paid a decent wage and have a comfortable home to go back to in the evening.

That being said, the minute it all goes bad for whatever reason, whether it's a depression or whatever, the old blames and hurts will resurface in an instant and the violence will resume. Basically, Reconstruction will take time, and more likely than not it'll still fail, but probably less horribly, if that makes any sense.

And Colfax didn't have half the energy Wade did; Wade may be many things, but the idea of him becoming a non-entity once made Vice President is laughable (in a way it was absolutely not for Colfax or the aged Wilson). Further (@ Darth_Kiryan), given his statements and positions, I find it hard to imagine anyone at Credit Mobilier would be stupid enough to try to bribe him.

This, pretty much. I'll stick with my Benjamin Wade = the Terminator comparison from earlier, I believe it's sufficient.

I think I missed what the PoD was. Was it the relative order of collapse of bloks at the convention? was it Grant not intervening? or what?

It was Governor Curtin of Pennsylvania getting sick and being forced to withdraw early, which I mentioned briefly. This caused his delegation to fall into Wade's hands and kickstart his rise to the vice presidency. It's a pretty minor PoD, but I like it.

what?:confused::confused:

I said that Wilson and Colfax were corrupt bastards - i did not infer that Wade was. I have no idea what wade is like under any circumstances, he is an unknown entity to me. Frankly, maybe having someone of stronger will and connections and even convictions will be better for Grant in the long run, especially if they can make a better cabinet for his presidency overall.

and for all that i know, they have done so by starting with Wade.

I did not think you did suggest that, I was merely pointing out that Wade was bitterly opposed to pretty much exactly the people running Credit Mobilier, and thus would unlikely be corrupted (by them, at least). Hint: we're agreeing. :)

Wade doesn't know the concept of corruption, he's a cyborg from the future, dedicated to bringing about peace and equality between all of mankind at any cost.

Why should Grant having a different VP and a few different Cabinet officers have any dramatic effect on public opinion -.about Reconstruction or anything else?

Ultimately it'll depend on what Grant does outside of the field of Reconstruction. If he's viewed as a successful President then the public may well give him more authority to pursue Reconstruction in the south, but if the opposite…well, OTL happens.
 
Chapter 4
4.

That year Grant headed the veteran’s portion of Galena’s Independence Day parades. He had lost weight since the war, the result of more exercise and cleaner eating, and while his uniform hung ever so slightly off of his frame, he still cut a dashing figure. The veteran’s contingent made up the majority of the parade, and Grant had several men who he knew personally marching behind him as he led the little band down Galena’s streets.

Most of the men in the parade had served during the Civil War and were still fresh faced and young, but there were older men present who remembered fighting everyone from the Mexicans to the Cherokees to the British. Grant knew most of them by name, and supposed that more than a few would be dropping in and out of his house over the course of the evening, once the fireworks had been lit off.

Ben and Caroline Wade had arrived early and been quartered in the guest bedroom, which Grant had up until then been using to store old military detritus that had piled up from his various posts and duties around the country. He and Fred had once again found themselves hauling armloads of items up to the attic, burdened down with sabers, maps, papers and daguerrotype plates.

The Wades hadn’t been much in the mood for talk that previous evening and had retired early, but now they seemed livelier and Grant could see Ben and Caroline chatting animatedly with Julia, who waved as she noticed his gaze. She was wearing a blue patterned dress spangled with little silver stars, and the effect that it gave off of was that of the sky as it slowly darkened into night.

A smile crept onto Grant’s face as he reflected on how lucky he was to have such a wonderful family. All too often his thoughts had been consumed by bad things, memories of the war, concerns of personal failure, or even the challenges of the campaign, but now...now he felt perfectly happy, ready to enjoy the day.

When the parade ended with a salute of rifle fire that shrouded the street and cheering spectators in a skein of white smoke, Grant dismounted from his horse and fed it a sugar cube, shaking hands with the other organizers and arranging to meet for whiskey and cigars at a later date.

“Good show General,” a voice called enthusiastically and Grant turned to see his running mate break free from the crowd, looking spry and well rested, “I enjoyed that.” Grant smiled and took off one riding glove, shaking Wade’s hand.

“Glad to hear that.” He looked around to the other parade items, the floats were being busily disassembled, the veterans who weren’t aiding in that task milling and conversing amongst themselves. “Shall we head back home for lunch?” He asked, and Wade nodded.

“This is a lovely horse,” Caroline said, “what is its name?” Grant smiled.

“Jeff Davis.” That made Wade laugh hard enough that his face went red. He nodded approvingly.

“An appropriate name,” he chuckled, then checked his pocket watch, “the Democrats will have started their balloting about now,” he noted, “your telegraph machines are probably clattering away.” Grant nodded, wondering what type of news they were bearing back to him, having been carried hundreds of miles over metal wires.

“Probably. But that’s not very important right now, from what I’ve heard the Democrats may be tied up for several days before they make a decision regarding who they throw into the ring.” They began their walk back up the main street, Grant walking his horse as they joined a stream of others, all heading back to their daily lives in the aftermath of the parade.

“You’re probably right,” Wade said, “we’ll have to see.” Grant had nothing to say in response to that, and the rest of the way home both men were more or less silent.

While Grant stabled his horse and made sure that he was fed and watered, Julia and Caroline readied a picnic basket, and the two families laid out a blanket in the back pasture. Grant was late in joining them, having had to change from his uniform, but accepted a roast beef sandwich and looked up at the sky, which was slightly overcast.

“The fireworks are going to reflect off of the clouds.” Fred said, and Junior nodded distractedly between bites of his food.

“I hope it doesn’t rain,” said Nellie, “like it did last year.” Grant didn’t think that it would and assured Nellie as much. The clouds looked light and wispy, not nearly substantial enough to disrupt that evening’s fireworks display.

“Oh,” Julia said, shading her eyes from the sun as she squinted towards the house, “there’s Rory.” Rory was one of Chandler’s lieutenants, a young man with an impeccably groomed set of muttonchops, and he was advancing towards the little group at a fast walk, something held in his left hand.

That something turned out to be a neatly folded sheet of paper, which Rory handed to Grant with a little flourish.

“The results of the first ballot at the Democratic convention sir.” He said, and Grant nodded, accepting the paper.

“Thank you.” He unfolded the paper, scanned the results and raised an eyebrow. “Johnson’s imploding. You’re right, he isn’t going to get the nomination.” Wade accepted the paper from Grant.

“Sixty four delegates,” he mused, “shows what being a traitor gets you.” There was a tone of almost vengeful satisfaction in his voice and he set the paper down in the center of the blanket for everyone to see.

1868 Democratic Convention: 1st Ballot

Rep. George Pendleton - 100

President Andrew Johnson - 64

Major General Winfield Hancock - 40

Former Lt. Governor Sanford Church - 34

Businessman Asa Packer - 26

Governor James English - 13

Former Governor Joel Parker - 13

Senator James Doolittle - 13

Senator Reverdy Johnson - 7

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 6

Senator Thomas Hendricks - 1


“This isn’t going to end any time soon,” Fred said, “they aren’t going to stop fighting until they’re all completely spent.” Wade took a cookie from the picnic basket and chewed thoughtfully.

“I heard from someone that McClernand is at the convention,” that made Grant look up sharply from the paper, “I guess he’s remaining aloof since we’re not seeing him on the ballot.” Grant nodded slowly. McClernand...now that was a name he hadn’t expected to pop up, and definitely hadn’t wanted to either.

“Lots of military men suddenly popping up in the Democratic camp.” He said.

“Of course,” Wade said, finishing the cookie and going for a second one, “they want to prove that they fought the war too, even if we all know that they would have happily waved goodbye to the south had it been up to them...” Grant shrugged.

“Sure,” but even as he looked at the list of candidates he felt something nagging at him, “but it almost looks like we’ve dragged them more to the center than anything...my earlier concerns about them nominating an extremist may not come to pass.” That gave Wade pause and he examined the list again.

“Your definition of center is very different from mine,” he said with a smile, “but I understand what you mean. All the same though, the moderates are far more splintered than the lunatics, which isn’t good at all.” Grant still held the opinion that an extremist Democratic ticket would lead to a landslide come November, but didn’t say that, he knew that even the thought of Peace Democrats and the like made Wade twitchy.

“Candidates will start dropping out soon...probably starting with the President.” Wade made a mock salute.

“And good riddance to him.” Even as he said that, Rory came running back out, another piece of paper fluttering in his hand.

“Second ballot just happened, Pendleton is still leading.” Grant thanked him, gave him a cookie and then looked at the paper. Not much had changed, Johnson had lost a few delegates, Hancock, Pendleton and Blair being the beneficiaries. In addition someone had cast a solitary ballot for George McClellan, which made Grant wince.

“The dominoes are falling,” Wade said, “pretty soon people will start getting pushed out, and then the real fighting will start.” Fred nodded.

“How many ballots do you think it’ll take?” Grant checked his pocket watch.

“They probably have time for nine or ten today...after that it’s anyone’s guess.” For a long time after that there was no political conversation, the subject instead turning to the fireworks, how life was and even a tentative query or two surrounding the White House.

“I haven’t spent much time there ever since Johnson and his people infested it,” Wade said, “but from what I remember Mrs. Lincoln did make the place very livable.” From what Grant had heard concerning Mary Todd Lincoln’s rivalry with the radicals, and vice versa, this was high praise coming from Wade.

“I suppose Julia will have at least four years to fix anything that Johnson may have done to it.” Grant said, glancing over to where Julia was beginning to pack up the decimated contents of the picnic basket.

“You have to be more optimistic than that,” Wade chided gently, “the American people have the good sense to give you the traditional two terms, at least.” Grant wasn’t sure he liked the way Wade said that, even if it was a compliment.

“Let’s not get ahead of ourselves Ben. We have yet to win this election, let alone one four and a half years down the road. Let’s relax for now and see who the Democrats pick. After that we can begin to contemplate what the future may hold.” Wade seemed satisfied with that and they headed back to the house, picnic concluded.
 
Mike: In my prior post I referred to how it might strongly affect, not the nation as a whole, but the barely-ex-Confederate *South*. If resistance ramps up ("we're cooked, now, with that devil Wade, we might as well resist") and, crucially, is or can be (more than OTL) made to appear *Confederate* rather than White, *then* opinion in the North will shift. As always, Radical measures depend on being War measures for support.

AnywhereButOTL: I wouldn't *necessarily* yank the greenbacks comment; it's well possible Grant could be making a subtle point to Wade (that he, too, supports them). And yes, Sumner is *incredibly* mystifying. One gets, in some ways, the sense of a child, a brilliant and good-hearted one, but still. His economic views were interesting, what we'd later term Gold Democrat, and thus out of step with both the Republican mainstream and with Wade's. (My picture of him is mostly informed by Donald's two volume bio and Trefousse's history of the Radicals.)
You mention spitefulness; that's why I bring up Santo Domingo, because as I recall that is in large part how it failed, with Sumner implacably opposed *both* because he was still smarting from being passed over for State but *also* because it wasn't run by him with enough deference even despite that.

On Ingersoll, for flavor I would beg you to read The first few paragraphs of this as well as this tying together Lincoln and Darwin (!) as emancipators. (You may have to click the link twice, one to accept the thingie and make the cookie, next to read it.)

Regarding the potential failure of Reconstruction, the Court's decisions will be very interesting; if the original intent of the Fourteenth is upheld (etc), then even if Reconstruction fails de facto it will not fail de jure, which means it will take much less effort to start it up again. (In my opinion this *is* probably too late a PoD to make it really stick, but there's a lot of leeway between "complete success" and OTL.)
And I love the Terminator image. :D
 
Mike: In my prior post I referred to how it might strongly affect, not the nation as a whole, but the barely-ex-Confederate *South*. If resistance ramps up ("we're cooked, now, with that devil Wade, we might as well resist") and, crucially, is or can be (more than OTL) made to appear *Confederate* rather than White, *then* opinion in the North will shift. As always, Radical measures depend on being War measures for support.


But why would Wade cause that big a change?

He's only Vice-President, which means he matters only if Grant takes sick or there's a tie vote in the Senate. Other times, the identity of the VP is about as important as what make of paperclips the clerks are using.

And to make the resistance appear "Confederate" would surely require it to tackle the Union army head on at some point - which sounds wildly improbable to me, given how thoroughly stomped the South is. They'll surely stick to their OTL formula of waiting till the soldiers have moved on (or just diminished in numbers to the point where they don't matter too much) and then paying social calls on freedmen and others.
 
I'll place a bet on Pendleton-Hancock. :)

Not a bad guess.

Mike: In my prior post I referred to how it might strongly affect, not the nation as a whole, but the barely-ex-Confederate *South*. If resistance ramps up ("we're cooked, now, with that devil Wade, we might as well resist") and, crucially, is or can be (more than OTL) made to appear *Confederate* rather than White, *then* opinion in the North will shift. As always, Radical measures depend on being War measures for support.

The south isn't going to necessarily resort to full scale violence, they're smarter than that. They know that as soon as the soldiers leave then they can reclaim the courthouses and police forces and drag the whole region back down into the depths of moral darkness and decay. The deck is stacked against Reconstruction here. Not cripplingly so, but Grant and Wade are going to need to play very smart if they want to keep Jim Crow away.

AnywhereButOTL: I wouldn't *necessarily* yank the greenbacks comment; it's well possible Grant could be making a subtle point to Wade (that he, too, supports them).

That is possible, but still, he is dining in a fancy restaurant. It's better that he pays in hard currency there, rather than greenbacks. Perhaps he'll use greenbacks someplace else, when the issue is actually being discussed in a political way.

And yes, Sumner is *incredibly* mystifying. One gets, in some ways, the sense of a child, a brilliant and good-hearted one, but still. His economic views were interesting, what we'd later term Gold Democrat, and thus out of step with both the Republican mainstream and with Wade's. (My picture of him is mostly informed by Donald's two volume bio and Trefousse's history of the Radicals.)
You mention spitefulness; that's why I bring up Santo Domingo, because as I recall that is in large part how it failed, with Sumner implacably opposed *both* because he was still smarting from being passed over for State but *also* because it wasn't run by him with enough deference even despite that.

Yup. Which is why I'm not sure if Grant would tap him for State. I guess I may have to flip a coin or something, since Wade is going to be leaning on Grant pretty hard regarding Sumner and further Radical influence in the cabinet.

On Ingersoll, for flavor I would beg you to read The first few paragraphs of this as well as this tying together Lincoln and Darwin (!) as emancipators. (You may have to click the link twice, one to accept the thingie and make the cookie, next to read it.)

I read up on him some (those are excellent speeches by the way, especially the first one), and I admire his adherence to his beliefs, even when they landed him in the hot seat several times. Him and Grant also have a decided lack of religious belief in common, which may lead to him being rather at home within the Grant administration (if Grant decides that he has a place for Ingersoll available).

Regarding the potential failure of Reconstruction, the Court's decisions will be very interesting; if the original intent of the Fourteenth is upheld (etc), then even if Reconstruction fails de facto it will not fail de jure, which means it will take much less effort to start it up again. (In my opinion this *is* probably too late a PoD to make it really stick, but there's a lot of leeway between "complete success" and OTL.)

There is. I suppose that for Reconstruction to remain on the books legally, then the Republicans would have had to commit some fairly serious voting fraud until there were sufficient numbers of freedmen and other anti-racist or at least staunchly Republican voters to make the southern states genuinely competitive. That isn;t likely to happen though, while Wade would probably consider doing something akin to that, I couldn't see Grant suppressing the vote on such a massive scale that the south went Republican for long enough to fully reconstruct.

And I love the Terminator image. :D

If Wade is the Terminator, does that make Pendleton the T-100?

But why would Wade cause that big a change?

He's only Vice-President, which means he matters only if Grant takes sick or there's a tie vote in the Senate. Other times, the identity of the VP is about as important as what make of paperclips the clerks are using.

Well, Grant not having a corrupt Vice President means that he preserves a great deal of his political capitol, which IOTL was lost when it was revealed that Colfax was taking bribes. He's also more of a positive influence than Colfax and Wilson, and will be of more help in bullying the Senate whenever something controversial needs to be passed.

However, I do understand what you mean, the office of Vice President is not yet the powerhouse that it is today and Grant does have the ability to muffle Wade pretty easily if he decides that the man is being a pain in the ass. Even with these small changes, someone as divisive and radical as Wade will create a pretty big splash, at least at first.

And to make the resistance appear "Confederate" would surely require it to tackle the Union army head on at some point - which sounds wildly improbable to me, given how thoroughly stomped the South is. They'll surely stick to their OTL formula of waiting till the soldiers have moved on (or just diminished in numbers to the point where they don't matter too much) and then paying social calls on freedmen and others.

I'm inclined to agree with you on this, as I've said above. While Grant will do his best to stomp the KKK into the dust, as soon as the Democrats regain control of the courthouses and the like, then it'll be open season on integrated police forces, freedmen and pretty much everyone who ever looked at the Klansmen funny over the course of Reconstruction.

However, we still haven't even gotten Grant and Wade elected yet, so there'll be plenty of time to ponder Reconstruction and the like over the next few updates until the election.
 
Chapter 5
5.

1868 Democratic Convention: 2nd Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 103

President Andrew Johnson - 52

Major General Winfield Hancock - 45

Former Lt. Governor Sanford Church - 32

Businessman Asa Parker - 26

Governor James English - 11

Former Governor Joel Parker - 18

Senator James Doolittle - 12

Senator Reverdy Johnson - 6

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 10

Senator Thomas Hendricks - 1

Former General George McClellan - 1


As the second ballot wound down and fresh ballot slips were prepared for the next spasm of voting, the entire convention was in a state of tension. President Johnson’s bloc was beginning to melt down and the man himself was nowhere to be found, while Pendleton and Hancock battled it out for the heart of the party, other minor candidates busily positioning themselves just in case it was decided that a compromise candidate would be needed. Somewhere in the middle of it all, General McClernand decided that the mess he was watching was simply too chaotic to risk slipping into and decided that he might as well go home. He did so and spent the night enjoying brandy and cigars with a few old army colleagues, not regretting his decision one bit.

1868 Democratic Convention: 3rd Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 112

Major General Winfield Hancock - 63

Former Lt. Governor Sanford Church - 32

President Andrew Johnson - 28

Businessman Asa Packer - 26

Former Governor Joel Parker - 15

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 14

Senator James Doolittle - 13

Governor James English - 7

Senator Reverdy Johnson - 6

Former General George McClellan - 1

Senator Thomas Hendricks - 0


One of the casualties of the third ballot was Indiana senator Thomas Hendricks, who lost his remaining delegate when the man was whisked away into Hancock’s camp. Unhappy, but resolute, Hendricks bid the convention farewell and resolved to head home and campaign harder instead for his gubernatorial campaign. President Johnson remained at the convention, but his attempts to rally his supporters were in vain. With more than two thirds of his already meager share of the delegates having scattered to the four corners of the earth, he was regarded more as a curiosity than anything else. And when he retired to a back room to await the results of the fourth ballot, more than one person reported seeing him with his head in his hands.

1868 Democratic Convention: 4th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 122

Major General Winfield Hancock - 68

Former Lt. Governor Sanford Church - 31

Businessman Asa Packer - 27

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 17

Former Governor Joel Parker - 15

Senator James Doolittle - 13

President Andrew Johnson - 11

Governor James English - 6

Senator Reverdy Johnson - 6

Former General George McClellan - 0


Though the fourth ballot resulted in few ballot changes, which led to concerns of an early deadlock amongst outside observers, the latest ballot directly led to a number of very important changes amongst the surviving contestants. The lone delegate voting for McClellan was convinced to side with Pendleton instead, and Hancock’s base remained stable even as President Johnson’s imploded completely. Many were stunned by how fast the President’s chances for reelection had been completely annihilated. Not many had expected him to win the nomination, but the readiness with which even his erstwhile supporters fled his camp stunned many observers.

Amongst the others, many of the nominees were beginning to come apart at the seams. Maryland senator Reverdy Johnson bowed out, urging his delegates to vote with their consciouses. Sanford Church of New York also seemed to be faltering, his delegation under siege by Pendleton, Hancock and an array of others. He had already lost one delegate to Major General Blair, and more seemed to be poised to follow, unhappy with the plateau that they appeared to have stalled at.

Governor English of Connecticut also appeared to be on the edge of collapse, though his stirring oration seemed to be staving off disaster for the time being. As the delegates trooped to the voting booths for the fifth time, there was a palpable sense of dread in the air for many in attendance. Nobody seemed to be sure what was going to happen.

1868 Democratic Convention: 5th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 128

Major General Winfield Hancock - 73

Former Lt. Governor Sanford Church - 29

Businessman Asa Packer - 27

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 20

Former Governor Joel Parker - 15

Senator James Doolittle - 14

Governor James English - 5

President Andrew Johnson - 5

Former General George McClellan - 0

Businessman John Adams II - 1


Senator Johnson’s loose delegates mostly fled to other, established camps, but one decided that none of the various nominees were to his liking and proceeded to cast a vote for Harvard scholar and businessman John Adams II. Adams himself was not present at the convention, but word soon reached him, which left him, in his own words, ‘quite tickled,‘ though he withdrew himself from consideration before the next ballot.

George McClellan was also not present at the convention, and so, with nobody present to officially withdraw him from consideration, he remained on the list of names up for nomination, a perpetual zero next to it.

At this point the rise of Francis Preston Blair Jr. began to be noticed in all corners of the convention hall, and Hancock, who had previously dismissed Blair as a non-entity, began to take this new rival quite seriously. The War Democrats were already on tenuous footing within the party due to their perceived support for some controversial aspects of Reconstruction, and if the faction’s vote was split then it would very likely lead to Pendleton or one of the other Peace Democrats being nominated instead. This was not to Hancock’s liking.

Blair himself was quite the spectacle, he had worn a navy blue coat to the convention that was clearly supposed to look like a uniform and walked circuits around the hall, speaking to delegates from all camps, spreading the word that he was in the running and would soon be coming to sweep the legs out from under the main party establishment. Though he was placed fifth as of the beginning of the sixth ballot, the incredible instability of Church’s delegation, and tensions amongst Doolittle’s little band, made further acquisitions very possible.

Even as Hancock worried about what to do with Blair, Governor English dropped out, offering his delegates to Pendleton, who happily accepted them. Rumors abounded that English was promised a position in a prospective Pendleton administration in exchange, but these were never confirmed.

1868 Democratic Convention: 6th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 133

Major General Winfield Hancock - 75

Businessman Asa Packer - 28

Former Lt. Governor Sanford Church - 25

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 21

Former Governor Joel Parker - 16

Senator James Doolittle - 12

President Andrew Johnson - 5

Former General George McClellan - 0


Watching the continual degradation of his delegation, Sanford Church arrived at a painful conclusion and realized that he was doomed to fail unless he managed to find someone willing to support him. Nobody however was willing to back him, especially after he had fallen behind Asa Packer, who was still remaining steady somehow after six whole ballots.

Even as he agonized over his fate, President Johnson managed to avoid losing any more delegates. The last five men entrusted to him, out of misplaced loyalty or perhaps apathy, were continuing to cast their ballots for the President, even as it became abundantly clear that the man’s reelection bid had failed. However, the lack of any further devastation to his delegation was of little consolation to the President, who left the convention at that point, stubbornly refusing to bow out.

One person who did end their campaign in the aftermath of the sixth ballot was senator James Doolittle of Wisconsin, ending his candidacy with a speech and a promise to hand his delegates over to Hancock. Doolittle did this with good cheer, but unlike many of his other defeated companions, he remained at the convention for the rest of the time that it ran, enjoying himself and hinting rather openly at gubernatorial ambitions on his part.

As the President rode stiffly away and Doolittle threw his lot behind Hancock, Sanford Church decided that he would bow out. In a brief and decidedly unhappy little speech he emulated senator Johnson and asked his delegation to vote for whoever they thought would make the best President. Church would later be criticized for this, he held the fourth largest delegation in the entire convention at this point, and with a few words had effectively thrown them to the wind, inspiring further chaos where might have been found peace.

But it was too late and once again the surviving candidates found themselves squabbling as voting for the seventh ballot began.

1868 Democratic Convention: 7th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 140

Major General Winfield Hancock - 90

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 39

Businessman Asa Packer - 27

Former Governor Joel Parker - 16

President Andrew Johnson - 5

Former General George McClellan - 0


The primary beneficiary of Church’s flamboyant exit from the convention was Blair, who absorbed Church’s more conservative delegation and rose to third place, threatening Hancock even more directly. Pendleton, seeing the War Democrats divided, began making overtures to the delegations of Asa Packer and Joel Parker. However, the delegation of New York, which had remained firmly behind Asa Packer for the entire convention, refused to budge, and Joel Parker, a War Democrat himself, refused to deal with Pendleton, instead making it clear that he would likely support Hancock if he withdrew.

This placed Pendleton in a tough position. To win the nomination outright he would need at least 212 delegates, seventy two of which he did not yet have. Hancock was in no better of a position, but both men’s delegations were stable and unwilling to defect to other candidates...at least not yet. With Blair surging and both Parker and Packer unwilling to withdraw, it looked very much like the convention was about to enter a deadlock.

1868 Democratic Convention: 8th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 142

Major General Winfield Hancock - 91

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 40

Businessman Asa Packer - 26

Former Governor Joel Parker - 15

President Andrew Johnson - 3

Former General George McClellan - 0


While Pendleton and the Peace faction of the convention hunkered down for a long siege, Joel Parker decided to withdraw, pledging his delegation to Hancock in exchange for what was rumored to be the promise of a Treasury post. Of the other surviving minor candidates, Asa Packer, though his delegation was solidly loyal to him, was beginning to have doubts about the viability of his continued candidacy. Soon he would begin to run into conflict with Hancock and Blair, the only other surviving War Democrats in the contest at that point. Though he aired these concerns to the head of the New York delegation, the man’s advice was to wait for at least one more ballot before dropping out. Packer took that advice and settled down to wait.

Blair was restless. He couldn’t foresee any further gains being made in the immediate future, and the thought of his delegation beginning to splinter and flee to Hancock was enough that he began to canvass the three remaining Johnson delegates, trying to gauge their loyalty to the President now that the man was no longer even present. If he plateaued then his delegation, composed of several dozen uneasy War Democrats, could very well defect to a candidate who could better satisfy what they wanted to get out of the convention. Some gains were better than none.

1868 Democratic Convention: 9th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 147

Major General Winfield Hancock - 104

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 40

Businessman Asa Packer - 26

President Andrew Johnson - 0

Former General George McClellan - 0


The last three delegates to President Johnson were in fact willing to defect, but not to Blair. Instead two ventured to Pendleton’s camp, while the remaining man pledged himself to Hancock. The President could not be reached for comment and though some speculated that he would now withdraw, having no more delegates to his name, such an action never came to light.

Hancock also broke one hundred delegates, and with rumors of an impending withdrawal by Asa Packer beginning to spread around the convention hall, Pendleton did something very risky and went to see Hancock. At their meeting he promised to nominate the Major General as his running mate if he would bow out.

Hancock, skeptical of Pendleton’s promises, and knowing that he stood to gain a substantial number of delegates in the next few ballots if Packer withdrew like he was rumored to be planning to, informed Pendleton that he would consider it. Having secured the equivalent of a ceasefire between himself and Pendleton, Hancock sat down to wait.

While the two frontrunners met and discussed the future of the convention, Blair was canvassing Packer’s delegation, much to the displeasure of the delegation leader, who shooed Blair and his people away more than once before voting for the tenth ballot began. Blair wasn’t dissuaded, and even if Packer didn’t seem to be withdrawing this ballot, he probably would soon, and when he did Blair intended to snatch at least half of his delegation.

1868 Democratic Convention: 10th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 147

Major General Winfield Hancock - 104

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 40

Businessman Asa Packer - 26

President Andrew Johnson - 0

Former General George McClellan - 0


For the first time in the entire convention, the vote totals remained exactly the same as they had during the last round of voting. It was as if time had stood still. But if a rare moment of peace had descended over the hall, it wasn’t going to last much longer.

Asa Packer, having retained his delegation for ten ballots with nary a defection, announced that he was withdrawing from consideration and that he would be supporting Hancock. All hell proceeded to break loose. Pendleton, taken by surprise, immediately moved to determine if any of Packer’s delegation could be persuaded to join his faction. Blair, desperate to calm his increasingly impatient delegation, did much the same thing, even as Hancock fought to secure his new delegates.

The New York delegation had mostly stuck together through mutual admiration of Packer, and with him gone, defection suddenly became an attractive option for some, who weren’t enamored with Hancock’s politics.

As voting began for the eleventh ballot, the convention hall was once again full of mingled shouting, profanity, prayer and music.

1868 Democratic Convention: 11th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 152

Major General Winfield Hancock - 119

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 45

President Andrew Johnson - 1

Former General George McClellan - 0


In the end, though Blair was not able to steal away half of Packer’s delegation, he, in unintentional conjunction with Pendleton, did manage to completely split apart the New York delegation and lead to eleven delegates fleeing elsewhere, leaving Hancock with fifteen new arrivals, significantly less than he had hoped for. One man erroneously voted for President Johnson, leading to groans in the convention hall when that fact was announced. The convention now appeared to be properly deadlocked, and Hancock, faced with the twin specters of a well organized Pendleton delegation and a newly resurgent Blair delegation, did not like his chances as he looked ahead, to the long game.

Had his plan worked correctly, then Packer’s delegation would have gone to him unanimously, followed shortly by the breakdown and absorption of Blair’s party as soon as they grew weary of little to no new growth in their numbers. That would put him ahead of Pendleton, who then could hopefully be either worn down through successive ballots, or replaced by a compromise candidate who would accept Hancock as his running mate. Either way, the Peace Democrats would be repudiated before they could get a chance to doom the party at the voting booths for the second time in as many elections.

That plan was no longer on the agenda though. Even if Blair’s faction did eventually implode and side with him, the delegates would likely be too exhausted to sit down and continue voting for the length of time it would take for Pendleton and the Peace Democrats to fall apart.

Hancock and Pendleton sat down for a long wait, and Blair once again began to wonder what exactly he was going to do.

1868 Democratic Convention: 12th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 153

Major General Winfield Hancock - 119

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 45

President Andrew Johnson - 0

Former General George McClellan - 0


As President Johnson lost his last delegate for the second time, Blair did something unexpected and went to see Pendleton. His delegation was beginning to grow restless and he knew that if he didn’t do something quickly then he would begin to see defections. He had acquired delegates from across a wide enough spectrum of political views that the forty five men in his grasp were practically a time bomb just waiting to go off, and they were dangerously unsatisfied with the slow progress that he was making.

Pendleton, unhappy with the scheme that Hancock had just attempted to foist on him, was reluctant to see Blair, but recognized a potential opportunity and invited him in. Blair proceeded to offer his delegation in exchange for a position as Pendleton’s running mate. Pendleton considered this. However, even if every single one of Blair’s delegates followed their man uncomplainingly into his camp, Pendleton knew that he would still be fourteen delegates short of the two thirds majority that he needed to win the nomination. And if Blair’s faction split apart, as it was all too likely to do, then he would likely end up with an even more deadlocked convention and rumblings of support for a compromise candidate, which was the last thing that he wanted.

The alternative however, was worse. If he let this opportunity slip, then Hancock would clean house with Blair’s delegation, slide ahead of him in terms of delegates, and then watch as the Peace Democrats imploded. Always a pragmatist, Pendleton accepted Blair’s offer, on the condition that the man withdraw immediately. Though he was unhappy at having to act so quickly, Blair agreed and faced his delegation, who reacted in several different ways.

Blair was careful to wait until the last moment before saying this, so most of his delegates were already in line to vote. This gave Hancock less time to try and lead them away, and made sure that they had minimal time to plot any sort of betrayal. It was a shrewd political move, and would have far reaching consequences as the night went on.

1868 Democratic Convention: 13th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 190

Major General Winfield Hancock - 125

President Andrew Johnson - 2

Former General George McClellan - 0


As it turned out, thirty seven of Blair’s forty five delegates ended up following him into Pendleton’s camp, buoyed by promises from the frontrunner that he would tone down his Peace beliefs. Two were so disenchanted though that they voted instead for the President, an unmistakable sign of protest.

Hancock was stunned by the move that Blair had made and responded by attacking Pendleton directly, attempting to win Blair’s delegates back over. This was concerning to Pendleton, who, far from the fourteen delegate gap he had envisioned, was now facing a shortage of twenty two votes. He was on the brink of victory, but now, with only two men still in the race, that victory may as well have been on the moon.

If Pendleton was concerned, that was nothing compared to the panic that Hancock displayed as he practically flew around the convention hall, urging his delegation to remain steady in the face of the unexpected surge by Pendleton. Both sides were suddenly terrified of defection, and at this stage in the process, even a handful of defectors could mean complete ruin for the man that they fled from.

Hancock and Pendleton buckled down, intently awaiting the results of the fourteenth ballot.

1868 Democratic Convention: 14th Presidential Ballot

Representative George McClellan - 190

Major General Winfield Hancock - 127

President Andrew Johnson - 0

Former General George McClellan - 0


President Johnson lost his delegates for the third and last time, and though he didn’t withdraw, he also didn’t receive any further support for the remainder of the convention. The end game was clearly in sight, and everyone knew it. The final readjustments had been made, and now both sides had solidly loyal, well organized delegations that made defections unlikely.

This was not to Pendleton’s liking. Hancock was better equipped to play the waiting game than he was, and if any more of Blair’s delegation decided to cut and run then that would leave him in a very bad position.

He had told Blair this much and to his credit, the man was working very hard, doubtlessly sweating bullets at the thought of failing and subsequently having to face a horde of his War Democrat companions, none of whom would be very amused at his quasi-betrayal of their faction.

But even though Blair’s defection had caused ripples of outrage amongst the rank and file of the War Democrats, there were more than a few people amongst Hancock’s delegation willing to consider swapping, but only if Blair was guaranteed an active role in Pendleton’s administration. They weren’t quite apparent yet, the new reality of the convention still settling in, but they would be, and their influence would be decisive.

1868 Democratic Convention: 15th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 190

Major General Winfield Hancock - 127

President Andrew Johnson - 0

Former General George McClellan - 0


The deadlock, now exacerbated by the fact that only two serious candidates remained in the race, badly scared many in the party, who were not happy that Pendleton and the Peace faction were so close to securing the nomination. Neither were they pleased with what they were increasingly beginning to view as sub-par political maneuvering by Hancock, who had missed a chance to gain a lead over Pendleton and now was stuck at a sixty three delegate deficit.

In the back rooms many began wondering if a compromise candidate would be needed. Several men at the convention were thought of almost immediately, most of them being War Democrats, but one or two Peace Democrats were considered as well.

The list of potential compromise candidates as of the lull between the fifteenth and sixteenth ballots looked something like this:

Brevet Major General Thomas Ewing Jr.

Former Governor Horatio Seymour (the man himself demanded that he be removed from the list of options after being made aware of it)

Chief Justice Salmon Chase

Major General William Rosecrans

Associate Justice Stephen Field

Representative Fernando Wood (this was proposed by War Democrats in the hopes that introducing another ambitious Peace Democrat into the mix would split apart Pendleton’s delegation and allow Hancock to claim victory. Wood himself was not interested though)


Even as the list was being compiled, Pendleton was planning something very risky. He knew very well that a compromise candidate would soon be introduced into the fray, and that it would very likely degrade his delegation, either allowing Hancock or whoever the convention bosses asked to oppose them, to take the nomination. If that happened then Pendleton would very likely not be asked to be on the ticket, and neither would Blair, who had alienated many people with his impromptu alliance with Pendleton. This left only one option open to Pendleton and Blair, and they executed it as quickly as they could.

Pendleton’s only remaining offensive capability was to use Blair to attempt to split Hancock’s delegation. The Missourian was both Pendleton’s biggest liability and greatest asset, and the frontrunner recognized that, sending him out in a last ditch effort to win the nomination outright.

Hancock responded with a blustery speech condemning Pendleton and Blair, and while this solidified many of his followers around him, it scared a number of the more economically and socially conservative delegates, who were beginning to view Blair as having the right idea in allying with the Peace faction.

As voting for the sixteenth ballot began, nobody was entirely sure what to expect.

1868 Democratic Convention: 16th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 199

Major General Winfield Hancock - 118

President Andrew Johnson - 0

Former General George McClellan - 0


Pendleton was now only thirteen delegates away from taking the nomination, and with his sudden gains over Hancock, a considerable amount of support for a compromise candidate began to fade away. This left the desperate War Democrats with a candidate who was beginning to fall apart, and little ability to launch a potential compromise candidate without hurting Hancock in the process.

Even as their opponents attempted to shore up their crumbling defenses, Pendleton and Blair pressed the attack, and there was little anyone could do to stop them.

1868 Democratic Convention: 17th Presidential Ballot

Representative George Pendleton - 215

Major General Winfield Hancock - 102

President Andrew Johnson - 0

Former General George McClellan - 0


By a margin of three votes, George Pendleton had just become the Democratic party’s presidential nominee. A sweating, unhappy Hancock conceded defeat and the delegates decided to take the rest of the day off, pledging to reconvene the next day and nominate Pendleton’s running mate. Nobody especially had the energy for further political shenanigans, and it was as much out of frustrated apathy as anything else that it was decided by the War Democrats that Blair would be allowed to become Pendleton’s running mate.

Though they were not at all happy with who had ended up on the ticket, the thought of Ulysses S. Grant and Benjamin Wade in the White House was enough to suppress outright insurrection amongst the War Democrats.

The delegates simply wouldn’t stand for another protracted struggle, Blair would simply have to do.

1868 Democratic Convention: 1st Vice Presidential Ballot

Major General Francis Blair Jr. - 220

Major General Winfield Hancock - 70

Brevet Major General Thomas Ewing Jr. - 14

Associate Justice Stephen Field - 7

Chief Justice Salmon Chase - 4

Former General George McClellan - 1

President Andrew Johnson - 1


Even if the War Democrats weren’t putting up a fight, Blair was only nominated by a slender margin anyways. The party had been badly split by the fierce struggle for the presidential nomination, and the divides that had been so starkly shown in 1864 were now even deeper than before.

Hancock refused to endorse Pendleton at the convention, though he would reluctantly do so over the telegraph wires several weeks later, more for the sake of party unity than anything else. Though the Peace faction was ecstatic, they were also concerned at how close the entire thing had been. Only a few delegates in the other direction and the convention might have stretched on for weeks.

But as far as they were concerned, the damage done by the nomination process could be healed on the campaign trail. Now was the time to win the presidency back, and fix the nation for good.

Somewhere across the nation, Benjamin Wade read the latest news from the Democratic convention, said something decidedly unChristian, and went to call upon Grant.
 
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Blair huh. Well the guy was Seymour's running mate in OTL and was widely seen as the problem of the democratic defeat given that he was - and i shall quote from wikipedia here -

"he framed the contest with Ulysses S. Grant and the pro-Reconstruction Republicans in stark racist terms, warning of the rule of "a semi-barbarous race of blacks who are worshipers of fetishes and poligamists" and wanted to "subject the white women to their unbridled lust."[1] At least one Democratic Congressman saw Blair as the cause of Seymour's defeat, calling his behavior "stupid and indefensible."[1]"

I gather that Blair has some serious Foot in Mouth syndrome, and his outright racism might be a problem, which will; cause all of the african-americans to fall into the Republican camp. Grant's Foot-in-Mouth, if he has any, can at least be tempered by Wade.
 
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