I was actually expecting Edwards to implode handing the election to Thompson narrowly. Needless to say that a non-imploding Edwards is a novel and very interesting idea. I loved the update and also the fact that this TL has once again come back (a bit like Lazarus, eh eh? I'll see myself out...) I'm curious what were the margins like in states like Arkansas which should have been in play for a Democratic wave in 2008 but trended against Obama?
Lazarus, Icarus, and Canadian Politics: An Infobox Timeline
- Thread starter CanadianTory
- Start date
Well thank you! I think I might be, and please correct me if I'm wrong, one of the only people on the site to make him President.
To be honest I came close to giving him Arkansas, but I felt that a southerner like Thompson might be better able to keep it. But hey, look at Arizona!
I'm of the firm belief that guys like him...well, they might not perform the exact same acts in every TL, but the personality behind behind him makes it likely that they'll do something bad.
(Then again you could say the same thing about Roy Cohn, and look how far we rode that horse.)
I am of the same opinion, yes. Its just a shame that he is the go to fellow for handing the GOP 2008 (even then I'm not even sure if he would be able to do as such) - I mean Mike Gravel exists for a reason!
(I think we can safely say that no one had ever done that before us!)
Besides the odd infobox series, I think it is safe to say you are at the very least among the very small cohort of TL writers to not have him Michael Gove his political career.
I can't say I disagree with your reasoning there. Did the fact that Edwards was and sounded like (I gather this is why he got some support from white southerners before he fizzled out in the primaries OTL) a southerner come into play in some of his victories in the south - or was it just the size of his landslide?
Partially. It's hard to predict how two southern candidates would play against one another in the modern era.
Afghanistan but not Iraq. They've provided some financial resources, but are staying out of that conflict.
Just remember, Gordon Brown has flaws, and the general public are not always so fond of him. That said, he is going up against David Davis.
If he were up against Ken Clarke...
Indeed he did. Speaking of which, those of you who are interested to know, the new leader of the Liberal Democrats is none other than everyone's favourite Member of Parliament for the constituency of Eastleigh, Chris Huhne!
So in 2010 the battle will be Brown versus Davis versus Huhne.
yesssss
besides the scandals which hopefully don’t happen ittl
also did campbell still become leader
According to my notes, yes. But, as you can imagine, it was a rather lackluster affair.
Yup! Seriously, I'm very excited for the 2010 election. It's going to be fun.
wikipipes
Banned
Was Thompson irked by Brown's decision?, was it only the United States invading Iraq?, is it as chaotic post invasion?
EDIT: What year did he authorize the invasion?
Meh, comparable to the Bush-Chretien relationship. Not really warm, at times heated, but both respected the special relationship between the two countries. As for what year? I believe it's written in one of my updates, I'm just too lazy to check at the moment
Update #60: Canadian provincial elections, 2008
More provincial elections, specifically Alberta and Quebec.
Elections were generally regarded as formalities in the province of Alberta. Every four years or so voters would gather to give their blessing to another Conservative mandate, the Premier of the day would graciously accept, and the process would be repeated in another four years. Aside from a scare in his first election against Liberal leader and Edmonton Mayor Laurence Decore, Premier Ralph Klein had squashed all attempts to usurp his crown during his fourteen-year reign. Unfortunately for King Ralph, all good things eventually come to an end, which included his time as ruler of Alberta. By 2004, his colleagues were pushing for the Premier, who had pledged to only serve one final term after that year’s election, to finalize his retirement date. Klein’s insistence to tender his resignation in late 2007, which would take effect in early 2008, was met with disapproval and criticism from within the government’s caucus. Making matters even worse, the opposition to Premier Klein staying on extended to the party membership itself, which delivered him an embarrassing fifty-five percent endorsement in the March 31, 2006 leadership review. In the ensuing leadership campaign to replace him, effectively the provinces only way to change Premiers, former Finance Minister and then-Minister of Intergovernmental and Aboriginal Affairs Stockwell Day defeated fellow cabinet ministers Dave Hancock, Ed Stelmach, and Mark Norris.
Despite his close personal friendship with federal Conservative leader Jim Dinning, his predecessor in the Finance portfolio, Premier Day was firmly set in the more socially conservative, Blue Tory wing of the country’s conservative movement. He also had an act for getting himself involved with controversy. In 2000 Day, while serving in cabinet, was sued for defamation for publicly criticizing Red Deer lawyer Lorne Goddard for representing a defendant who was ultimately convicted of possessing child pornography, suggesting that Goddard believed pedophiles had the right to owning such material. The suit was later settled in December of that year in a $792,064.40 payout to Goddard. Before long, a common attack amongst Alberta’s opposition parties was that the new Premier was too closely aligned with the Christian right.
During the campaign itself, the Tories campaign proposed to take a harsher approach to reduce crime and make communities safer, specifically through the hiring of more police officers and prosecutors, and further assisting those victims of crime and abuse. As for the economy, Day and his party supported further cutting taxes for the middle class and cutting government spending in the hopes of curbing the growing deficit in the province. As for the Liberals, Opposition leader Kevin Taft pledged to keep levels of taxation low for small businesses, as well as eliminate health care premiums. A major part of Taft's campaign platform, the Liberals hoped that through the construction of more hospitals and specialized surgical centres within the public system, wait times would be reduced and more healthcare workers could be drawn to working in the province. The New Democrats, under Edmonton MLA Brian Mason, hoped that their green energy plan, namely through using royalties to develop solar, wind and geothermal energy alternatives, the party would pick up a handful of new seats in its mission to escape political irrelevance. As for Randy Thorsteinson and the right-wing Alliance Party, the election was more about portraying the Premier as a sellout to the more moderate elements within the PC Party than anything else. Unfortunately for Thorsteinson, more than enough people believed the opposite was true.
True to form, Albertans elected the governing Progressive Conservatives to yet another majority mandate, although down to a measly fifteen seat margin. Yet again, the provincial Liberals had made gains in and around Edmonton, as had the populist-minded Alliance. It wouldn’t be long until the discontent with Stockwell Day would transform into open revolt, forcing the Tories to further reflect; how could they cement their hold on the province? Was there a man cold and calculating enough to systematically destroy the opposition?
Time would tell.
Premiers of Alberta:
Peter Lougheed (Progressive Conservative) 1971-1985
Don Getty (Progressive Conservative) 1985-1992
Ralph Klein (Progressive Conservative) 1992-2006
Stockwell Day (Progressive Conservative) 2006-
Mario Dumont had achieved what no one thought even remotely possible; electing the first non-Liberal and non-PQ government since the election of Daniel Johnson, Sr. and the Union Nationale forty-one years earlier. Throughout the campaign voters had grown increasingly restless with the constant bickering between the Liberals and PQ over the age-old issue of federalism versus sovereignty. Many felt as though real issues had begun to be pushed to the side in favor of theatrics. Hence, when Quebecers narrowly elected Dumont and the Action Democratique du Quebec to power, headlines across the rest of Canada proclaimed the issue of sovereignty dead, replaced by a nationalism not linked to separatism. The province which had only narrowly voted to remain apart of Canada in 1995 had now embraced the left-right dichotomy that the rest of the province’s enjoyed. Although he had privately backed Jean Charest, a close personal friend, Prime Minister Dinning and his allies, at least the more right-wing members of his caucus, found solace in the fact that Quebec had rejected the PQ, and instead elected a government focused on reducing taxation, government regulation, and dependency on handouts from Ottawa. Unfortunately for the ADQ, their time in power would be disastrous.
By virtue of its revolutionary election to power, the incoming government was comprised mainly of political novices, lacking much of the political and cabinet experience that voters had grown expected after decades of trading between the Liberals and Parti Quebecois. ADQ MNAs often appeared more concerned with issues which mattered to their party as opposed to their constituents. With the government only enjoying a four-seat advantage over the opposition Liberals and their new leader, former cabinet minister Benoit Pelletier, little was achieved other than embarrassing gaffes and missteps. Critics charged that the ADQ lacked any real ideological bent, and simply served as the personality cult of Premier Mario Dumont. Few, if any of the ADQ’s election promises were implemented, and the party was left appearing more as an opposition party, attacking their opponents, as opposed to answering their questions of offering up any alternative. With the ripple effect of the global financial crisis reaching Canada’s shores, polls showed voters concern over the ADQ’s ability to govern morph into a frenzy.
Sensing an opportunity, the Liberals, with the backing of the PQ, moved a motion of non-confidence, and brought the barely year-old government tumbling down. As would become a familiar theme in campaigns across Canada and the rest of the world, each of the three main parties argued that only they were suited to manage the economy in times of such dire crisis and unpredictability. It appeared as though the gamble would work for Pelletier. From the very moment cracks began to show in the ADQ, polls showed the Liberals the primary benefactor of their adversary’s collapse. Although the PQ had made gains of their own, no one really expected Pauline Marois to wind-up as Premier. Her party plagued by with financial difficulties of its own, it was believed by the PQ rank-and-file that Marois had botched a very winnable election only a year earlier, and had only stayed on due to the lack of interest on the part of her caucus colleagues to take over from her. Individuals like Francois Legault and Andre Boisclair preferred to let Marois take the fall and clean up her mess than being responsible for the party’s fourth straight defeat.
Issues like the economy, healthcare, relations with Ottawa, and the ADQ’s inability to govern were wildly discussed throughout the campaign. Without any significant opponents, the Liberals further cemented their gains in the polls, and became the clear frontrunner. By the midpoint of the election both the media and the other party leaders had begun treating Benoit Pelletier as though he was already Premier, attacking his party’s record in government and for what they labelled as irresponsible economic policies. Yet by attacking Pelletier, both the ADQ and the PQ had effectively conceded that the Liberals were in full control of the campaign.
Ultimately, the outcome was never truly in doubt. Quebecers elected the Liberals with a substantial majority government. The ADQ, once heralded as the beginning of a new age in Quebec politics, had been reduced to only five seats and below official party status. Left embarrassed and defeated, Dumont would resign as the leader of the party he had founded the following day. Quebec had returned to their status quo, with Benoit Pelletier as Premier. Now all was left was for the other opposition parties to find new leaders, and prepare for the next campaign circus.
Premiers of Quebec:
Daniel Johnson, Jr. (Liberal) 1994
Jacques Parizeau (Parti Quebecois) 1994-1996
Bernard Landry (Parti Quebecois) 1996-1999
Jean Charest (Liberal) 1999-2007
Mario Dumont (ADQ) 2007-2008
Benoit Pelletier (Liberal) 2008-
Elections were generally regarded as formalities in the province of Alberta. Every four years or so voters would gather to give their blessing to another Conservative mandate, the Premier of the day would graciously accept, and the process would be repeated in another four years. Aside from a scare in his first election against Liberal leader and Edmonton Mayor Laurence Decore, Premier Ralph Klein had squashed all attempts to usurp his crown during his fourteen-year reign. Unfortunately for King Ralph, all good things eventually come to an end, which included his time as ruler of Alberta. By 2004, his colleagues were pushing for the Premier, who had pledged to only serve one final term after that year’s election, to finalize his retirement date. Klein’s insistence to tender his resignation in late 2007, which would take effect in early 2008, was met with disapproval and criticism from within the government’s caucus. Making matters even worse, the opposition to Premier Klein staying on extended to the party membership itself, which delivered him an embarrassing fifty-five percent endorsement in the March 31, 2006 leadership review. In the ensuing leadership campaign to replace him, effectively the provinces only way to change Premiers, former Finance Minister and then-Minister of Intergovernmental and Aboriginal Affairs Stockwell Day defeated fellow cabinet ministers Dave Hancock, Ed Stelmach, and Mark Norris.
Despite his close personal friendship with federal Conservative leader Jim Dinning, his predecessor in the Finance portfolio, Premier Day was firmly set in the more socially conservative, Blue Tory wing of the country’s conservative movement. He also had an act for getting himself involved with controversy. In 2000 Day, while serving in cabinet, was sued for defamation for publicly criticizing Red Deer lawyer Lorne Goddard for representing a defendant who was ultimately convicted of possessing child pornography, suggesting that Goddard believed pedophiles had the right to owning such material. The suit was later settled in December of that year in a $792,064.40 payout to Goddard. Before long, a common attack amongst Alberta’s opposition parties was that the new Premier was too closely aligned with the Christian right.
During the campaign itself, the Tories campaign proposed to take a harsher approach to reduce crime and make communities safer, specifically through the hiring of more police officers and prosecutors, and further assisting those victims of crime and abuse. As for the economy, Day and his party supported further cutting taxes for the middle class and cutting government spending in the hopes of curbing the growing deficit in the province. As for the Liberals, Opposition leader Kevin Taft pledged to keep levels of taxation low for small businesses, as well as eliminate health care premiums. A major part of Taft's campaign platform, the Liberals hoped that through the construction of more hospitals and specialized surgical centres within the public system, wait times would be reduced and more healthcare workers could be drawn to working in the province. The New Democrats, under Edmonton MLA Brian Mason, hoped that their green energy plan, namely through using royalties to develop solar, wind and geothermal energy alternatives, the party would pick up a handful of new seats in its mission to escape political irrelevance. As for Randy Thorsteinson and the right-wing Alliance Party, the election was more about portraying the Premier as a sellout to the more moderate elements within the PC Party than anything else. Unfortunately for Thorsteinson, more than enough people believed the opposite was true.
True to form, Albertans elected the governing Progressive Conservatives to yet another majority mandate, although down to a measly fifteen seat margin. Yet again, the provincial Liberals had made gains in and around Edmonton, as had the populist-minded Alliance. It wouldn’t be long until the discontent with Stockwell Day would transform into open revolt, forcing the Tories to further reflect; how could they cement their hold on the province? Was there a man cold and calculating enough to systematically destroy the opposition?
Time would tell.
Premiers of Alberta:
Peter Lougheed (Progressive Conservative) 1971-1985
Don Getty (Progressive Conservative) 1985-1992
Ralph Klein (Progressive Conservative) 1992-2006
Stockwell Day (Progressive Conservative) 2006-
By virtue of its revolutionary election to power, the incoming government was comprised mainly of political novices, lacking much of the political and cabinet experience that voters had grown expected after decades of trading between the Liberals and Parti Quebecois. ADQ MNAs often appeared more concerned with issues which mattered to their party as opposed to their constituents. With the government only enjoying a four-seat advantage over the opposition Liberals and their new leader, former cabinet minister Benoit Pelletier, little was achieved other than embarrassing gaffes and missteps. Critics charged that the ADQ lacked any real ideological bent, and simply served as the personality cult of Premier Mario Dumont. Few, if any of the ADQ’s election promises were implemented, and the party was left appearing more as an opposition party, attacking their opponents, as opposed to answering their questions of offering up any alternative. With the ripple effect of the global financial crisis reaching Canada’s shores, polls showed voters concern over the ADQ’s ability to govern morph into a frenzy.
Sensing an opportunity, the Liberals, with the backing of the PQ, moved a motion of non-confidence, and brought the barely year-old government tumbling down. As would become a familiar theme in campaigns across Canada and the rest of the world, each of the three main parties argued that only they were suited to manage the economy in times of such dire crisis and unpredictability. It appeared as though the gamble would work for Pelletier. From the very moment cracks began to show in the ADQ, polls showed the Liberals the primary benefactor of their adversary’s collapse. Although the PQ had made gains of their own, no one really expected Pauline Marois to wind-up as Premier. Her party plagued by with financial difficulties of its own, it was believed by the PQ rank-and-file that Marois had botched a very winnable election only a year earlier, and had only stayed on due to the lack of interest on the part of her caucus colleagues to take over from her. Individuals like Francois Legault and Andre Boisclair preferred to let Marois take the fall and clean up her mess than being responsible for the party’s fourth straight defeat.
Issues like the economy, healthcare, relations with Ottawa, and the ADQ’s inability to govern were wildly discussed throughout the campaign. Without any significant opponents, the Liberals further cemented their gains in the polls, and became the clear frontrunner. By the midpoint of the election both the media and the other party leaders had begun treating Benoit Pelletier as though he was already Premier, attacking his party’s record in government and for what they labelled as irresponsible economic policies. Yet by attacking Pelletier, both the ADQ and the PQ had effectively conceded that the Liberals were in full control of the campaign.
Ultimately, the outcome was never truly in doubt. Quebecers elected the Liberals with a substantial majority government. The ADQ, once heralded as the beginning of a new age in Quebec politics, had been reduced to only five seats and below official party status. Left embarrassed and defeated, Dumont would resign as the leader of the party he had founded the following day. Quebec had returned to their status quo, with Benoit Pelletier as Premier. Now all was left was for the other opposition parties to find new leaders, and prepare for the next campaign circus.
Premiers of Quebec:
Daniel Johnson, Jr. (Liberal) 1994
Jacques Parizeau (Parti Quebecois) 1994-1996
Bernard Landry (Parti Quebecois) 1996-1999
Jean Charest (Liberal) 1999-2007
Mario Dumont (ADQ) 2007-2008
Benoit Pelletier (Liberal) 2008-
Dumont's collapse was to be expected, sadly. The idea of Day as Alberta Premier is a novel one I haven't seen before. I take it the Alliance benefited from the OTL minor boost/'revival' the Socreds had in Alberta? Great and detailed as ever @CanadianTory BTW.
Yeah, Dumont is never destined to have much luck. As for Day, yeah I always wanted to keep him in Alberta.
I appreciate the support