Land of Sweetness: A Pre-Columbian Timeline

The standard bearer practice seems rather odd, at least the part about hundreds routing when the standard falls. Is that OTL, or exaggerated in any way? Not doubting, just curious.
It is from OTL. Without the standards, it was impossible for the soldiers to identify whose side was whose and they had no recourse but to flee. Ah Ek Lemba solves this issue by multiplying the number of standards twentyfold. Ross Hassig says in Aztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion and Political Control:

Unit leaders [of four hundreds] wore standards and led their troops into battle. If the cuachpantli [standard] bearer was killed or the standard was taken, the unit was thrown into disarray, and the Spaniards reasoned that the Indian warriors fled because losing their standard was an evil omen. Actually, this disarray was caused by more pragmatic considerations. Because the noise and confusion in battle made it impossible to rely on audible commands, sight was used, and the standard, towering above the fray, provided an easy sign indicating where and when the unit was advancing and retreating. Individuals and groups could keep in touch with their main body simply by observing the standard. And though the loss of the standard and the leader carrying it no doubt proved a major psychological blow to the rest of the unit, this setback was secondary to the loss of direction. Without the standard soldiers could not determine where their comrades were going, and they risked being cut off and captured by the enemy. The consternation shown by the army units had real tactical significance, and the loss of the standard-bearer did not mean divine displeasure and lead to dispersion; rather, it disrupted control and blinded the troops.
OTL Aztec art often displays these standards:

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corourke

Donor
Great to see this back!

I'm loving your concept of mercenary companies. Interesting ideas like that are one of the reasons I read AH
 
Entry 32-1: Ah Ek Lemba's southern campaigns, 1386-1389, Part 1
From Meeting of Worlds: Spaniards and Mexicans in the Sixteenth Century:

Ah Ek Lemba’s imperial army ballooned to dimensions hitherto unseen. In the early 1380s the king led merely eight thousand Maya troops, a single “army” by Mesoamerica’s vigesimal reckoning (eight thousand being twenty to the power of three). By the end of his reign, the World-Conqueror maintained seven standing armies in his personal entourage, theoretically amounting to 56,000 men, and had the capacity to raise several hundred thousands more from the peasantry under his control. To these were added hundreds of thousands more porters and slaves and wives and children. Such vast hosts of people, always on the move according to the dictates of the king’s endless campaigns, were really migratory cities – “mountains of arrows, seas of shields” (ca mitepētl, ca chimalātl), as one source says.

The 56,000-men royal army of the twilight of Ah Ek Lemba’s reign required supplies of gargantuan proportions. While no bureaucratic records survive from the World-Conqueror’s times, it appears that the royal army and its associated population of noncombatants would have consumed no less than 65,000 tons of maize on an annual basis. And that was not all –it would have taken innumerable boatloads of cotton simply to make all the armor that the army wore, billions of beetles must have been sacrificed on a regular basis for the beautiful red dye of the soldiers’ war colors, and surely the men and their wives demanded at least several tons of obsidian yearly for basic weapons and tools.

Once Ah Ek Lemba had determined upon world conquest, war justified war. The army needed supplies beyond what could be found even in the ever-expanding domain of the World-Conqueror; thus there had to be war to secure new supplies, and larger armies to win the war, and then more war to secure the newer supplies that the larger armies demanded.

Only with Ah Ek Lemba’s conquests of Cuba, the Gulf Coast, and highland Guatemala were the armies relieved from the looming threat of logistical failure. Cuba and the North American Gulf Coast were fertile plantation economies that produced far more than their own relatively small populations could consume; by subjugating them, subordinating their market structures, and siphoning off almost the entire surplus production to Tiho, the king’s growing armies could be kept full and sated throughout the year. And with control over the obsidian deposits of Guatemala – production in which Ah Ek Lemba intensified to a scale previously unseen – the ground was set for world dominion.​

* * *

From A Short History of America:

Ah Ek Lemba launched his southern campaign in 1386. Later sources claim that this was because there were cities founded by the Feathered Serpent there, and Ah Ek Lemba was of course the flesh-and-blood avatar of the Feathered Serpent reborn to take control of the cities he had made and left. The apotheosis of the ruler, however, does not appear to date back to so early a date. The 1386 campaign was probably due to a much more mundane reason, that is, the necessity of supplying obsidian for the army.

Highland Guatemala was the only major source of obsidian in eastern Mesoamerica. Since the explosion of maritime trade in the thirteenth century, the kings of the highland city-state of Jakawitz had conquered most of highland Guatemala, annexed the rich ports of the Soconusco lowlands, and proceeded to forge a powerful empire ruling over scores of vassal cities and several millions of people. (In this process, the kings had moved their capital to the more agriculturally bountiful city of Q’umarkaj.) The kings of Jakawitz-Q’umarkaj, however, ruled with a light hand. There was little demand for tribute nor interference in the affairs of their vassals, and most of the kings’ income came from their monopoly on the obsidian mines and their heavy taxes on cacao plantations – the two things they demanded from their new conquered subjects that sparked indignation – and their tariffs on Soconusco trade.

The Q’umarkaj kingdom was really a confederation of three major dynasties, the K’iche’ (who were the most powerful), the Tamub, and the Ilokab. The K’iche’ themselves were divided into four cadet branches: the Kaweq, the Ajaw K’iche’, the Nijaib’, and the Sakik. The Kaweq were politically dominant; the supreme ruler (Ajpop) and his chief chancellor (Ajpop K’amja’) were both from the Kaweq branch, indeed often brothers or father and son, and the other cadet branches were only represented in the lower echelons of the court. The two ministers who ranked third in the court hierarchy, the K’alel and the Atzij Winak, were Nijaib’ and Sakik respectively, and there were no high-ranking Ajaw K’iche’ officials at all. The Tamub and Ilokab nobility were themselves subject to the Ajpop and his three high-ranking K’iche’ ministers. Together, the three dynasties ruled over a heterogonous population of K’iche’, Tz’utujil, Kaqchikel, Mem, and other highland Maya groups, as well as Nahuas and a large number of Tapachultecs (governed by Nahua or Isatian-speaking rulers) along the coastline.

This proliferation of powerful dynasties and diverse ethnic groups was not an uncommon phenomenon in fourteenth-century Mesoamerica, but it was a recipe for factionalism.

Since the mid-1370s, the head of the Kaweq and thus king of Q’umarkaj was a certain K’otuja Quq’kumatzel. By all accounts, K’otuja had been a successful ruler. He had subjugated the Eagle’s Host, a mercenary band of about three thousand Nahua mercenaries, and transported them to close state supervision in a garrison near Q’umarkaj. Trade flourished along the Pacific coast, and by February 24, 1381, K’otuja found that his treasuries were full enough to command the construction of a newer and greater pyramid than had ever yet been seen, complete with solid sheets of gold.

K’otuja’s title, Quq’kumatzel, means “Feathered Serpent,” and the king promoted the notion that he was an avatar of the internationally popular Feathered Serpent god. It was also said that he was a powerful sorcerer, at once a nagualist (shape-shifter) and a clairvoyant. The Popol Wuj, an enigmatically worded source of K’iche’ myth and history, says:

[K’otuja] Quq’kumatz[el] was truly a marvelous king. For seven days he mounted to the skies and for seven days he went down into Xibalba [the Maya Underworld]; seven days he changed himself into a snake and really became a serpent; for seven days he changed himself into an eagle; for seven days he became a jaguar; and his appearance was really that of an eagle and a jaguar. Another seven days he changed himself into clotted blood and was only motionless blood…

[K’otuja and his ancestors were] enchanted lords. They knew if there would be war. It was clear before their faces. They saw if there would be death, if there would be hunger. They surely knew if there would be strife.
And if the sorcerer-god-king K’otuja Quq’kumatzel “surely knew if there would be strife,” he must surely have predicted the greatest strife of all, the invasion of Ah Ek Lemba in 1386.​
 
Entry 32-2: Ah Ek Lemba's southern campaigns, 1386-1389, Part 2
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From the Popol Wuj:

[Description of the Greatness of the K’iche’s of Q’umarkaj]

Ta xnimarik q’aq’al,
Then was increased their [the kings’] glory,​
Tepewal pa K’iche’.
And their sovereignty, in K’iche’ [Q’umarkaj].​


Ta xq’aq’arik,

Then was glorified,​
Ta xtepewarik,
Then made sovereign,​
U nimal,
The greatness of K’iche’,​
Ralal K’iche’.
The weightiness of K’iche’.
[Nimal "greatness" and ralal "weightiness" are metaphors for power]



Ta xchunaxik,
Then was whitewashed,​
Ta xsajkab’ix puch,
Then was lime-plastered,​
Siwan,
The canyon [of Q’umarkaj],​
Tinamit.
The citadel [of Q’umarkaj].​
Xul ch’uti amaq’,
There came the small nations,​
Nima amaq’…
[There came] the great nations…​


Ta xwinaqirik rochoch k’ab’awil,

Then they were created, the homes of the gods,​
Kochoch nay pu ajawab’,
And the homes of the kings as well,​
Ma nay pu are’ xeb’anowik,
Though they [the kings] did not build,​
Mawi xechakun taj.
Though they did not work.​
Ma pu xkib’an ta kochoch,
No – they did not make their own homes,​
Ma nay pu xa ta xkib’an rochoch ki k’ab’awil,
Nor the homes of their own gods,​
Xa rumal xek’irik kal,
For numerous were their vassals,​
Ki k’ajol.
And their servants too.​


Ma na xa ki b’ochi’,

And they did not lure their vassals to work,​
Xa ta pu keleq’,
Nor abduct them,​
Ki q’upun ta puch;
Nor carry them off by force;​
Qitzij wi chi kech
For truly the vassals belonged​
Ajawab’ chikijujunal.
To the lords, to each and every one.​


[The coming of Semanatepew]


Are’ xil rumal Semanatepew,
This was seen therefore by Semanatepew,​
Aj Ek Lemba,
Ah Ek Lemba,​
Ch’eken ajaw;
Conquering lord;​
Ta xril u nimal,
He saw the greatness,​
Ta xwinaqir lab’al.
He fomented war.​


Koq’ u q’alel achij
,
The war-captains cried,​
“Lab’al! Lab’al! Lab’al!”
“War! War! War!”​
Koq’ u tza’m achij,
The border-masters cried,​
“Chi ch’ab’, chi pokob’!”
“With arrows, with shields!”​
Xere xcha’ K’otuja,
But K’otuja said,​
“Xnub’isoj;
“I have pondered;​
"Kojch’akatajik.”
“We shall be defeated."​



K’ate k’ut ma xeyakatajik aj lab’al,

So the K’iche’ did not raise an army,​
Rumal xril K’otuja ri ch’akatajik,
For K’otuja had seen defeat,​
Rumal chi naj kopon wi u wach;
For his vision reaches far;​
Ta xpe chi tinamit Semanatepew,
Then Semanatepew came to the citadel,​
Ta xril chi tinamit nima tz’aq,
Then saw that the walls were stout,​
Ta xb’ek are’ loq’b’al u tzalijik.
Then left to come another day.​


Nim xki’kot K’iche’,

Greatly the K’iche’s rejoiced,​
Xa u tukel q’us koq’ik Quq’kumatzel,
But all alone lamented Quq’kumatzel,​
Are’ ri xcha’ k’ut K’otuja:
And this was what K’otuja said:​
“Xinwilo u tzalijik.”
“I have seen him come again.”​


Ta xpe chi tinamit Semanatepew,

Then Semanatepew came to the citadel,​
Ta xek’ulun chirij xim ri U Achijab’ Kot,
Then the Eagle’s Host joined him,​
Ri jolcanob’ Yaki.
The Nahua mercenaries.​
Xe’uchaxix Semanatepew ri ki ajaw Yaki,
Semanatepew had told the lord of the Nahuas,​
“Chiqaya’o Xokonochco,
“We will give you Soconusco,​
“Chiqaya’o K’iche’.”
“We will give you the K’iche’ lands.”​


Chireme’ik chi kaq kik’el ri K’otuja,

K’otuja pooled as crimson blood,​
Pupuje’ik chi sutz’,
Rose from the mountains as a cloud,​
Tzatz chi q’aq’ xqajik pakiwi’ aj lab’al chi tinamit.
Rained thick upon the army at the citadel.​


“Tzatz chi kik’,” xcha’ Semanatepew,

“It rains blood,” said Semanatepew,​
“Ajal rech,
“A strange thing,​
“Itzel lab’e.”
“An ill omen.”​
Ta xb’ek are’ loq’b’al u tzalijik.
Then he left to come another day.​


Xkanaj chi ri jolkanob’,

The Nahua mercenaries were left behind,​
Xti’ow ki tio’jil K’otuja b’alam chuxik;
And K’otuja ate their flesh in jaguar-shape,​
Keje’ xti’ow b’alam ri poy ajam che’.
As the wood people were devoured by jaguars.​


Nim xki’kot K’iche’,

Greatly the K’iche’s rejoiced,​
Xa u tukel q’us koq’ik Quq’kumatzel,
But all alone lamented Quq’kumatzel,​
Are’ ri xcha’ k’ut K’otuja:
And this was what K’otuja said:​
“Xinwilo u tzalijik.”
“I have seen him come again.”​


Ta xpe chi tinamit Semanatepew,

Then Semanatepew came to the citadel,​
Ta xek’ulun chirij xim ri Ilokab’,
Then the Ilokab joined him,​
Ri rajawal Q’umarkaj.
These lords of Q’umarkaj.​
Xe’uchaxix Semanatepew ri ki ajaw Ilokab’,
Semanatepew had told the lord of the Ilokab,​
“Chiqaya’o ri pop chuwi’ ri Kaweq,
“We will give you the mat over the Kaweq,​
“Ri ch’ami’y chuwi’ ri Nijaib’.”
“The staff over the Nijaib’.”​
[The mat and staff are Maya symbols of authority.]



Xok pa Xib’alb’a ri K’otuja,
K’otuja entered the Place of Fear [the Maya Underworld]​
Xch’awik chire u ajawab’ yab’,
Conversed with the lords of sickness,​
Ri ch’amiya jolom.
The staffs of skulls.​


Ta chipe puj chirij raqan Ilokab’,

Then oozed pus from the legs of the Ilokab,​
Ta chib’aqir ri ronojel Ilokab’,
Then skeletized were all the Ilokab,​
Ta chuxawaj kik’ ri ronojel Ilokab’.
Then vomiting blood were all the Ilokab.​


“Xekamik ri Ilokab’,” xcha’ Semanatepew,

“The Ilokab die,” said Semanatepew,​
“Ajal rech,
“A strange thing,​
“Itzel lab’e.”
“An ill omen.”​
Ta xb’ek are’ loq’b’al u tzalijik.
Then he left to come another day.​


Nim xki’kot K’iche’,

Greatly the K’iche’s rejoiced,​
Xa u tukel q’us koq’ik Quq’kumatzel,
But all alone lamented Quq’kumatzel,​
Are’ ri xcha’ k’ut K’otuja:
And this was what K’otuja said:​
“Xinwilo u tzalijik.”
“I have seen him come again.”​


Ta xpe chi tinamit Semanatepew,

Then Semanatepew came to the citadel,​
Ta xuk’ul u k’ajol K’otuja,
Then the son of K’otuja joined him,​
Istayul u b’i’.
Istayul by name.​


Xe’uchaxix Semanatepew ri Istayul,

Semanatepew had told Istayul,​
“Chiqaya’o nimal chuwi’ a chuch,
“We will give you greatness over your mother,​
“Chiqaya’o ralal chuwi’ a qajaw.”
“Weightiness over your father.”​
“Xax ix wi Q’umarkaj rajaw chuxik,
“I will make you king in Q’umarkaj,​
“Rajaw Xokonochco puch,
“In Soconusco as well,​
“Nab’e chi qa al;
“The first of our vassals;​
“Ri qa nawatil chuxik k’ut.”
“Such will be our law.”​


Xcha’ K’otuja, “Naqi xchikamisaj Istayul?

K’otuja said, “How could I kill Istayul?​
"Rumal nu k’ajol.”
“Because he is my son.”​
K’ate k’ut ma xeyakatajik aj lab’al,
Therefore the armies were not raised,​
K’ut xch’ataj Q’umarkaj,
Therefore Q’umarkaj was taken,​
K’ut xkamisaxik rumal Semanatepew,
Therefore he was killed by Semanatepew,​
K’otuja Quq’kumatzel,
K’otuja Quq’kumatzel,​
Nawal ajaw,
Sorcerer king,​
Rumal loq’ u k’ajol.
Because he loved his son.​


Ta rajaw Q’umarkaj xuxik Semanatepew,

Then Semanatepew became king in Q’umarkaj,​
Rajaw Xoconochko.
King in Soconusco.​
Maja b’i naqi’ la’ ruk’ Istayul.
Istayul had nothing.​
Xcha’ Istayul,
Istayul said,​
“Naqi ma in ajaw taj?”
“Why am I not king?”​
“‘Ri qa nawatil chuxik k’ut,’ lal kixcha’.
“‘Such will be our law,’ you said.”​


Xcha’ Semanatepew,

Semanatepew said,​
“Xa u tukel intz'aqo nawatil;
“I alone frame the laws;​
“Xa u tukel ink’ajiniko nawatil;
“I alone break the laws;​
“Xa u tukel in nawatil.”
“I alone am the law.”​

* * *

From A Short History of America:

Ah Ek Lemba’s conquest of the Q’umarkaj kingdom took three years, from 1386 to 1389. From the surviving sources, concrete details are tantalizingly few, but the conqueror appears to have taken advantage of a succession conflict between King K’otuja and his son Iztāyōl (Istayul), a factional rebellion by the Ilokab against their K’iche’ overlords, and a mutiny by the Eagle’s Host of Nahua mercenaries. What is clear is that Ah Ek Lemba’s allies were, by and large, not rewarded. Iztāyōl was executed in 1393; archaeologists have found no marked improvement in the Ilokab economy following the downfall of the K’iche’; the Eagle Band was forcibly absorbed into the World-Conqueror’s army, as was customary for subjugated mercenary companies.

The old kings’ monopolies on the highland obsidian mines carried over to the new regime, with one of Ah Ek Lemba’s generals serving in Q’umarkaj with the newly established title of Pacifier of Guatemala (Cuauhtēmallān Yōcoxcānemītiāni). The Pacific region of Soconusco, though rich with its ports and cacao plantations, proved too distant for Ah Ek Lemba’s hitherto Atlantic-centered empire to control, and the area was handed over to the former captain of the Eagle's Host to govern as a viceroy.

Ah Ek Lemba campaigned in the dense forests between Guatemala and Tiho from 1390 to 1391, forcing virtually every king and chieftain in Maya country to accept him as their supreme overlord. Indeed, on the Long Count Date 11.8.10.0.0 (December 29, 1391), the king could plausibly make the claim that “for the first time since the Count of Days, all the peoples of the cycle are united.”​

* * *

God, the K’iche’ Maya was hard. And I know it’s riddled with grammatical errors.

Most things I mention about the K’iche’ kingdom of Q’umarkaj in the first part is true, including the divisions between the K’iche’, Tamub, and Ilokab and within the K’iche’ themselves, and the feats of the “shapeshifting king” (nawal ajaw) Quq’kumatzel. The Popol Wuj excerpts are also actual excerpts from the OTL Popol Wuj, which is indeed a book of K’iche’ myth and history. The main difference is that TTL’s K’iche’ kingdom has expanded much earlier, no doubt due to the expanded commercialization emphasized in earlier chapters, and much larger; the territorial zenith of OTL’s K’iche’ kingdom was during the mid-fifteenth-century reign of King K’iq’ab’, and they never fully conquered Soconusco.

My interpretation that K’otuja and Quq’kumatzel were the same king who ruled circa 1400 is not supported by the Popol Wuj, but it resolves a few contradictions in our textual records and is the position that Allen J. Christensen’s “Prehistory of the K’iche’an People” is tentatively sympathetic towards.

On the Popol Wuj translation, the excerpt subtitled “Description of the Greatness of the K’iche’s of Q’umarkaj” is from the actual Popol Wuj, and is a liberal mix of Allen J. Christensen’s critical and literal translations of the text. (Allen J. Christensen’s translations are excellent, BTW, and should be read by anyone interested in Mesoamerican history, especially since it’s our main source of Maya mythology and explains a lot of Maya artistic imagery.)

The longer excerpt subtitled “The coming of Semanatepew” was written entirely by yours truly, both the English and Maya texts.
 
All those close-up maps of the tantalizingly small and rich port cities offered in the previous updates, and Tiho's first big move is to head inland? I didn't expect that :O

Despite his "I am the law" rhetoric, what methods or resources does Ah Ek Lemba actually have for keeping his "Pacifiers" as governors accountable to him, and not letting them achieve the autonomy of the viceroy vassals? I don't imagine that forty years of civil war was healthy for Yucatan-based civil bureaucracies.
 

Vuu

Banned
The Maya state now covers the area around the size of Germany - impressive, for the climate, terrain and the fact that there is no beast of burden/riding animal. The logistics truly are nightmarish, I'd not be surprised if some idioms arise from that
 
Despite his "I am the law" rhetoric, what methods or resources does Ah Ek Lemba actually have for keeping his "Pacifiers" as governors accountable to him, and not letting them achieve the autonomy of the viceroy vassals? I don't imagine that forty years of civil war was healthy for Yucatan-based civil bureaucracies.
The Maya state now covers the area around the size of Germany - impressive, for the climate, terrain and the fact that there is no beast of burden/riding animal. The logistics truly are nightmarish, I'd not be surprised if some idioms arise from that
The next entry will discuss the logistics and nature of Ah Ek Lemba's rule over the Maya. Another entry will at some point discuss the ideology of Ah Ek Lemba's short-lived empire, which is also key to understanding how the thing doesn't fall apart.

I'll have more to say in the next post, but perhaps it's more accurate to think of the empire less as the unified blob of green and orange on the map, and more as a daddy longlegs spider – with the Yucatec Maya area the imperial core where central authority is properly asserted (the spider's body, so to speak), and imperial writ outside Yucatec areas exerted only along key road networks that pass through important towns and resource extraction areas (the legs of the spider). In between the roads are vast territories essentially beyond the pale of Ah Ek Lemba's direct control.

On another note, what do you think about me including the original Mesoamerican language text? Does it contribute to immersion? Is it distracting?
 
Seems to me like they have brought llamas to Central America. Have been mentions that they are not as dependent on the sea for resupply as the Mercenary companies are.
 
The next entry will discuss the logistics and nature of Ah Ek Lemba's rule over the Maya. Another entry will at some point discuss the ideology of Ah Ek Lemba's short-lived empire, which is also key to understanding how the thing doesn't fall apart.

I'll have more to say in the next post, but perhaps it's more accurate to think of the empire less as the unified blob of green and orange on the map, and more as a daddy longlegs spider – with the Yucatec Maya area the imperial core where central authority is properly asserted (the spider's body, so to speak), and imperial writ outside Yucatec areas exerted only along key road networks that pass through important towns and resource extraction areas (the legs of the spider). In between the roads are vast territories essentially beyond the pale of Ah Ek Lemba's direct control.

On another note, what do you think about me including the original Mesoamerican language text? Does it contribute to immersion? Is it distracting?
I like the mayan text, I think its really cool when alternate history includes real lenguages to the narrative, it makes it feel more real.
 
On another note, what do you think about me including the original Mesoamerican language text? Does it contribute to immersion? Is it distracting?

It contributes to immersion-- really feels lie the kind of contemporary insider source that TTL historians might pore over. The analysis that accompanies the text makes it even better.
Speaking of which, what does "Semanatepew" mean? I can understand why the K'iche' wouldn't want to call him Feathered-Serpent (the name's taken, for one) but what have they decided to call him instead?

EDIT: It's a transliteration of Cemanahuatepehuani, isn't it? But why use the Nahua/Isatian name, especially to refer to a fellow Maya?
 
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Entry 33: The logistics of Ah Ek Lemba's empire in Maya country
From “The Logistics of Ah Ek Lemba’s Maya Empire,” by Zhang Jinglun:

The most important difference between Eurasia and Mesoamerica is that the former had beasts of burden of all kinds – horses and oxen, donkeys and mules, camels and elephants. The latter’s only equivalent was the human being.

Given the inherent inefficiency of solely human-based land transportation, Mesoamerican transportation networks had been knit together primarily by ship and waterway since the twelfth-century invention of the sail. Roads existed. But besides the streets of planned cities and certain other outliers (to be discussed below), these were dirt roads maintained by the local population for commercial purposes, easily flooded and made unusable in the rainy season and rarely capable of allowing any more than double-file two-way traffic.

The problem was that Mesoamerica faced two great oceans to its east and west that did not, as far as its people were aware, join together. Portage between the Atlantic and the Pacific was possible only in three places, including the fabled Panamanian city of Ācuappāntōnco. Even in those places, transport of goods from one ocean to another was a very expensive enterprise that took several days. This created imbalances in the distribution of key resources. For instance, the greatest metal mines in Mesoamerica were located in the highlands of West Mexico. It was only natural that metal goods were cheap all along the Pacific coast and much more expensive in the city-states of the Gulf Coast. This state of affairs seems to have convinced Ah Ek Lemba of the need for efficient land transport.

Among the major exceptions to the rudimentary quality of fourteenth-century Mesoamerican roads were the sacbe roads of the Yucatec Maya. Constructed and expanded in fits and starts since the fifth century B.C., sacbes were elevated stone pathways, their surfaces made smooth and even with gravel and paved with limestone and plaster. They usually served as major urban thoroughfares, but sometimes they cut through lowland jungle to connect politically affiliated cities hundreds of kilometers apart. A sacbe could be as much as three meters high and twelve meters wide and span hundreds of kilometers across the Maya lowlands, with distance markers accompanying travelers on the road.

Ah Ek Lemba was most directly inspired by the sacbe system to create the Nohbe, his Great Roads. But whereas the sacbes had linked scattered cities rather haphazardly – and that is being generous – the Nohbe roads connected every major city in lowland Maya country (see Figure 1).

The Nohbe roads were standardized, all designed as to permit a column of five soldiers to march on them. In practice, this meant roads about ten meters wide. There were distance markers and direction signs at regular intervals, and every few kilometers there were runners who carried the painted messages of the World-Conqueror. Part of all Nohbe roads was reserved for these runners, and a message relayed by them could cover 280 kilometers in a single day (see Figure 2). The Yucatan Peninsula itself is only around 360 kilometers wide at its widest.

These roads allowed Ah Ek Lemba’s armies to march an average of some 30 kilometers per day, faster than even their swiftest adversaries. Because Mesoamerican armies needed to be resupplied from local resources at intervals of five or six days, this meant that the army could head out from coastal supply depots and march more than 150 kilometers inland, reaching most of the Maya lowlands, without requisitioning local food supplies (see Figure 1).

Nohbe construction began even before the formal accession of the king on the Folding of the K’atun on February 19, 1382, and though the main roads appear to have been completed by the late 1390s, they continued to be refurbished and expanded throughout the long reign of the World-Conqueror.

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Figure 1. The Nohbe roads and the days required for an army from Tiho to reach a certain location.

The days given include the possibility of transportation by ship. For instance, the only way for a Tiho army to reach Q'umarkaj, 710 kilometers away, in nineteen days was to take ships in Tiho's port of Sisal, sail to Tixchel in three days, then march south for fifteen days.

A larger army would normally take the slightly longer option of sailing to Nito and marching west for about eight days. This was because supplies would run out before reaching Nojpeten, while the Tixchel-Itzamkanac-Nojpeten-Q'umarkaj route passed through the sparsely-populated Peten region where large armies could not be locally supplied. By contrast, the Nito-Jilotepeke-Q'umarkaj route followed the Motagua River, by which supplies could continue to be provided, and passed through the relatively agriculturally bountiful territory of the Kaqchikel Maya.

Clearly, the Nohbe roads clearly relieved logistical pressures immensely. Ah Ek Lemba's armies could be supplied without extorting local resources anywhere within a five days' march from a major port. As this map suggests, other than the Guatemala highlands and perhaps the Peten region around Nojpeten, the entirety of Maya country was within five days from a port.

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Figure 2. Estimated time in hours for a message from Tiho to be disseminated to specific areas.

Even the most distant areas of Maya country could receive Ah Ek Lemba's orders within four days.​

* * *

The sacbe roads are of course historical, as is the poor quality of most other Mesoamerican roads. Justine M. Shaw’s White Roads of the Yucatan: Changing Social Landscapes of the Yucatec Maya is a pretty comprehensive resource on sacbes.

The speed I give for Ah Ek Lemba’s runners might be surprising. 280 kilometers per day is approximately what Wikipedia says was the speed of the horse-based yam Mongol postal service. But history is quite often surprising. We know that Pre-Columbian runners were fully capable of making 200—300 kilometers in a day under conditions much less optimal than the paved Nohbe roads. Even if we stick to Mesoamerica, the Aztec emperor Motēuczōma II (Moctezuma II) apparently ate fresh fish from the Gulf Coast. Now, fish spoils extremely quickly, while the distance from the Aztec capital of Tenōchtitlan to the Gulf of Mexico is around 250 kilometers (155 miles) as the crow flies over mountains and volcanoes. Clearly, somebody (or several somebodies) was running at lightning speed.

Even more impressive is, of course, the Inca postal system. Bernabé Cobo tells us that relays of chaskis, or professional runners, could cover the road between Lima and Cusco, a distance of a little less than 700 kilometers, in three days. The Inca emperor, like his Aztec counterpart, also dined on fresh fish from the sea, and Cobo tells us that the fish reached the mountain capital of Cusco only two days after they had been caught. The direct distance from Cusco to the closest part of the coastline is 350 kilometers. This part of the shore is incidentally the world’s driest desert, where it rains 4 millimeters (0.16 inches) per year on average, so it’s not terribly likely that the fish were caught there.

Aztec roads were poorly maintained dirt roads, while Inca roads – and the coast-Cusco road especially, which crosses the Andes – went through mountainous terrain terribly unsuited for long-distance running. Given that Pre-Columbian runners could traverse hundreds of kilometers in a day even over such roads, I don’t think it’s implausible the Nohbe runners, who are crossing a land mostly flat, could be even faster.

Ah Ek Lemba’s army’s marching speed might also surprise you. 30 kilometers per day is very fast – an army making 30 kilometers per day could reach Paris from Berlin in less than a month. But it’s within the limits of possibility for very well-trained infantry armies on very good roads. A few historical examples (the Zulu one is especially impressive):
  • The Aztec army set off from Tenōchtitlan at midnight and reached Chālco, 40 kilometers away, at dawn. This was probably atypically fast for the Aztecs (Hassig, Aztec Warfare, p. 66).
  • Alexander the Great’s marching speed varied, but includes (only taking into account cases in which the whole army, with several tens of thousands of troops and their camp followers, marched) (Engels, Alexander the Great and the Logistics of the Macedonian Army, p. 153):
    • 30 kilometers per day from Pelinna to Boeotia
    • 26 kilometers per day from Therma to Sestos
    • 31 kilometers per day from Gaza to Pelusium
  • A Roman legion moved at a maximum of 28—32 kilometers per day on the best roads, though this was very rare (Goldsworthy, Roman Army at War, p. 110).
  • In the opening phase of the Anglo-Zulu War, the Zulu army marched across 100 kilometers from Ulundi to Isandlwana in just four days, despite the lack of good roads and King Cetshwayo having ordered his troops to “march slowly so not to tire yourselves.” The Zulus appear to have been fully capable of going over 30 kilometers per day (Knight, The Anatomy of the Zulu Army, p. 178-179).
So I do think it’s fully possible for an army from Tiho to reach Q’umarkaj in nineteen days, especially considering that you’d be taking boats from Sisal, Tiho’s main port, to Tixchel or Nito.
 

corourke

Donor
I love the detail of this TL. And the way you use this detail to raise the suspense between story elements is delightfully frustrating, haha
 

Vuu

Banned
Now imagine what will happen when the Spaniards figure out that the Americans in every corner of the continent are in need of a specific large quadruped... AND have the gold and silver to pay top dollar for it!
 
The Spaniards have quite the task on their hands, they were lucky to conquer two huge native empires in OTL, now there are major cities and complexes from Northen Mexico all the way to Chile I don’t think conquest is going to be as rapid or easy as it was OTL
 
While that is true, there is still a huge advantage in favour of the Spanish even at this point. The effects of mounts, firearms and the less provable disease cannot be understated. While new world states of OTL where extremely centralised, and this seems to carry over to this one, and many changes seem ready to help mitigate the Old Worlds strategic advantage. It seems likely that at least part of the Mesoa-american civilised world will be conquered or dominated by the Old-Worlders whether by trade or brute force. (As it is early 16th c. Spain we are talking about my money is on Brute force.)

However, though they have the potential to do so, there is a chance that the reward will not seem worth the risk initially, and this may give native states a chance to catch up. Only the OP knows, but Spain as a continental Hegemon in this TL does not seem the hinted outcome.
 
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