La Larga y Oscura Noche
- Thread starter maverick
- Start date
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maverick
Banned
Thanks to the Portuguesian speakers for their support
Good to see you're still around and interested in AH Wendell
And really thanks for that long input Metro...I had actually forgotten to include Bolivia in the great scheme of things
They probably had some effect, but the Argentinean officers and their political allies mostly acted thanks to a pre-existing political climate and specific circumstances. And truthfuly, I don't think the Argentine army needs ideas from other countries...there were already 2 successful coup precedents in the century, an earlier attempt against Peron in 1951 and several other precedents in the early 20th and late 19th century
I don't see why not...look at his list of friends...Perez Jimenez in Venezuela, Franco in Spain...he also spent some time in Panama and I believe was quite friendly with the Somozas in Nicaragua IIRC
Anyhow, the next update should take us back to Argentina, just in time for some boring explanations about Foreign policy in the 1950s and Peronist economy, to once again make you wonder whether Peron was right, left or plain crazy...(the answer might surprise you)
Stay tuned!
Good to see you're still around and interested in AH Wendell
And really thanks for that long input Metro...I had actually forgotten to include Bolivia in the great scheme of things
They probably had some effect, but the Argentinean officers and their political allies mostly acted thanks to a pre-existing political climate and specific circumstances. And truthfuly, I don't think the Argentine army needs ideas from other countries...there were already 2 successful coup precedents in the century, an earlier attempt against Peron in 1951 and several other precedents in the early 20th and late 19th century
I don't see why not...look at his list of friends...Perez Jimenez in Venezuela, Franco in Spain...he also spent some time in Panama and I believe was quite friendly with the Somozas in Nicaragua IIRC
Anyhow, the next update should take us back to Argentina, just in time for some boring explanations about Foreign policy in the 1950s and Peronist economy, to once again make you wonder whether Peron was right, left or plain crazy...(the answer might surprise you)
Stay tuned!
maverick
Banned
still in 1956
And now...boring stuff pertaining foreign and economic policies...cooler stuff later...
Chapter XV
Post Bellum
Dime con quien estas y te diré quien eres
Tell me who you’re with, and I’ll tell you who you are
Or something like that, the old adage still works just fine. Rich people spend their time with rich people, needy insecure people look for arrogant selfish leader types, the Soviet Union is allied to communist states and socialist regimes, and the United States, being a Liberal democracy and a republic is only allied to…well, you get the point
Now, before the 1960s, and let’s face it, in the 1960s and throughout the 1970s too, there was not such thing as viable third position. [1]
That’s not to say that people didn’t try.
Peron tried, the guys of the Bandung Conference right then and there in 1955 also tried, Ramon Barquin in Cuba tried.
Needless to say, they all met with varying degrees of resistance and failure.
******************************************************
Once the storm clouds were gone and the dust had settled, the picture for Argentina in the first months of 1956 was looking singularly dire and bleak.
The two most important industrial and political centers of the country had been directly affected by the war, several industrial and military facilities and other such areas were targeted or became part of a collateral damage that already included nearly 10,000 dead, 5,000 to 8,000 missing and a growing number of exiles.
The damage done to Buenos Aires, Cordoba, Alta Gracia, La Plata, Mar del Plata, Bahia Blanca that needed to be repaired, the factories and other economic facilities to be reconstructed, the confidence of the people in their country and the markets that needed to be restored along with the previous strength of the industrial complex Peron had taken so long to build and that had taken a nearly crippling blow with the war.
The Third Five Year Plan, presented in the winter of 1956, was mostly built around the principles of reconstruction, austerity and recovery.
While the need of more austere policies had been made part of the Second Five Year plan in 1951, which had also been devised during the beginnings of a economic crisis, the Third Plan was even more focused on both the need to attract foreign capital and investors while turning back to the old agro-industrial complex that had been the historical support of the Argentine economy since its birth.
Reactivating the economy through government stimulus and other such interventionist policies have while often criticized in other contexts, been heavily branded as a damaging policy under Peron and perhaps one of the reasons of Argentina’s poor economic situation, although also a possible factor in the later acceptance of Structuralist Economics (Desarrollism) in the 1960s…” [2]
[Taken from…Argentina Siglo XX: Historia de un País]
*************************************************************
The Argentinean attempts to increase her reduced circle of friendships and acquaintances in the post war of 1955-1956, meeting with several degrees of success and failure, were motivated by two obvious concerns:
1. Avoid any possible isolation that could result in negative effects in the commercial relations of the country with business partners and clients, a concern that was particularly important to notice given the need of exports to keep the economy afloat.
2. Attract foreign capitals in order to finance the fledging national industry or the reconstruction of the industries shattered by the war;
It would be of course needless to point out that the images and reminiscences of the civil war, all to similar to the similar stigma that haunted Spain following their own civil war, and the perception that Peron was an autocratic strongman with little love for free markets and democracy, all contributed to the building of a negative image of Argentina under Peron.
Close allies such as the Paraguayan dictator Alfredo Stroessner, the Venezuelan strongman Marcos Perez Jimenez, the Nicaraguan caudillo and likeminded Anastasio Somoza and of course, the last remnants of traditional fascism in Europe, Francisco Franco, with whom Peron enjoyed a relationship of mutual respect and co-dependence as Peron was amongst the only ones left to deal with Spain once fascism ceased to be fashionable in Europe. [3]
There were of course other similarly minded regimes around, and Argentina would strike a deal with anyone as long as the economy could be kept alive. With the Soviet Union being too red for a man like Peron and most of Europe and Asia far from having achieved the miraculous levels of recovery seen in the 1960s, the only option for credit was the United States of America, a nation which Peron had spent the first five years of his rule antagonizing and demonizing, and the later five treating with various degrees of neutrality and cordiality.
Many objections to the development of a more pro-American policy were revived when it became clear that Peron no longer made speeches about American imperialism or the need to maintain the Third Position. The fact that the deal with the California Standard Oil and the rumours that the US Department of State or even the CIA had backed the rebels in September of 1955 would prove to great to overcome in the end, even if the United States was interested in such a deal. [4]
[Taken from...Argentina en la encrucijada: 1955-1968] [5]
Notes:
1. Let’s face it; the Arabs and Indians eventually turned pro-Soviet, Indonesia pro-American and the Africans, well, you know…
2. Desarrollism and Peronist economics are really not the same, despite the government intervention and the focus on industrialization; Structuralist Economics were quiet popular in the late 1950 and 1960s;
3. All OTL friends, allies…maybe I should include Panama or some other central American regimes, but I think the point has been made;
4. More on this later
5. Not an actual clue, sort of
And now...boring stuff pertaining foreign and economic policies...cooler stuff later...
Chapter XV
Post Bellum
Dime con quien estas y te diré quien eres
Tell me who you’re with, and I’ll tell you who you are
Or something like that, the old adage still works just fine. Rich people spend their time with rich people, needy insecure people look for arrogant selfish leader types, the Soviet Union is allied to communist states and socialist regimes, and the United States, being a Liberal democracy and a republic is only allied to…well, you get the point
Now, before the 1960s, and let’s face it, in the 1960s and throughout the 1970s too, there was not such thing as viable third position. [1]
That’s not to say that people didn’t try.
Peron tried, the guys of the Bandung Conference right then and there in 1955 also tried, Ramon Barquin in Cuba tried.
Needless to say, they all met with varying degrees of resistance and failure.
******************************************************
Once the storm clouds were gone and the dust had settled, the picture for Argentina in the first months of 1956 was looking singularly dire and bleak.
The two most important industrial and political centers of the country had been directly affected by the war, several industrial and military facilities and other such areas were targeted or became part of a collateral damage that already included nearly 10,000 dead, 5,000 to 8,000 missing and a growing number of exiles.
The damage done to Buenos Aires, Cordoba, Alta Gracia, La Plata, Mar del Plata, Bahia Blanca that needed to be repaired, the factories and other economic facilities to be reconstructed, the confidence of the people in their country and the markets that needed to be restored along with the previous strength of the industrial complex Peron had taken so long to build and that had taken a nearly crippling blow with the war.
The Third Five Year Plan, presented in the winter of 1956, was mostly built around the principles of reconstruction, austerity and recovery.
While the need of more austere policies had been made part of the Second Five Year plan in 1951, which had also been devised during the beginnings of a economic crisis, the Third Plan was even more focused on both the need to attract foreign capital and investors while turning back to the old agro-industrial complex that had been the historical support of the Argentine economy since its birth.
Reactivating the economy through government stimulus and other such interventionist policies have while often criticized in other contexts, been heavily branded as a damaging policy under Peron and perhaps one of the reasons of Argentina’s poor economic situation, although also a possible factor in the later acceptance of Structuralist Economics (Desarrollism) in the 1960s…” [2]
[Taken from…Argentina Siglo XX: Historia de un País]
*************************************************************
The Argentinean attempts to increase her reduced circle of friendships and acquaintances in the post war of 1955-1956, meeting with several degrees of success and failure, were motivated by two obvious concerns:
1. Avoid any possible isolation that could result in negative effects in the commercial relations of the country with business partners and clients, a concern that was particularly important to notice given the need of exports to keep the economy afloat.
2. Attract foreign capitals in order to finance the fledging national industry or the reconstruction of the industries shattered by the war;
It would be of course needless to point out that the images and reminiscences of the civil war, all to similar to the similar stigma that haunted Spain following their own civil war, and the perception that Peron was an autocratic strongman with little love for free markets and democracy, all contributed to the building of a negative image of Argentina under Peron.
Close allies such as the Paraguayan dictator Alfredo Stroessner, the Venezuelan strongman Marcos Perez Jimenez, the Nicaraguan caudillo and likeminded Anastasio Somoza and of course, the last remnants of traditional fascism in Europe, Francisco Franco, with whom Peron enjoyed a relationship of mutual respect and co-dependence as Peron was amongst the only ones left to deal with Spain once fascism ceased to be fashionable in Europe. [3]
There were of course other similarly minded regimes around, and Argentina would strike a deal with anyone as long as the economy could be kept alive. With the Soviet Union being too red for a man like Peron and most of Europe and Asia far from having achieved the miraculous levels of recovery seen in the 1960s, the only option for credit was the United States of America, a nation which Peron had spent the first five years of his rule antagonizing and demonizing, and the later five treating with various degrees of neutrality and cordiality.
Many objections to the development of a more pro-American policy were revived when it became clear that Peron no longer made speeches about American imperialism or the need to maintain the Third Position. The fact that the deal with the California Standard Oil and the rumours that the US Department of State or even the CIA had backed the rebels in September of 1955 would prove to great to overcome in the end, even if the United States was interested in such a deal. [4]
[Taken from...Argentina en la encrucijada: 1955-1968] [5]
Notes:
1. Let’s face it; the Arabs and Indians eventually turned pro-Soviet, Indonesia pro-American and the Africans, well, you know…
2. Desarrollism and Peronist economics are really not the same, despite the government intervention and the focus on industrialization; Structuralist Economics were quiet popular in the late 1950 and 1960s;
3. All OTL friends, allies…maybe I should include Panama or some other central American regimes, but I think the point has been made;
4. More on this later
5. Not an actual clue, sort of
And you haven't even seen what I've got planned for America
I also noticed that the Commonwealth countries in this hemisphere (i.e. the various Caribbean countries, Guyana, Belize, and Canada) were not mentioned.
maverick
Banned
Chapter XVI
Invierno
The Year is 1956.
Nikita Khrushchev has put an end to Stalinism through his speech, On the Personality Cult and its Consequences; in the United States, the Democrats prepare to put their battle horse Adlai Stevenson on a second run against the second most popular man in America. Frank Sinatra is otherwise occupied exploring a more emotional side of music.
The Searchers is released, promising to completely redeem John Wayne’s career following the abysmal and possibly cancer-inducing “The Conqueror”, while on the other side of the spectrum, Around the World in 80 days is also released, one of the story’s few interpretations that are good, and the only English speaking role of the Great Mexican comedian “Cantinflas.”
In Cuba, the polls seem to favour the liberator and restorer of democracy, Ramon Barquin in the upcoming Presidential elections; while in Nicaragua, Anastasio Somoza seems to be at the height of his power following the crushing of a small and short-lived guerrilla movement led by local and foreign rebels.
And in Argentina, where nearly a year has passed since the civil war…
*****************************************************************
The reorganization of the armed forces of any country, a lengthy and complicated process even when not dealing with a post-war scenario, was especially complicated in our country by two reasons.
First there was the widespread paranoia following the incidents of June and September of 1955, confirmed by the almost random and completely unexpected mutinies of early 1956. The fact was that Peron and his followers, in particular the ones becoming more fanatic as time progressed, had lost their trust in the armed forces, and even if a majority of the army officers and effectives had remained loyal during the war, March and April of 1956 proved to many that said loyalty was illusory.
A second and even more important reason was the reluctance of the National Army to be subjected to political controls. Even if the entirety, or almost the entirety, of the Navy and the Air Force had partook in the rebellion, those who stayed by Peron’s side had expected better than to be seen with the same suspicion.
Of course some changes were more significant than other. While taking the Merchant Fleet away from the jurisdiction of the navy and put under special, independent regulation, and replacing a great deal of officers with the remaining loyal NCOs, loyalist officers that might or might not have been under qualified, or by bringing back retired officers momentarily, the fact that two branches of the armed forces were understaffed and under political control was not as controversial as the alleged attempts by Peron and some of his men to put “political officers” in true soviet style, to monitor the functioning of the Argentine National Army.
Even if said rumours were not true, they were believed to have played a factor in the mutinies of the late summer and early autumn of 1956, at the zenith of the military reform initiated by the Peronist government.
[Taken from…Argentina Siglo XX: Historia de un País]
*****************************************************************
Even if Martial law and the use of the death penalty had ceased by the winter of 1956, the post-war situation was hardly a return to normalcy.
The destruction of important sectors of national industry, the death, imprisonment and exile of tens of thousands of people, the near destruction of the economy and the rampant crisis of confidence shaking both the markets and infiltrating the very fabric of society.
The divide that had led to the war was hardly gone, and even if one side had been left leaderless and beaten, they were hardly gone. What was more; the war and its immediate effects, as well as the progressive evolution of the Peronist regime in the months and years that followed the bloodbath only worsened the divide and moved the line far closer to Peron, as more and more people grew disenchanted, tired or sick of the regime and its policies.
Everything is grey in Argentina.
The smoke left by the fires, the dust and the clouds left from the storm, the blood left from the war. Even as the works to rebuild start in earnest, there’s something definitely different about the country.
People still go to work, children still play in the parks, and the Marcha Peronista is still heard in the radios and in meetings of the CGT and of the Party. But there are no longer marches, parades, protests, no angry fists being shaken, no opposition trying to reclaim her rightful place in the political process.
The cities were devoid of life, colour, passion, interest.
The army remains on the streets for a while longer. The Government controls continue to hold effect in factories, public offices and even army garrisons. Loyalty must be absolute, and dissent must be rutted out.
A cloak of conformity and pale compliance sinks in an atmosphere of general apathy.
****************************************************************
Come September, Cuba holds its first free elections since the coup led by General Fulgencio Batista on March of 1952.
Widely seen as a hero and liberator, and even called “El Libertador” and “El Restaurador de las Leyes”, Colonel Ramon Barquin is forced to leave the interim presidency of the republic and his role as Chairman of the temporary executive council to run for the Presidency, being drafted by his political allies and comrades to an office he only accepts once he sees the people are behind him.
Running as an apolitical figure, announcing he’ll go beyond politics and be a compromiser, Barquin’s popularity, as well as the support of the armed forces, assure his victory over the liberal Andres Rivero Aguero, a man in Batista’s circle, former President Carlos Pío Socarrás, who had been ousted by Batista and presided, and former Prime Minister Felix Lancis Sanchez.
Two days after his victory, on September 15th, Barquín announces the formation of a cabinet, a bi-partisan compromise in an attempt to appease the conservatives and the Army, the latest of which had been his main base of support in the conspiracy and the early stages of his government.
[Taken from…A History of the Caribbean in the Cold War Years]
Images:
Ramon Barquin, circa 1956
Argentinean Students in a typical scene in the 1950s
(more on this later)
Detainees about to be given suites in La Perla, Cordoba, or the military prison of Trelew
Invierno
The Year is 1956.
Nikita Khrushchev has put an end to Stalinism through his speech, On the Personality Cult and its Consequences; in the United States, the Democrats prepare to put their battle horse Adlai Stevenson on a second run against the second most popular man in America. Frank Sinatra is otherwise occupied exploring a more emotional side of music.
The Searchers is released, promising to completely redeem John Wayne’s career following the abysmal and possibly cancer-inducing “The Conqueror”, while on the other side of the spectrum, Around the World in 80 days is also released, one of the story’s few interpretations that are good, and the only English speaking role of the Great Mexican comedian “Cantinflas.”
In Cuba, the polls seem to favour the liberator and restorer of democracy, Ramon Barquin in the upcoming Presidential elections; while in Nicaragua, Anastasio Somoza seems to be at the height of his power following the crushing of a small and short-lived guerrilla movement led by local and foreign rebels.
And in Argentina, where nearly a year has passed since the civil war…
*****************************************************************
The reorganization of the armed forces of any country, a lengthy and complicated process even when not dealing with a post-war scenario, was especially complicated in our country by two reasons.
First there was the widespread paranoia following the incidents of June and September of 1955, confirmed by the almost random and completely unexpected mutinies of early 1956. The fact was that Peron and his followers, in particular the ones becoming more fanatic as time progressed, had lost their trust in the armed forces, and even if a majority of the army officers and effectives had remained loyal during the war, March and April of 1956 proved to many that said loyalty was illusory.
A second and even more important reason was the reluctance of the National Army to be subjected to political controls. Even if the entirety, or almost the entirety, of the Navy and the Air Force had partook in the rebellion, those who stayed by Peron’s side had expected better than to be seen with the same suspicion.
Of course some changes were more significant than other. While taking the Merchant Fleet away from the jurisdiction of the navy and put under special, independent regulation, and replacing a great deal of officers with the remaining loyal NCOs, loyalist officers that might or might not have been under qualified, or by bringing back retired officers momentarily, the fact that two branches of the armed forces were understaffed and under political control was not as controversial as the alleged attempts by Peron and some of his men to put “political officers” in true soviet style, to monitor the functioning of the Argentine National Army.
Even if said rumours were not true, they were believed to have played a factor in the mutinies of the late summer and early autumn of 1956, at the zenith of the military reform initiated by the Peronist government.
[Taken from…Argentina Siglo XX: Historia de un País]
*****************************************************************
Even if Martial law and the use of the death penalty had ceased by the winter of 1956, the post-war situation was hardly a return to normalcy.
The destruction of important sectors of national industry, the death, imprisonment and exile of tens of thousands of people, the near destruction of the economy and the rampant crisis of confidence shaking both the markets and infiltrating the very fabric of society.
The divide that had led to the war was hardly gone, and even if one side had been left leaderless and beaten, they were hardly gone. What was more; the war and its immediate effects, as well as the progressive evolution of the Peronist regime in the months and years that followed the bloodbath only worsened the divide and moved the line far closer to Peron, as more and more people grew disenchanted, tired or sick of the regime and its policies.
Everything is grey in Argentina.
The smoke left by the fires, the dust and the clouds left from the storm, the blood left from the war. Even as the works to rebuild start in earnest, there’s something definitely different about the country.
People still go to work, children still play in the parks, and the Marcha Peronista is still heard in the radios and in meetings of the CGT and of the Party. But there are no longer marches, parades, protests, no angry fists being shaken, no opposition trying to reclaim her rightful place in the political process.
The cities were devoid of life, colour, passion, interest.
The army remains on the streets for a while longer. The Government controls continue to hold effect in factories, public offices and even army garrisons. Loyalty must be absolute, and dissent must be rutted out.
A cloak of conformity and pale compliance sinks in an atmosphere of general apathy.
****************************************************************
Come September, Cuba holds its first free elections since the coup led by General Fulgencio Batista on March of 1952.
Widely seen as a hero and liberator, and even called “El Libertador” and “El Restaurador de las Leyes”, Colonel Ramon Barquin is forced to leave the interim presidency of the republic and his role as Chairman of the temporary executive council to run for the Presidency, being drafted by his political allies and comrades to an office he only accepts once he sees the people are behind him.
Running as an apolitical figure, announcing he’ll go beyond politics and be a compromiser, Barquin’s popularity, as well as the support of the armed forces, assure his victory over the liberal Andres Rivero Aguero, a man in Batista’s circle, former President Carlos Pío Socarrás, who had been ousted by Batista and presided, and former Prime Minister Felix Lancis Sanchez.
Two days after his victory, on September 15th, Barquín announces the formation of a cabinet, a bi-partisan compromise in an attempt to appease the conservatives and the Army, the latest of which had been his main base of support in the conspiracy and the early stages of his government.
[Taken from…A History of the Caribbean in the Cold War Years]
Images:
Ramon Barquin, circa 1956
Argentinean Students in a typical scene in the 1950s
Detainees about to be given suites in La Perla, Cordoba, or the military prison of Trelew
Nice as always Maverick.
Peronist military reforms... Surely it means more troubles in the future.
And is Guyana ever mentioned in any TL?
Peronist military reforms... Surely it means more troubles in the future.
I also noticed that the Commonwealth countries in this hemisphere (i.e. the various Caribbean countries, Guyana, Belize, and Canada) were not mentioned.
And is Guyana ever mentioned in any TL?
I agree.
Peronist military reforms... Surely it means more troubles in the future.
And is Guyana ever mentioned in any TL?
Peut-être.
maverick
Banned
I wrote this in a hurry, but the next part will be cleaner and clearer......
**********************************************
Chapter XVII
Will the Real Communist Please Stand Up?
Washington D.C.
Pennsylvania Av. 1600
March 18th, 1957
Not the darkest or most unsettling of environments, but a very tense one nevertheless dominates the surroundings of this meeting. There is some tension, no great emergency, no panic, no fear, no outrage or anger, just some tension. No need for red buttons, hasty calls or calming speeches, just one of those days.
“Mr. Dulles” said the President in a somewhat condescending voice, as if trying to calm the mood and mock the man at the same time “I still fail to see what is needed for us to do in this situation. Land redistribution and some wages reform is hardly the end of the world”
“That’s what some said some years ago, when Nicaragua, sir. And then it became more and more clear that Arbenz was on the verge of even more “social reform”, and the same nearly happened with Iran, we nearly lost control of the situation, and the soviets nearly spread their greedy little fingers over a valuable ally”
“What’s the matter now? Why won’t he listen?” thought the Secretary of State as his brother continued to expose the situation to the President
It didn’t usually take this long to sign on the President’s support for intervention, direct or indirect, when American interests were involved. It hadn’t taken much persuading or even that much evidence before the Nicaragua and Iran operations had been approved.
Could it be Argentina? Or Brazil, or even Hungary?
It had been nearly two years, but the fact that a bloody civil war in America’s own backyard had nearly eluded the Agency’s watch and the possibility that either the Agency or the Department of State could have been involved contributed to the President’s growing distrust in both organizations, which were coincidentally under the control of the Brothers Dulles.
The fact that the same thing nearly happened in Brazil five months later didn’t exactly help the case, and even if that was forgotten, what had happened in Hungary and Egypt last October were more than enough reasons to make Eisenhower realize that to some degree, diplomacy might be the better option, even if only in some cases.
“We have seen this before, it happened in Nicaragua and now its happening in Cuba, and Barquín needs be stopped to preserve our interests in the region from Soviet influence or interference”
“We must, before anything, have conclusive evidence before acting. This man has not shown hostile intentions against our interests, or any sympathies with the Soviets, until we can, beyond any reasonable doubt, conclude that the Barquin regime is dangerous to us and our allies, we will proceed with caution”
“Of course, Mr. President, we’ll put out best men in action to monitor the situation. We’ll keep our eyes and ears open”
“In the meantime, it has become apparent that the need to keep our eyes open has become more vital than ever. We cannot afford to have incidents such as the ones from last October jump on us and catch us with our pants down. John, Allen, Dick, we need to reformulate our policies regarding both our sphere of influence in General and Latin American in particular. We cannot allow our own continent run amok towards the open arms of anarchy and chaos. Strongmen like, like…Peron and Barquin on one hand, and unreliable allies elsewhere, nearly red regimes in Bolivia or Egypt…while we’re looking at Berlin, the Soviets sneak into Egypt, and when we look at Egypt they’re back in Europe and with another arm around India or Cuba
Gentlemen, starting today, we have two new objectives, Latin America and the Middle East, we’re not about to be taken by surprise again. Gentlemen, that is all.”
******************************************************************
That was the last time I saw the skies over Nicaragua, I didn’t know it then, but it was.
This is not the end, but the beginning, the mistakes we made here we won’t repeat elsewhere. What has been learnt will not be forgotten. We will never give up and we will never surrender until the shadow of tyranny has been slain and the cloak of darkness that hovers upon our heads has vanished.
With our weapons at hand and our arms raised high we begin our fight, we fight at Nicaragua, we fight at Colombia, we will fight in Venezuela and Argentina, and the first dashes of hope seem to be looming in Brazil.
Soon I will be home, my bruised arms hung for glorious monuments…
[Taken from…The Diaries of Dr. Ernesto Guevara de la Serna, a compilation, 1998. Ed. Luna]
***************************************************************
For those that believe that there was a vast right wing, Civic-Military conspiracy against Vice President and left-wing leader Joao Goulart, the decisive year was 1957, when it became patent that the Brazilian military was doing everything in its already growing power to sideline Goulart and limit his influence within the JK government.
A perfect example, of many that existed between 1957 and 1959, came in the form of the visit of American Vice President Richard Nixon in early 1958, in which the military, in charge of coordinating the whole affair, allegedly bypassed the civilian authorities and made sure to keep Goulart and Nixon as far as way as possible, and some even claim that Goulart was deliberately set apart and later sent to Sao Paolo by explicit and secret orders from Marshall Lott.
When do the facts end and the paranoia begins, it’s of course, a matter of debate.
[Taken from…The Green eminence: The role of the Brazilian Military in the 1950s and 1960s]
***************************************************************
There is before and after Nicaragua in terms of this story.
When the core of what then was the July 26th movement left Nicaraguan soil in early 1957 after months of fierce, bloody, brutal and ultimately fruitless and useless fighting against the regime of Anastasio Somoza, hopes seemed dashed and ultimately shattered by the rain of bullets and fire brought upon by the US backed regime.
What had started when a group of Cuban rebels assaulted an army barrack at Moncada, Cuba, in 1953, had by 1957 turned from a small group of left leaning idealistic misfits and wannabe revolutionaries and would with time, become the core of many similarly inspired guerrilla and revolutionary groups in the region, and long after the leading figures in this drama were dead and their names forgotten, they spirit lived forever and will indeed continue to reside in the soul of every young man and woman willing to stand up to oppression and tyranny, might said oppression reside in Buenos Aires or Havana.
[Taken from…A Revolutionary Soldier’s journal, by C. Cienfuegos, 1986]
That's interesting Maverick.
I just have a doubt when you implies that military personnal, probably under Lott's orders, were bypassing the civilian authorities. It doesn't seem a thing that Lott would do, he was one of the few military leaders who believed in democracy and that the rule of law was above everything.
As an example, when Lott commanded that "contra-coup" to save the future Kubitschek's presidency he ordered that the soldiers driving the tanks used in the operation should respect the traffic lights. The man was commanding a military operation and was worried about tanks stopping at the red lights!
So, while he would sttrugle to preserve the presidency of JK, he would probably not disrespect an authoritie above him unless he believes they would be acting against the law (as was the case of Lacerda's coup).
I just have a doubt when you implies that military personnal, probably under Lott's orders, were bypassing the civilian authorities. It doesn't seem a thing that Lott would do, he was one of the few military leaders who believed in democracy and that the rule of law was above everything.
As an example, when Lott commanded that "contra-coup" to save the future Kubitschek's presidency he ordered that the soldiers driving the tanks used in the operation should respect the traffic lights. The man was commanding a military operation and was worried about tanks stopping at the red lights!
So, while he would sttrugle to preserve the presidency of JK, he would probably not disrespect an authoritie above him unless he believes they would be acting against the law (as was the case of Lacerda's coup).
maverick
Banned
Chapter XVIII
Bienvenidas y Abrazos Partidos
Montevideo, Uruguay
January 20th 1958
Near the window, a tall pale figure awaits, while to the other side of the room, a man is sitting down, tapping the table with his fingers impatiently. The room, not too lavishly decorated but nevertheless comfortable and spacious, has seen a lot of history, a lot of arguments, a lot of meetings, and a lot of waiting in the past year and a half, when its current occupants first set foot at the front door.
The first man, tall, languish, thin, quiet but firm and decided, dressed in formal attire, but not too cold or formal, his slender and pale face was hidden behind his thick rimmed glasses and an expression of pure calm. The other people in the room, representatives of the party’s higher echelons, at least the ones that had made it out of the country before it was too late, waited with a little less of quiet and patience.
Carlos Perette and Oscar Alende were sitting at the table, their patience running short, while sitting near the window was Arturo Illia calmly reading a book on constitutional law as if there was nothing more important on the world than finishing his read. At the head of the table, the one opposite to the window, there were Miguel Angel Zalava Ortiz, who after many internal disputes reunited with his peers in their opposition against Peron, and Ernesto Sarnmartino, a resident in Uruguay since the last 1940s for his opposition against Peron.
Standing there were other representatives of the old UCR and even some former members of the Socialist opposition, all vanished to Uruguay and Chile, and force to close ranks around the main opposition in exile.
The last man to join the meeting was running late, but that was to be expected.
A Black sedan parked in front of the house, to which Illia, the first to notice despite Frondizi’s watch at the window, replied laconically without putting his book down: “he’s here”
Three figures in black attire descended from the car. A man in a three-piece suit walked towards the door followed by the other two, one the chauffer and the other one a political collaborator and colleague; all exiles.
As the three men entered the room, they were greeted by the crowd inside the room as if no waiting had taken place and if they were just old friends coming to dinner.
Handshakes and introductions were cordially exchanged, with the presentation of the two new arrivals with proper acknowledgements of all of the presents’ name, occupation and affiliation. Many of the men present already knew each other for reputation, through common acquaintances or previous encounters back in the ‘mainland’, but cordiality and formality were much welcomed on all sides as a show of concordance and civility, as well as mutual agreement.
Finally, when the first figure and the last one met, the historical record and the accounts of several witnesses give us this short recollection:
They walked towards the other with a small smile and a quick step, and greeting each other as old friends from childhood they proceeded:
“Alvaro!”
“Arturo”
And they hugged in a symbolic union of friendship and cooperation.
………………….
But how did these two men get here?
**********************************************************************
“A brilliant man by all accounts, strong, intelligent and decided, always controversial, Frondizi’s role as virtual head of the opposition to Peron abroad and de facto leader of the exile government was to a degree his most brilliant role, acting in a manner no strange to him, having started his life of political militancy with the clandestine youth of the UCR during the Military dictatorship and the Decada Infame in the 1930s following Uriburu’s 1930 coup and the subsequent fraudulent and corrupt conservative governments of the 1930s and early 1940s…
“His career in politics having started with underground movements, political prisoners and exiles, having become both in his lifetime, the 1950s provided the man with a golden opportunity to prove himself and shape the country and the opposition to Peron from the outside, being the leading figure and engine of the revolution from abroad…
“The first months in Santiago, the toughest ones according to the man himself and his collaborators, the reorganization of what was left of the opposition and the provisional revolutionary government proved to be a monumental task, with all former cohesion of the revolutionary days almost gone, and with another difficulty laying ahead: the existence of another revolutionary focus against Peron operating, or at least predating his own attempts from Montevideo, led by more revolutionary and radical members of the opposition and his own party.
“History tells us that after lying low in the Chilean capital and building some connections with the Argentinean community and exiled political leadership, the first attempts to make contact with the Montevideo party were made on January of 1956…”
[Taken from…La UCR y la Argentina de Peron: Tomo II 1955-1960, by S. Cabral and S. Frondizi, 1988]
***************************************************************
“The first introduction of Captain Alvaro Alsogaray to the field of politics was his short-lived role as Minister of Hacienda and Production in the provisional revolutionary government that existed in Mendoza for a few weeks before the government tanks and troops rolled in and forced most of said government into exile, hiding or prison.
“Member of an important Argentinean family, with a strong name, strong connections to the powerful economic powers that be and business sectors, a perfect representative of the conservative and accommodated sectors of Argentine society, Alvaro Carlos Alsogaray was incredibly different from the other figures that arose in the 1950s amongst the opposition…
“A simple man, hardly an intellectual, Alsogaray was a proponent of conservatism and economic liberalism with a strong hatred of socialist, government intervention in the economy and most importantly, Peronism. His relations with the old agro-industrial and the Military-Industrial complex, in addition to his connections to the old elites and the collective Argentine right wing, which felt vindicated by the man, were all a product of both his upbringing and his hard work in the 1950s from his exile in Spain, Uruguay and the United States…
“While the groups at Santiago de Chile and Montevideo had the misfortune of including several radical figures, from committed socialist to hard-line communists and the like, Alsogaray worked continuously with the favour of the United States Embassies at Montevideo, Santiago and Buenos Aires, cultivating a relation with the United States Department of State that by 1958 had made him a favourite amongst the exiled opposition to Peron.
“Far from a simpleton, Alsogaray always worked in simple and sometimes blunt terms, was not much of an orator but was well-liked and not particularly hard to hear. By all accounts, a man like this was far from being another common part of the opposition to Peron, but his hard work and dedication to destroying the populist caudillo, as well as his growing role in representing the growing number of exiles in Montevideo and Punta del Este, divided between the rich upper class and the young socialists, it all contributed to his growing role in the opposition and the exile government.
“The opportunity to work together once more, the left and the right was nevertheless not immediately sought by either side, especially given the difficulties that arose from the reconciliation between the revolutionaries of Montevideo and the ones from Santiago in early 1957…
[Taken from…La Derecha Argentina: 1930-1984, by J. Piña and J. Oberstar Ed. Planeta 1989]
*************************************************************
The Montevideo summit of April 3rd of 1957, far from being a perfect precedent for the 1958 reunion, was almost the end of all political opposition to the Peronist Regime in the 1950s…
The divisions within the ranks of the Radical (center and center left), Socialist (left), communists (left left) and even the right wing parties, between those who had first opposed Peron and faced the consequences and those who had not risen in arms until September of 1955 were threatening to never allow for a conciliation, even if the differences of opinion between the Montevideo party, led by Miguel Angel Zavala Ortiz and the Communist Americo Ghioldi, and the Santiago Party, under Frondizi, Illia and the Conservative Vicente Solano Lima were almost non-existent beyond some small ideological rifts and the vision of a post-Peron Argentina…
There were nevertheless no two different governments in exile, as it is sometimes believed, as the revolutionary core that was forced by those exiled before September, that would later include the high command of the rebel naval forces led by Admiral Isaac Rojas, never formed an actual government in exile or a provisional government, always depending on the actions of the western command under the army, whose own provisional government collapsed…
What was formed later at Santiago as a result of the works and lobbying of Frondizi and Illia was the true nucleus of what would be the first provisional government in exile of the Argentine Republic, even if before 1958 such a concept was still a rough idea in the makings…
[Taken from…La UCR y la Argentina de Peron: Tomo II 1955-1960, by S. Cabral and S. Frondizi, 1988]
*************************************************************
The time between the last conciliatory meeting between Zavala Ortiz and Frondizi, taking place in July of 1957, and the first meeting between Alsogaray and Frondizi in 1958, were mostly used in two forms: firstly, the organization of a proper opposition force from abroad, and secondly, the further unification of said opposition by the end of the year, a feat not to be accomplished before the end of 1958, almost two years after the Frondizi-Zavala Ortiz meeting took place…
The successful end of most disputes amongst the anti-Peronist Group by the autumn of 1958 provided enough cohesion gave them enough time to present a united response to the Peronist Government in the aftermath of the 1957 attempted elections and the following attempts by the government to show a democratic and conciliatory face in the late 1950s… [1]
Notes:
1. More on this later…
Images:
Arturo Frondizi, chairman of the UCR central Committee, nominal leader of the opposition
Alvaro Alsogaray, conservative leader and spokesman of economic liberalism
Personal interview between Frondizi and Alsogaray,
Montevideo 1958
Bienvenidas y Abrazos Partidos
Montevideo, Uruguay
January 20th 1958
Near the window, a tall pale figure awaits, while to the other side of the room, a man is sitting down, tapping the table with his fingers impatiently. The room, not too lavishly decorated but nevertheless comfortable and spacious, has seen a lot of history, a lot of arguments, a lot of meetings, and a lot of waiting in the past year and a half, when its current occupants first set foot at the front door.
The first man, tall, languish, thin, quiet but firm and decided, dressed in formal attire, but not too cold or formal, his slender and pale face was hidden behind his thick rimmed glasses and an expression of pure calm. The other people in the room, representatives of the party’s higher echelons, at least the ones that had made it out of the country before it was too late, waited with a little less of quiet and patience.
Carlos Perette and Oscar Alende were sitting at the table, their patience running short, while sitting near the window was Arturo Illia calmly reading a book on constitutional law as if there was nothing more important on the world than finishing his read. At the head of the table, the one opposite to the window, there were Miguel Angel Zalava Ortiz, who after many internal disputes reunited with his peers in their opposition against Peron, and Ernesto Sarnmartino, a resident in Uruguay since the last 1940s for his opposition against Peron.
Standing there were other representatives of the old UCR and even some former members of the Socialist opposition, all vanished to Uruguay and Chile, and force to close ranks around the main opposition in exile.
The last man to join the meeting was running late, but that was to be expected.
A Black sedan parked in front of the house, to which Illia, the first to notice despite Frondizi’s watch at the window, replied laconically without putting his book down: “he’s here”
Three figures in black attire descended from the car. A man in a three-piece suit walked towards the door followed by the other two, one the chauffer and the other one a political collaborator and colleague; all exiles.
As the three men entered the room, they were greeted by the crowd inside the room as if no waiting had taken place and if they were just old friends coming to dinner.
Handshakes and introductions were cordially exchanged, with the presentation of the two new arrivals with proper acknowledgements of all of the presents’ name, occupation and affiliation. Many of the men present already knew each other for reputation, through common acquaintances or previous encounters back in the ‘mainland’, but cordiality and formality were much welcomed on all sides as a show of concordance and civility, as well as mutual agreement.
Finally, when the first figure and the last one met, the historical record and the accounts of several witnesses give us this short recollection:
They walked towards the other with a small smile and a quick step, and greeting each other as old friends from childhood they proceeded:
“Alvaro!”
“Arturo”
And they hugged in a symbolic union of friendship and cooperation.
………………….
But how did these two men get here?
**********************************************************************
“A brilliant man by all accounts, strong, intelligent and decided, always controversial, Frondizi’s role as virtual head of the opposition to Peron abroad and de facto leader of the exile government was to a degree his most brilliant role, acting in a manner no strange to him, having started his life of political militancy with the clandestine youth of the UCR during the Military dictatorship and the Decada Infame in the 1930s following Uriburu’s 1930 coup and the subsequent fraudulent and corrupt conservative governments of the 1930s and early 1940s…
“His career in politics having started with underground movements, political prisoners and exiles, having become both in his lifetime, the 1950s provided the man with a golden opportunity to prove himself and shape the country and the opposition to Peron from the outside, being the leading figure and engine of the revolution from abroad…
“The first months in Santiago, the toughest ones according to the man himself and his collaborators, the reorganization of what was left of the opposition and the provisional revolutionary government proved to be a monumental task, with all former cohesion of the revolutionary days almost gone, and with another difficulty laying ahead: the existence of another revolutionary focus against Peron operating, or at least predating his own attempts from Montevideo, led by more revolutionary and radical members of the opposition and his own party.
“History tells us that after lying low in the Chilean capital and building some connections with the Argentinean community and exiled political leadership, the first attempts to make contact with the Montevideo party were made on January of 1956…”
[Taken from…La UCR y la Argentina de Peron: Tomo II 1955-1960, by S. Cabral and S. Frondizi, 1988]
***************************************************************
“The first introduction of Captain Alvaro Alsogaray to the field of politics was his short-lived role as Minister of Hacienda and Production in the provisional revolutionary government that existed in Mendoza for a few weeks before the government tanks and troops rolled in and forced most of said government into exile, hiding or prison.
“Member of an important Argentinean family, with a strong name, strong connections to the powerful economic powers that be and business sectors, a perfect representative of the conservative and accommodated sectors of Argentine society, Alvaro Carlos Alsogaray was incredibly different from the other figures that arose in the 1950s amongst the opposition…
“A simple man, hardly an intellectual, Alsogaray was a proponent of conservatism and economic liberalism with a strong hatred of socialist, government intervention in the economy and most importantly, Peronism. His relations with the old agro-industrial and the Military-Industrial complex, in addition to his connections to the old elites and the collective Argentine right wing, which felt vindicated by the man, were all a product of both his upbringing and his hard work in the 1950s from his exile in Spain, Uruguay and the United States…
“While the groups at Santiago de Chile and Montevideo had the misfortune of including several radical figures, from committed socialist to hard-line communists and the like, Alsogaray worked continuously with the favour of the United States Embassies at Montevideo, Santiago and Buenos Aires, cultivating a relation with the United States Department of State that by 1958 had made him a favourite amongst the exiled opposition to Peron.
“Far from a simpleton, Alsogaray always worked in simple and sometimes blunt terms, was not much of an orator but was well-liked and not particularly hard to hear. By all accounts, a man like this was far from being another common part of the opposition to Peron, but his hard work and dedication to destroying the populist caudillo, as well as his growing role in representing the growing number of exiles in Montevideo and Punta del Este, divided between the rich upper class and the young socialists, it all contributed to his growing role in the opposition and the exile government.
“The opportunity to work together once more, the left and the right was nevertheless not immediately sought by either side, especially given the difficulties that arose from the reconciliation between the revolutionaries of Montevideo and the ones from Santiago in early 1957…
[Taken from…La Derecha Argentina: 1930-1984, by J. Piña and J. Oberstar Ed. Planeta 1989]
*************************************************************
The Montevideo summit of April 3rd of 1957, far from being a perfect precedent for the 1958 reunion, was almost the end of all political opposition to the Peronist Regime in the 1950s…
The divisions within the ranks of the Radical (center and center left), Socialist (left), communists (left left) and even the right wing parties, between those who had first opposed Peron and faced the consequences and those who had not risen in arms until September of 1955 were threatening to never allow for a conciliation, even if the differences of opinion between the Montevideo party, led by Miguel Angel Zavala Ortiz and the Communist Americo Ghioldi, and the Santiago Party, under Frondizi, Illia and the Conservative Vicente Solano Lima were almost non-existent beyond some small ideological rifts and the vision of a post-Peron Argentina…
There were nevertheless no two different governments in exile, as it is sometimes believed, as the revolutionary core that was forced by those exiled before September, that would later include the high command of the rebel naval forces led by Admiral Isaac Rojas, never formed an actual government in exile or a provisional government, always depending on the actions of the western command under the army, whose own provisional government collapsed…
What was formed later at Santiago as a result of the works and lobbying of Frondizi and Illia was the true nucleus of what would be the first provisional government in exile of the Argentine Republic, even if before 1958 such a concept was still a rough idea in the makings…
[Taken from…La UCR y la Argentina de Peron: Tomo II 1955-1960, by S. Cabral and S. Frondizi, 1988]
*************************************************************
The time between the last conciliatory meeting between Zavala Ortiz and Frondizi, taking place in July of 1957, and the first meeting between Alsogaray and Frondizi in 1958, were mostly used in two forms: firstly, the organization of a proper opposition force from abroad, and secondly, the further unification of said opposition by the end of the year, a feat not to be accomplished before the end of 1958, almost two years after the Frondizi-Zavala Ortiz meeting took place…
The successful end of most disputes amongst the anti-Peronist Group by the autumn of 1958 provided enough cohesion gave them enough time to present a united response to the Peronist Government in the aftermath of the 1957 attempted elections and the following attempts by the government to show a democratic and conciliatory face in the late 1950s… [1]
Notes:
1. More on this later…
Images:
Arturo Frondizi, chairman of the UCR central Committee, nominal leader of the opposition
Alvaro Alsogaray, conservative leader and spokesman of economic liberalism
Personal interview between Frondizi and Alsogaray,
Montevideo 1958
maverick
Banned
Thank you...and now, an overly long update that does nothing to advance the plot, but that serves the purpose to illustrate some scenes of daily life under the Peronist regime...the next one dealing with this sort of stuff will go deeper about the personality cult, the subversion, and will include a scene in a primary school just to show how messed up dictatorships and authoritarian governments can be
Enjoy
*******************************************************
Chapter XIX
Memorias
Buenos Aires, Argentina
Octubre de 1957
Outside, it was a bright and warm day in the early days of spring and the clocks were striking thirteen.
Santiago and Julieta were walking through Corrientes Avenue, one of the main arteries of the Argentine capital of Buenos Aires as a gentle breeze made wave in Julieta’s hair and skirt. It was what could be call, a wonderful day, even for going to the movies and then to the park.
The streets, far from grey and dead, were alive as any other Sunday and if one was not the type to pay attention, it was almost like this had always been the case.
There was nevertheless, something different, a certain quality that had changed in the face and soul of the city, a change that could have eluded the untrained and inexpert eye, but that any man with a strong memory could very well notice.
Every two corners, a jeep or a similar vehicle, sometimes a policeman mounted on a horse, or a group of soldiers standing around the streets, a reminder of less quiet times. The bulk of the army had been demobilized and martial law had been gradually ended throughout the country, remaining for the longest in the capital until a few months, but many units and some regiments were left in the city to impose an image of order and provide a psychological effect in downtown Buenos Aires.
This was nevertheless not too uncommon, as it was the sight of the desolated main avenues for the duration and immediate aftermath of the war. It was a sad scenery, Corrientes, Cordoba, Callao, Santa Fe and the other main streets and avenues, the commercial centers, all left alone as a ghost town out of fear, first of the war following the bombardments of La Plata, Buenos Aires, Mar del Plata and Bahia Blanca, and then of the military rule that was established during the first months of reconstruction.
Our young couple was especially oblivious to this part of history, knowing of the horrors of the war but being able to ignore it for the moment, a special quality only the young people in love can appreciate and others envy.
There were of course few scars to remind anyone of the war in Corrientes av. itself, having it been rebuilt as part of the reconstruction works initiated in the post-war through the Third Five Years plan.
Of course, if one was to pay real attention, the fact that the city had suffered changes beyond the structural and political would spring to catch the eye, and one such effect was the less than once crowded streets filled with an optimistic or at least less beaten spirit that had decayed in the last few years, in which the once lively streets of Buenos Aires, the shops, the theatres and the like were crowded with lines of spectators or costumers, while now some streets had taken the appearance of ghost towns during the war thanks to fear, and in its immediate aftermath out of the harsh military rule imposed as a cost to the once again costly stability bought thanks to blood and diminished liberties.
If the war and its aftermath had drained the main streets of its Sunday afternoon concurrence at first, the effects of the economic crisis and escalating prices had dealt an even bigger blow coupled with the incertitude of the times and the nature of the government’s current style of rule.
On the intersection of Corrientes and Florida, Santiago spotted a small group in a line in front of a barricade. Two soldiers standing near a jeep and the barricade were inspecting the documents of those in line.
Checkpoints had mostly disappeared when Martial Law was lifted a few months ago, but in the proximities of the Plaza de Mayo and the most important government buildings, one could never be too careful, or too paranoid.
Santiago’s libreta de enrolamiento, or LE [1], was still in pristine and perfect form, at the bottom of his left jacket pocket, perfectly at hand, after just a few weeks of Military service. Julieta’s libreta Civica, [2], on the other hand, just a few weeks after having received it, had suffered a lot thanks to a combination of absentmindedness and a few unfortunate cooking accidents, but was still recognizable.
The soldier inspecting the documents at the line was carelessly and apathetically giving a random glance at the papers and another one at the man or woman handing them. The second man, at first sigh an NCO, was a little more zealous about his work, and in addition to inspecting the documents in his power he launched more suspicious stares at the people standing in front of him and asking a couple of questions to each one.
He was most likely not expecting to find a communist or subversive type to discover himself so easily through a couple of questions, but it didn’t hurt his record to do a thorough job.
The couple that was standing in front of him right now was just the kind to arise his suspicions, but that was most likely paranoia. While there was no scientific evidence or statistics proving any link between being a teenager or college student and being a radical [3] or anti-establishment activist, this link could be accepted as a near universal truth in any point whether it was Osaka, Ohio or Buenos Aires.
The young man, tall, pale and with the standard military cut, had only started his military service and the NCO wondered about why had he been allowed a day off so soon, but concluded that it must have had something to do with family connections and the whatnot. The girl on the other hand, short, brunette with a few hints of red hair, and almost in contrast with her paler companion, was not as suspicious, but the NCO was not the kind to not take a second look at anyone.
Nothing wrong with this particular couple, but the man behind had a moustache that for some reason reminded him of that socialist politician killed a few days.
“Go”
The couple did, and they continued with their carefree walk through downtown Buenos Aires, and little did they know of what awaited just a block away.
On the intersection of Corrientes and San Martin, just a few blocks away from the Casa de Gobierno, there was an old building used for years as headquarters of an organization that had taken the role of Peron’s unofficial stormtroopers. [4]
At the front doors, members of the Nationalist Alliance were entering and leaving the building; men in formal attire were entering while slightly taller and more muscular men wielding semiautomatic weapons standing around always vigilant. Nobody was wearing armbands or black shirts, but the guards were still pretty uniformly dressed something that Julieta noted.
“Don’t the boys look lovely in their attire? A pity that the black shirts are out of style”
Santiago responded with a grin and a nod as they proceeded to walk silently on the other side of the street, as quietly and swiftly as possible.
Whereas their side of the street was nearly empty, most sensible people trying to stay away from the dreaded headquarters of the government’s assault forces, to the other side of the street and around the building the group was growing, probably in anticipation for a meeting or a small rally.
It was then when an odd and intense silence invaded the atmosphere, just before two young men, both coming from opposite corners of the block between Florida and San Martin in their intersection with Corrientes, closed in on the location of the Nationalist Alliance’s headquarters.
The first man, going unnoticed, drew a small object from his jacket and threw it at a black sedan parked in front of the building.
The object, a grenade as it was later discovered, failed to detonate, but the shock gave the second man enough time to launch a second explosive device. Unfortunately, the men inside the car were taken inside the building in the time that took for the second bomb to be thrown.
The guards that had not been wounded responded in just a few seconds, opening fire upon the first man, the closest to the building, as the second man drew a pistol and took cover behind a nearby car.
Near him, laying on the floor and hidden behind an old Ford, Santiago and Julieta were petrified out of fear and unable to hear or say anything thanks to the loud sounds of the explosion and the gunfire.
The young man, trying to return the fire from the Nationalist headquarters, continuously yelled: “vivan los Comandos de Hierro y la Revolucion Libertadora!” [5]
“Santi, what are we to do now?”
“We hide and we wait for the police to come here, don’t worry…we’ll be safe as long as we stay hidden” he said trying to confront Julieta even as his voice was interrupted by the continued fire and the revolutionary shouting…
***************************************************************
“Abajo Peron y la dictadura de las Alpargatas!”
“San Martín Si, Rosas No”
“Argentinos Si, Nazis No”
“Muerte a Perón y al aluvión zoológico”
“Viva la Revolución y el Ejercito Revolucionario de Liberación Popular”
“Abajo con el Fascismo Criollo”
[Several graffiti found throughout the streets of Buenos Aires, 1956-1958]
**************************************************************
Montevideo, Uruguay
Mayo de 1958
“Nothing good, nothing good”
The tall man took of his glasses for a second and reached for the cup of coffee in the table next to him before continuing with his morning reading. A combination of local and international newspapers, some correspondents discretely stationed to the other side of the river and other such private sources of information kept the man well informed of everything that went down on both sides of the Rio de la Plata, and without even having to leave his house.
The breakfast, as usual, was frugal. The reading took a more prominent role in the morning that food.
The day was to be unusually busy.
Meeting with fellow political colleagues at the Café at noon, then with his Eminence, the Bishop of Cordoba…the former Bishop of Córdoba, remembered Frondizi, and then dinner with his brother.
The meeting with his Eminence was to a degree the most important appointment, yet both Frondizi brothers were a little suspicious and tired of the need to use so many intermediaries. Both Alsogaray and the Bishop of Cordoba served in this function, as links to other conservatives groups and the Catholic Church. Speaking to the Bishop of Buenos Aires would be more beneficial, but Cardinal Copello had been residing in the Roman Curia since a few months before the war, as a result of the ongoing conflict between Peron and the Church, and now the Archbishop of Cordoba, Cardinal Laffite, was the new liaison to the Church and the Catholic Right.
Frondizi’s thoughts went from his schedule to the Church and now to the scenes he saw through his window, back to his breakfast and his newspaper, which he opened once more.
“Nothing new”
Cuba’s government continued with its reforms, despite the repeated cries of the opposition accusing Barquin of being a communist. The United States were of course not happy, but were determined to prove that they had not forgotten about Latin America by sending their Vice President on a visit to the continent, as seemingly the actually important members of the United States Government were too busy with actual work.
“Ah, the Vice President…seems like they couldn’t get the Third Undersecretary for agriculture to come…so they send the next guy in line of importance” commented Frondizi to his brother, who was standing near the window waiting for the car to come.
Nothing interesting in sports, the weather was always the same in the fall, and the less was said about local politics the better.
The official Argentine newspapers said little that wasn’t on the reconstruction works, the successes of the Third Five Years Plan or Peron’s next visit to a soon to be opened factory. Frondizi’s other informants, on the other hand, were somewhat closer to reality in respect to the economic situation or the growing discontent…although the subversion against the government was hardly as important as expected, and their feats somewhat exaggerated at occasions, something that Frondizi had noticed in the past.
“Oh, Arturo” suddenly interrupted his brothers after a few minutes of silently standing near the window “I nearly forgot…we have another meeting with the Dr. from Mexico on Wednesday. He said he would return sooner, but can only come this week”
“Dr. Guevara? All right…its not like we have anything better that day… I suppose he’ll need more money”
“And weapons too, don’t’ forget”
Arturo Frondizi, in an odd moment of formality, found it odd to refer to his newest ally as Doctor given the role he was to play, but this realization was interrupted by his brother.
“As you know, Silvio, politically speaking…”
“Yes, I do know…but now its time to catch our ride” said Silvio as a blue Ford sedan was parked in front of the house.
It only took the brothers a few minutes to wrap things around and get ready for their short trip to downtown Montevideo.
Silvio closed the door behind them as his older brother walked down the stairs and to the sidewalk.
But as he approached the car, to the other side of the street, the man who nervously waited for his target. The man in black finally lost his patience and quickly approached the two brothers as they walked outside of the house. Wielding an automatic pistol, the man opened fire directly across the street, the shots reaching the car and making holes in the house. The brothers were quick to take cover behind the car, itself a target for the would-be assassin.
Two nearby police officers heard the gunfire and within seconds, the situation had been defused, but the message was clear.
“It seems that we’re being a little too loud for the Generalissimo’s likes…finally” commented Frondizi to his brother Silvio as they finally entered the bullet ridden car.
“Downtown” he ordered to the still perplex driver
“We don’t have all day”
Notes:
1. Enrolment book or Inscription book, for the Universal mandatory Military service, what was used before the DNI as a means of personal identification document. It was larger than the DNI and had more information, including records on the military service, voting records and rules, and stuff ranging from a red mark for homosexuals to the unabridged lyrics of the national anthem.
2. Civic Book, the female version of the LE, but smaller and with less information, obviously, there being no military service for women.
3. Radical as in political radicalism, not as in a member of the UCR
4. More on this on future updates…
5. Comandos de Hierro, Iron commandos, another name given to the Civilian commandos that took part in the Revolution of 1955 IOTL and more prominently, ITTL…
And the translation for the Graffiti:
“Abajo Peron y la dictadura de las Alpargatas!” (Down with Peron and the espradille dictatorship)
“San Martín Si, Rosas No”
“Argentinos Si, Nazis No”
“Muerte a Perón y al aluvión zoológico” :death to Peron and the Zoological flood (nickname given to Peron's voters, the lower classes )
“Viva la Revolución y el Ejercito Revolucionario de Liberación Popular”
(Long live the revolution and the People's Revolutionary Liberation Army)
“Abajo con el Fascismo Criollo”
(Down with Creole Fascism---Southamerican creolism, no relation to Louisiana creoles)
Enjoy
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Chapter XIX
Memorias
Buenos Aires, Argentina
Octubre de 1957
Outside, it was a bright and warm day in the early days of spring and the clocks were striking thirteen.
Santiago and Julieta were walking through Corrientes Avenue, one of the main arteries of the Argentine capital of Buenos Aires as a gentle breeze made wave in Julieta’s hair and skirt. It was what could be call, a wonderful day, even for going to the movies and then to the park.
The streets, far from grey and dead, were alive as any other Sunday and if one was not the type to pay attention, it was almost like this had always been the case.
There was nevertheless, something different, a certain quality that had changed in the face and soul of the city, a change that could have eluded the untrained and inexpert eye, but that any man with a strong memory could very well notice.
Every two corners, a jeep or a similar vehicle, sometimes a policeman mounted on a horse, or a group of soldiers standing around the streets, a reminder of less quiet times. The bulk of the army had been demobilized and martial law had been gradually ended throughout the country, remaining for the longest in the capital until a few months, but many units and some regiments were left in the city to impose an image of order and provide a psychological effect in downtown Buenos Aires.
This was nevertheless not too uncommon, as it was the sight of the desolated main avenues for the duration and immediate aftermath of the war. It was a sad scenery, Corrientes, Cordoba, Callao, Santa Fe and the other main streets and avenues, the commercial centers, all left alone as a ghost town out of fear, first of the war following the bombardments of La Plata, Buenos Aires, Mar del Plata and Bahia Blanca, and then of the military rule that was established during the first months of reconstruction.
Our young couple was especially oblivious to this part of history, knowing of the horrors of the war but being able to ignore it for the moment, a special quality only the young people in love can appreciate and others envy.
There were of course few scars to remind anyone of the war in Corrientes av. itself, having it been rebuilt as part of the reconstruction works initiated in the post-war through the Third Five Years plan.
Of course, if one was to pay real attention, the fact that the city had suffered changes beyond the structural and political would spring to catch the eye, and one such effect was the less than once crowded streets filled with an optimistic or at least less beaten spirit that had decayed in the last few years, in which the once lively streets of Buenos Aires, the shops, the theatres and the like were crowded with lines of spectators or costumers, while now some streets had taken the appearance of ghost towns during the war thanks to fear, and in its immediate aftermath out of the harsh military rule imposed as a cost to the once again costly stability bought thanks to blood and diminished liberties.
If the war and its aftermath had drained the main streets of its Sunday afternoon concurrence at first, the effects of the economic crisis and escalating prices had dealt an even bigger blow coupled with the incertitude of the times and the nature of the government’s current style of rule.
On the intersection of Corrientes and Florida, Santiago spotted a small group in a line in front of a barricade. Two soldiers standing near a jeep and the barricade were inspecting the documents of those in line.
Checkpoints had mostly disappeared when Martial Law was lifted a few months ago, but in the proximities of the Plaza de Mayo and the most important government buildings, one could never be too careful, or too paranoid.
Santiago’s libreta de enrolamiento, or LE [1], was still in pristine and perfect form, at the bottom of his left jacket pocket, perfectly at hand, after just a few weeks of Military service. Julieta’s libreta Civica, [2], on the other hand, just a few weeks after having received it, had suffered a lot thanks to a combination of absentmindedness and a few unfortunate cooking accidents, but was still recognizable.
The soldier inspecting the documents at the line was carelessly and apathetically giving a random glance at the papers and another one at the man or woman handing them. The second man, at first sigh an NCO, was a little more zealous about his work, and in addition to inspecting the documents in his power he launched more suspicious stares at the people standing in front of him and asking a couple of questions to each one.
He was most likely not expecting to find a communist or subversive type to discover himself so easily through a couple of questions, but it didn’t hurt his record to do a thorough job.
The couple that was standing in front of him right now was just the kind to arise his suspicions, but that was most likely paranoia. While there was no scientific evidence or statistics proving any link between being a teenager or college student and being a radical [3] or anti-establishment activist, this link could be accepted as a near universal truth in any point whether it was Osaka, Ohio or Buenos Aires.
The young man, tall, pale and with the standard military cut, had only started his military service and the NCO wondered about why had he been allowed a day off so soon, but concluded that it must have had something to do with family connections and the whatnot. The girl on the other hand, short, brunette with a few hints of red hair, and almost in contrast with her paler companion, was not as suspicious, but the NCO was not the kind to not take a second look at anyone.
Nothing wrong with this particular couple, but the man behind had a moustache that for some reason reminded him of that socialist politician killed a few days.
“Go”
The couple did, and they continued with their carefree walk through downtown Buenos Aires, and little did they know of what awaited just a block away.
On the intersection of Corrientes and San Martin, just a few blocks away from the Casa de Gobierno, there was an old building used for years as headquarters of an organization that had taken the role of Peron’s unofficial stormtroopers. [4]
At the front doors, members of the Nationalist Alliance were entering and leaving the building; men in formal attire were entering while slightly taller and more muscular men wielding semiautomatic weapons standing around always vigilant. Nobody was wearing armbands or black shirts, but the guards were still pretty uniformly dressed something that Julieta noted.
“Don’t the boys look lovely in their attire? A pity that the black shirts are out of style”
Santiago responded with a grin and a nod as they proceeded to walk silently on the other side of the street, as quietly and swiftly as possible.
Whereas their side of the street was nearly empty, most sensible people trying to stay away from the dreaded headquarters of the government’s assault forces, to the other side of the street and around the building the group was growing, probably in anticipation for a meeting or a small rally.
It was then when an odd and intense silence invaded the atmosphere, just before two young men, both coming from opposite corners of the block between Florida and San Martin in their intersection with Corrientes, closed in on the location of the Nationalist Alliance’s headquarters.
The first man, going unnoticed, drew a small object from his jacket and threw it at a black sedan parked in front of the building.
The object, a grenade as it was later discovered, failed to detonate, but the shock gave the second man enough time to launch a second explosive device. Unfortunately, the men inside the car were taken inside the building in the time that took for the second bomb to be thrown.
The guards that had not been wounded responded in just a few seconds, opening fire upon the first man, the closest to the building, as the second man drew a pistol and took cover behind a nearby car.
Near him, laying on the floor and hidden behind an old Ford, Santiago and Julieta were petrified out of fear and unable to hear or say anything thanks to the loud sounds of the explosion and the gunfire.
The young man, trying to return the fire from the Nationalist headquarters, continuously yelled: “vivan los Comandos de Hierro y la Revolucion Libertadora!” [5]
“Santi, what are we to do now?”
“We hide and we wait for the police to come here, don’t worry…we’ll be safe as long as we stay hidden” he said trying to confront Julieta even as his voice was interrupted by the continued fire and the revolutionary shouting…
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“Abajo Peron y la dictadura de las Alpargatas!”
“San Martín Si, Rosas No”
“Argentinos Si, Nazis No”
“Muerte a Perón y al aluvión zoológico”
“Viva la Revolución y el Ejercito Revolucionario de Liberación Popular”
“Abajo con el Fascismo Criollo”
[Several graffiti found throughout the streets of Buenos Aires, 1956-1958]
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Montevideo, Uruguay
Mayo de 1958
“Nothing good, nothing good”
The tall man took of his glasses for a second and reached for the cup of coffee in the table next to him before continuing with his morning reading. A combination of local and international newspapers, some correspondents discretely stationed to the other side of the river and other such private sources of information kept the man well informed of everything that went down on both sides of the Rio de la Plata, and without even having to leave his house.
The breakfast, as usual, was frugal. The reading took a more prominent role in the morning that food.
The day was to be unusually busy.
Meeting with fellow political colleagues at the Café at noon, then with his Eminence, the Bishop of Cordoba…the former Bishop of Córdoba, remembered Frondizi, and then dinner with his brother.
The meeting with his Eminence was to a degree the most important appointment, yet both Frondizi brothers were a little suspicious and tired of the need to use so many intermediaries. Both Alsogaray and the Bishop of Cordoba served in this function, as links to other conservatives groups and the Catholic Church. Speaking to the Bishop of Buenos Aires would be more beneficial, but Cardinal Copello had been residing in the Roman Curia since a few months before the war, as a result of the ongoing conflict between Peron and the Church, and now the Archbishop of Cordoba, Cardinal Laffite, was the new liaison to the Church and the Catholic Right.
Frondizi’s thoughts went from his schedule to the Church and now to the scenes he saw through his window, back to his breakfast and his newspaper, which he opened once more.
“Nothing new”
Cuba’s government continued with its reforms, despite the repeated cries of the opposition accusing Barquin of being a communist. The United States were of course not happy, but were determined to prove that they had not forgotten about Latin America by sending their Vice President on a visit to the continent, as seemingly the actually important members of the United States Government were too busy with actual work.
“Ah, the Vice President…seems like they couldn’t get the Third Undersecretary for agriculture to come…so they send the next guy in line of importance” commented Frondizi to his brother, who was standing near the window waiting for the car to come.
Nothing interesting in sports, the weather was always the same in the fall, and the less was said about local politics the better.
The official Argentine newspapers said little that wasn’t on the reconstruction works, the successes of the Third Five Years Plan or Peron’s next visit to a soon to be opened factory. Frondizi’s other informants, on the other hand, were somewhat closer to reality in respect to the economic situation or the growing discontent…although the subversion against the government was hardly as important as expected, and their feats somewhat exaggerated at occasions, something that Frondizi had noticed in the past.
“Oh, Arturo” suddenly interrupted his brothers after a few minutes of silently standing near the window “I nearly forgot…we have another meeting with the Dr. from Mexico on Wednesday. He said he would return sooner, but can only come this week”
“Dr. Guevara? All right…its not like we have anything better that day… I suppose he’ll need more money”
“And weapons too, don’t’ forget”
Arturo Frondizi, in an odd moment of formality, found it odd to refer to his newest ally as Doctor given the role he was to play, but this realization was interrupted by his brother.
“As you know, Silvio, politically speaking…”
“Yes, I do know…but now its time to catch our ride” said Silvio as a blue Ford sedan was parked in front of the house.
It only took the brothers a few minutes to wrap things around and get ready for their short trip to downtown Montevideo.
Silvio closed the door behind them as his older brother walked down the stairs and to the sidewalk.
But as he approached the car, to the other side of the street, the man who nervously waited for his target. The man in black finally lost his patience and quickly approached the two brothers as they walked outside of the house. Wielding an automatic pistol, the man opened fire directly across the street, the shots reaching the car and making holes in the house. The brothers were quick to take cover behind the car, itself a target for the would-be assassin.
Two nearby police officers heard the gunfire and within seconds, the situation had been defused, but the message was clear.
“It seems that we’re being a little too loud for the Generalissimo’s likes…finally” commented Frondizi to his brother Silvio as they finally entered the bullet ridden car.
“Downtown” he ordered to the still perplex driver
“We don’t have all day”
Notes:
1. Enrolment book or Inscription book, for the Universal mandatory Military service, what was used before the DNI as a means of personal identification document. It was larger than the DNI and had more information, including records on the military service, voting records and rules, and stuff ranging from a red mark for homosexuals to the unabridged lyrics of the national anthem.
2. Civic Book, the female version of the LE, but smaller and with less information, obviously, there being no military service for women.
3. Radical as in political radicalism, not as in a member of the UCR
4. More on this on future updates…
5. Comandos de Hierro, Iron commandos, another name given to the Civilian commandos that took part in the Revolution of 1955 IOTL and more prominently, ITTL…
And the translation for the Graffiti:
“Abajo Peron y la dictadura de las Alpargatas!” (Down with Peron and the espradille dictatorship)
“San Martín Si, Rosas No”
“Argentinos Si, Nazis No”
“Muerte a Perón y al aluvión zoológico” :death to Peron and the Zoological flood (nickname given to Peron's voters, the lower classes )
“Viva la Revolución y el Ejercito Revolucionario de Liberación Popular”
(Long live the revolution and the People's Revolutionary Liberation Army)
“Abajo con el Fascismo Criollo”
(Down with Creole Fascism---Southamerican creolism, no relation to Louisiana creoles)
- Status