La Guillotine Permanente: A French Revolutionary Timeline

Loving this timeline so far; the First Republic has always been of interest to me, especially the revolutionary desire to totally transform society through metrification and the discarding of the old systems of time. I would love to see how the Republican Calendar and decimal time are doing by this point in the story (1797?). IIRC, all forms of metrification were unpopular with the agrarian majority of France, but the Calendar/decimal time were especially disliked due to the break in Christian tradition and the restrictions on religious holidays. I'm sure the sans-culottes are still not pleased with having to work nine days in a row for their one scant day off. If the Calendar is still being pushed by the Jacobins, I wonder how they plan on squaring the circle of agrarian pressure to recognize their holidays, and the working-class desire for more time off. I guess at some point the urban poor will demand at least a half-day off, which the government might provide on the ninth day of the week (so you work 8½ days in a row, and then have 1½ days off).

Alternatively, they might develop a different approach by giving the half-day-off on the fifth day of the week (so you work 4½ days, have a half-day off, then work 4 more days before your 1-day weekend). It would be interesting to see if working-class pressure could (at some point in the future) see this transition to a full mid-week day-off (work 4 days, have a mid-week day off, then 4 more days, then your 1-day weekend). I wonder how people and society would change with a system like that; what kind of activities would people get up too on their mid-week and weekend breaks? Divorced from religion entirely, just imagine what new festivities and holidays could arise, especially with the autumn-based Sansculottides (though farmers would grumble because they would come during the harvest season).

Also, if the French really break British backs here, I could see France (with its access to the industrial resources of Belgium) become the predominant manufacturing and export partner of the United States. With someone like Jefferson or Madison in the White House, and with increased trade relations between D.C. and Paris, I could definitely imagine the US being an early adopter of the metric system. Of course, it would only be official in the early years (with substantial pushback at the local level), and they probably wouldn't adopt metric time (at first) or the Republican Calendar. Still, it would be hilarious to have the United States as an early pioneer in metrification.
1) I personally think that metric time won't really catch on in the rest of the world.
2) The Metric System is the tool of the devil! My car gets 40 rods to the hogshead, and that's the way I likes it! Joking aside, I kinda like the idea of a Metric America.
 
Since I’ve been an enthusiast about the French Revolution for a while, I do hope that the concept of clubs can remain as one of the most common forms of political organization. I’ve always been very fond of that method, just seems so unique and fun.

A whole generation of future politicians could be growing up cutting their teeth in their local clubs, debating whatever issue they have in their little corner of the country.

Political parties are not a thing that the French have accepted at this time, so who knows, maybe the clubs could be the substitute.
 
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Since I’ve been an enthusiast about the French Revolution for a while, I do hope that the concept of clubs can remain as one of the most common forms of political organization. I’ve always been very fond of that method, just seems so unique and fun.
I note that the English word is precisely “party” - so it can still be transformed.
 
Too Like the Lightning draws from the French Enlightenment- “Our Patriarch Voltaire and the Divine DeSade”. I expect scifi when it appears to be Jacobin in nature
 
I could definitely imagine the US being an early adopter of the metric system
Probably not, the US only officially created its system in 1832, despite Washington and others pushing congress to exercise their enumerated power to do so. Plus I imagine a lot of resistance to outright adopting a French measure when culturally speaking most are more familiar with an English system.

However, I could imagine a subtler form of metricification by redefining customary units as metric ones. eg, making a yard equal to one meter, a gallon equal to four liters, a pound equal to 300 grams (that divide into 10 ounces of 30 grams), etc.

Alternatively, the US could simply just be inspired by the meter but make everything base 12 instead of base 10
 
It is interesting to see a world where Robespierre had more time to ensure that his war aims were followed through. It always felt like a big issue with the tail end of the Republic after the Thermidorian Reaction was that they sort of lost sight of what they actually wanted out of the war. They won thanks to having a better officer corps but honestly they had a lot of momentum squandered.
 
Chapter 17: Beyond Mountains, More Mountains
Chapter 17
Beyond Mountains, More Mountains
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"Since the revolution, I have done all that depended upon me to return happiness to my country and to ensure liberty for my fellow citizens. Forced to combat internal and external enemies of the French Republic, I made war with courage, honor and loyalty. I have never strayed from the rules of justice with my enemies as much as was in my power. I sought to soften the horrors of war, to spare the blood of men."

Toussaint Louverture, 1795


Since 1790 Haiti had been in a state of near perpetual chaos. While the French Revolutionary government when it was under the influence of figures such as Barnave [1], Brissot [2], and Danton had preached about grand ideals such as all men having natural inalienable rights, these ideals seemed not to apply to the many slaves in the colonies of France. In fact, despite the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen being set by the National Constituent Assembly, the idea of these rights actually applying to all men was shot down. Only in 1791 were free men of color given citizenship, with the caveat that only those born to free blacks were to receive it. Finally, on the 4th of April, 1792, all free men of color were granted citizenship and full equal rights without exceptions, though the abolition of slavery was still a step too far for the moderates who still reigned over France.

It would only be after the Montagnard ascendancy, and the rise of one Maximilien Robespierre, that the abolition of slavery finally seemed on the cards. Famously, after another member of the National Constituent Assembly had complained that abolishing slavery would lead to the death of the colonies he declared “Let the colonies die rather than abandon a principle.” So, on 16 Pluviôse Year II [3], slavery was officially abolished across all French colonies by order of the National Convention. Though by that point, the abolishment of slavery was not just a moral, but a strategic necessity due to the situation in Hispaniola.

By Year II [4], the island was under a naval invasion by the British, and a land invasion by the Spanish from Santo Domingo. The Haitian Revolution was in full swing and it was aligned directly against French interests, with many leaders of the revolution siding with the Spanish, who commissioned many Haitian revolutionaries as officers to fight against the French. All of these forces, including those who were allies on paper, warred with each other due to their conflicting interests regarding the fate of the island. The local French authorities were increasingly fighting a seemingly doomed uphill battle against forces that both outmatched and outnumbered them.

The abolishment of slavery, therefore, delivered a much-needed reversal of fortunes in favor of French interests. Many former slaves who had revolted in 1790 subsequently switched sides, joining the French against their enemies. Foremost among them was Toussaint Louverture. While initially skeptical of the decree, suspecting that it may have been a trick of some sort, he eventually gave his full support to the French Republic against her enemies.

Afterward, with the ceding of Santo Domingo to France and the peace with Spain, the French forces in Hispaniola were able to consolidate their strength and systematically either eliminate or recruit those who had joined the Spanish. This allowed them to further bolster their numbers and focus their full attention on their new main enemy, the British.

The British attempts to conquer Hispaniola were, to put it mildly, a catastrophe. The fact that the British had fully committed to the West Indies for the entire duration of the war, and hoped that their allies would be enough to deal with the French Republic in Europe, was a gamble that blew up massively in their faces and provided yet another to a long list of blunders under Pitt’s belt. A man who despite his young age (by the standards of contemporary British politics) was increasingly looking several decades older than he actually was, raising concerns regarding his health.

By Year IV [5] many thousands of British soldiers had died of the notorious yellow fever, though it was colloquially known as the ‘black vomit’. Most British casualties of the West Indies theater of the French Revolutionary War were not suffered during combat, but by diseases that never ceased ravaging them. After the French abolition of slavery, it seemed that there was no end to the defeats and failures suffered by the British. Guadalupe had been seized by forces sent by the Committee of Public Safety, with the local French Royalists propped up by the British being killed almost to a man and the local slaves freed, to mass adulation. In Hispaniola, British forces, despite their numbers, were almost completely incapable of venturing far outside of Saint-Marc without being massacred by Haitian irregulars. In the territories they had occupied, the British had even imposed racist laws imported from their other colonies in the West Indies, severely alienating the free black population and forever losing their crucial support.

By this time, 50% of the entire British Army was located not in Ireland, which was under invasion and facing a massive revolt, or Britain, also under invasion with murmurs of revolution growing louder by the day, but in the West Indies, with a major part of them located in Hispaniola. Even before the Winter of Discontent, even before Quiberon, there were major calls in the House of Commons to end the never-ending disaster that was the Invasion of Hispaniola. The Invasion was also a massive money sink, with an estimated 800,000 desperately needed pounds being thrown into the adventure each year.

But for Pitt, it didn’t matter how much money was spent or how many men died. For him, it was a matter of pride, honor and ideology. To allow Haiti to remain unconquered was to show to all people still in chains that it was possible to break free. That it was possible to wish for a better world. This could never be allowed, lest Britain lose control of its Caribbean colonies. Pitt had also made an agreement with members of the French planter aristocracy, promising them the return of slavery and racist laws against the free black population, greatly enraging English abolitionists. Above all, however, Pitt couldn’t allow the Haitians to succeed as if they were to succeed it would undermine the ideology that served as the bedrock behind the ascendancy of the planter class in the Caribbean.

All of this is not to say that the French did not face their fair share of difficulties. Far from it, as the abolishment of slavery brought many trials and tribulations as if the colony wished to avoid complete and utter collapse, which would lead to untold amounts of suffering, it had to remain economically viable. As a result, many former slaves were sent back to work in the plantations, though this time with pay and without the severe punishments often inflicted upon them by the planter class, an act that proved very controversial to many.

Due to his success in fighting the British using irregular warfare, the Committee of Public Safety debated on whether Toussaint Louverture should be appointed Lieutenant Governor under the former temporary Governor, now permanent Governor of Haiti Etienne Mayneaud Bizefranc de Laveaux. The decision to officially appoint Laveaux was unanimous due to his successes, but Louverture’s appointment was met with considerably more debate. The fact that he had previously sided with the Spanish, against the Republic was brought up by some members, but was struck down by Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, citing that, as the Republic was at the time still enslaving his brethren “To not rebel would have been a far greater crime.” The motion to officially appoint Toussaint Louverture as Lieutenant Governor was carried with a majority in the Committee, though it would take some time before the news would arrive in Hispaniola, due to the great distance between Paris and Port-Républicain [6].

In Italy, Napoleon Bonaparte, ever the firm interventionist, chafed under the restrictions burdening him. His army was limited to just 20,000 men, with no room for growth, he made plans for invasions of the Swiss Confederacy, plans that he knew he would never be able to carry out due to the dovish policies of the government. An opportunity had recently presented itself, however.

Ever since Kośiusczko’s Uprising, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth had been wiped off the map, seemingly permanently. This would not be without great resistance, as during Year IV, many Polish émigrés would arrive in France and Italy, where they would lobby for support in favor of Polish Independence. As the governments of both the French and Transpadane Republics wished to avoid hostilities with Austria, with whom there remained a peace, no matter how uneasy, most Polish émigrés would find themselves in the Cispadane Republic, which was in no way hesitant when it came to antagonizing Austria. Subsequently, Jan Henryk Dąbrowski would request assistance from the government in the formation of an independent Polish military unit that would assist them in any future conflicts against Austria, in return for the eventual support for Polish independence.

Filippo Buonarroti immediately saw the potential in this venture. Not only would he gain access to highly experienced officers who held no delusions of shaping Cispadane politics to their will, but it may eventually gain him a key ally in Poland should she ever be free again. Buonarroti agreed to arm and equip this force, with the caveat that it would fight not only Austria but also defend the Cispadane Republic from whatever forces may threaten it. Dąbrowski agreed to this and so, the Polish Legion of Italy was born, consisting of Polish-speaking officers and men who had fled after Kośiusczko’s Uprising.

A conflict to potentially test this new force seemed to be brewing in Naples, where an army of mercenaries, brigands, common criminals, and religiously fanatic ultra-royalists calling themselves the ‘Army of the Faith’ was gathering in Calabria, in the south of the country. Fabrizio Ruffo, in recruiting for his army had called for people to act proactively, to take the fight to the revolutionaries before they could bring the fight to them. In recruiting posters across Calabria, he proclaimed; "Brave and courageous Calabrians, unite now under the standard of the Holy Cross and of our beloved sovereign. Do not wait for the enemy to come and contaminate our neighborhoods. Let us march to confront him, to repel him, to hunt him out of our kingdom and out of Italy and to break the barbarous chains of our holy Pontiff."

Note the fact that he was calling for the people to hunt the enemy “out of Italy”, a direct threat to all of the republics of Italy. Copies of this proclamation were sent to the governments of the Cispadane Republic and France on the orders of Ettore Carafa, requesting military aid to suppress the ‘counter-revolutionary brigands’. The proclamation was also publicized in many Jacobin-aligned newspapers, galvanizing opposition to Ruffo in the process.

The call for assistance would be answered by Buonarroti, who immediately pledged his support for Carafa (after all, he had installed him into power.) But before he could make any preparations, Bonaparte came up with a plan. Rather than send the regular Cispadane army into Naples, the newly formed Polish Legion could be sent to assist instead. As the Polish Legion was still much too small for this enormous task, however, it would be nothing short of perfectly reasonable for the French Army of Italy to accompany and assist it wherever possible.

Carafa had, in the meantime, used the existence of the Army of the Faith to purge many of the remaining moderates with access to the levers of power in Naples, particularly in the provinces. Carafa also established an official state newspaper, Il Monitore Napoletano (The Neapolitan Monitor), and appointed the former court poet turned hardline Jacobin, Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel, as its editor. She subsequently wrote many furious tirades against Austrophiles and Habsburgs and those who cover for them. Special condemnations were reserved for Ruffo and his supporters, who were referred to as ‘criminals of the highest order’. She made sure to include instructions on how the articles were to be read for an audience and hired many people to act as public readers who would read out these articles for people who were illiterate. This attracted many crowds of people and spread the message much further beyond just the literate population of Naples which was not sizable.

It was recognized by the leadership of Naples, that the provinces were potential hotbeds of insurrection, as well as sources of much pro-Ruffo support. This was an issue that had to be confronted swiftly, lest the brigands were to gain further ground and support. Deciding to strike before the reactionary elements could ferment further insurrection, Carafa and the government decided to launch a wide-scale purge of suspected royalists in the provinces.

In the city of Salerno, known for its historical resistance to radical ideas, a strategy of extensive misinformation was applied. He spread rumors that Ruffo had secretly allied with Austria to turn the people against their own government. Informants, recruited from loyalist circles, played a crucial role in identifying potential threats. Those suspected of anti-Jacobin sentiments faced imprisonment and harsh interrogations.

In the rural areas of Avellino, where opposition to progressive efforts was also known to be deeply rooted, Carafa utilized a combination of coercion and economic pressure. Large landowners who were suspected of sympathizing with Ruffo were subjected to heavy taxes and fines, crippling their financial stability. Carafa also established local Jacobin surveillance committees to monitor the activities of the population, ensuring that any signs of counter-revolutionary sentiment were swiftly dealt with.

The town of Benevento, an area known to be a stronghold of conservative elements, proved to be a daunting challenge. Therefore, any pretenses of conciliation were abandoned and a ruthless crackdown was orchestrated.

The crackdown in Benevento was marked by a calculated and vigorous eradication of all dissent. Jacobin agents, armed with lists of suspected counter-revolutionaries, carried out targeted arrests throughout the town. Raids on suspected hideouts and meeting places were conducted with military precision.

Trials were swift and decisive. The accused faced charges of conspiracy and sedition, with guilty verdicts resulting in severe consequences. Public executions became a grim spectacle, serving both as a deterrent and a demonstration of Jacobin authority, the town square bearing witness to the swift and unyielding justice meted out to those deemed enemies of the state.

In the eyes of Carafa and his supporters, the hardline approach in Benevento was a necessary step to quash dissent and ensure the unwavering dominance of the Jacobin ideology. The narrative woven around these events from a pro-Carafa perspective emphasized the urgency of purging counter-revolutionaries to safeguard the revolutionary gains in the region.

In each province, Carafa relied on the Greenshirts, the revolutionary force that had played a crucial role in the insurrection. They acted as both enforcers and propagandists, disseminating revolutionary ideals and suppressing dissent. The Greenshirts were particularly effective in the towns and cities of Naples, where they were able to more effectively root out opposition in the urban areas.

Through these methods, Carafa sought to create a network of loyalists across the provinces, preemptively dismantling any opposition that could threaten the stability of the newly established Jacobin order. The purge was methodical and tailored to the specific challenges posed by each region, showcasing the Jacobins understanding of the diverse threats of Naples and their determination to secure the revolution from internal enemies.

In the meantime, Austria was gearing itself up for war. Its present ambitions and efforts were driven mostly by one man, Baron Johann Amadeus von Thugut. He was the first commoner in the history of Austria to be appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs on the First of Germinal Year I [7] and State Chancellor a year later. For Thugut, the cause of anti-Jacobinism was deeply personal, as during the beginning of the war, he had lost out on his savings that he had invested into France, something he took extremely personally and would carry with him for the rest of his life.

Thugut was also far from the most competent statesman of his age, as he had badly miscalculated the weakness of France during years II to III [8] as he pulled off many troops from the fronts against Austria, directing them towards Poland instead. This was due to both France facing its worst internal crises at the time, and territorial greed as Austria had not acquired any land during the Second Partition of Poland, something Thugut hoped to amend, paving the way for the rapid French victories afterward.

This was due to Thugut having an incredibly cynical and opportunistic view of geopolitics, one that was as self-serving as it was self-defeating. Thugut believed that his primary purpose as State Chancellor was to expand the empire at all costs, even at the expense of Austria’s supposed allies. Thugut hoped to not just achieve near total supremacy in Italy by driving out the French, but in Germany as well, as a ‘reward for Austria’s exertions.’

Thugut also held a near pathological hatred of Prussia, viewing it and France as Austria’s greatest and most natural enemies. This did much to prevent Austria from being able to find any common ground with Prussia, and much of Germany as a direct result. Consequently, Prussia would remain steadfastly neutral in the years to come, though this was as much a result of Austrian hostility as it was a result of the pacifism of Friedrich Wilhelm II.

Overtures to Spain also proved fruitless, with offers of a renewed Coalition being rejected outright, despite some lofty Austrian promises. First Secretary of State Manuel Godoy had absolutely no interest in any new Coalitions against France, as Spain had struggled during the War of the Pyrenees, despite France facing endless wars and rebellions at the time. This is not to say that Godoy had no plans in mind for France, however.

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Baron von Thugut



[1]: Antoine Barnave, leader of the Feuilliant faction.

[2]: Jacques Pierre Brissot, leader of the Girondin faction.

[3]: 4th of April, 1794

[4]: 1793-1794.

[5]: 1795-1796.

[6]: Previously known as Port-au-Prince.:

[7]: 21st of March, 1793.

[8]: 1793-1794.
 
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SMH, Napoleon is France’s favorite Corsican, has the trust of the most esteemed men in government, is the hero of the Italian front, and it still isn’t enough for him. Napoleon, learn to appreciate what you have. Some aren’t so fortunate.

Jokes aside, development looks pretty interesting. It hasn’t been mentioned yet, but there’s probably a good chance the British public, the Whigs, and probably a good chunk of the Tories want Pitt’s head on a pike for not throwing in the towel at this point. Britain isn’t an absolute monarchy, and the press is mostly free, Pitt cannot ignore public opinion, there’s a high probability the opposition would oust him to salvage something from the mess they’re in.

With Prussia and Spain firmly out, the British on the breaking point, and Russia not seeming to care at the moment, looks like the next war might just have two main combatants. There’s a chance it’s less of a War of the Second Coalition, and more of a Franco-Austrian War, with the sister republics and the HRE providing assistance for their overlords.

And on one more thing, this is more on the question of alternate historiography, but I do wonder if the historiography of the second revolution, by which I mean the period after the fall of the monarchy, would have less of an, I don’t know, moralistic or emotional examination?

Many saw the time as one of terror and fear, but recent historians try to extract themselves from too much of a moral judgement and try to reframe the question of “The Terror” as not as an outbreak of fear, or a response to danger, but also as the rebuilding of state strength. Less seen as a crime and more a continuation of a process that’s been going on since the Sun King at least, which is the establishment of state power and centralized government. It could be said that this period is the great triumph of the state over regional interests, the triumph of the center over the periphery.

One wouldn’t exactly be wrong to make the observation that the Committee of Public Safety, despite there being a chance it could be subject to dismissal by the whim of the deputies of the National Convention, have more power than Louis XIV or any king France ever had.
 
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I really hope Haiti doesn’t have the awful experience of civil war and neocolonialism with an abolitionist faction in charge of France. It’s always interesting to read about the Neapolitan revolutionaries ITTL since they seem to be doing well with educating the people and rooting out reactionary tendencies, but they’ve also used major deceptions to secure power. Hopefully they manage to hold on and develop a stronger base of genuine support so the house of cards doesn’t crash down on them.
 
Jokes aside, development looks pretty interesting. It hasn’t been mentioned yet, but there’s probably a good chance the British public, the Whigs, and probably a good chunk of the Tories want Pitt’s head on a pike for not throwing in the towel at this point. Britain isn’t an absolute monarchy, and the press is mostly free, Pitt cannot ignore public opinion, there’s a high probability the opposition would oust him to salvage something from the mess they’re in.
Not to mention that there's a General Election in 4-5 months...
With Prussia and Spain firmly out, the British on the breaking point, and Russia not seeming to care at the moment, looks like the next war might just have two main combatants. There’s a chance it’s less of a War of the Second Coalition, and more of a Franco-Austrian War, with the sister republics and the HRE providing assistance for their overlords.
Even less, it's less a War of the Second Coalition and more just another phase in the first one.
And on one more thing, this is more on the question of alternate historiography, but I do wonder if the historiography of the second revolution, by which I mean the period after the fall of the monarchy, would have less of an, I don’t know, moralistic or emotional examination?

Many saw the time as one of terror and fear, but recent historians try to extract themselves from too much of a moral judgement and try to reframe the question of “The Terror” as not as an outbreak of fear, or a response to danger, but also as the rebuilding of state strength. Less seen as a crime and more a continuation of a process that’s been going on since the Sun King at least, which is the establishment of state power and centralized government. It could be said that this period is the great triumph of the state over regional interests, the triumph of the center over the periphery.

One wouldn’t exactly be wrong to make the observation that the Committee of Public Safety, despite there being a chance it could be subject to dismissal by the whim of the deputies of the National Convention, have more power than Louis XIV or any king France ever had.
In terms of an emotional re-evaluation it might be very similar to what happened to the American War of Independence OTL. I mean, people forget, but that War was exceptionally brutal in terms of the per-capita loss of life and devastation. I think something in the realms of 10% of the total population was killed or displaced which is crazy. In TTL version of the French Revolution I can see them glossing over the many deaths, villainizing some of them (like Danton) or tragicizing them (like Desmoulins).

Historiography may also come to the conclusion that some have OTL, that the Sun King set the stage for the French Revolution, and he may even be viewed as a somewhat (though obviously within limits) progressive figure due to his efforts to crush the political power of the feudal lords.
 
I really hope Haiti doesn’t have the awful experience of civil war and neocolonialism with an abolitionist faction in charge of France. It’s always interesting to read about the Neapolitan revolutionaries ITTL since they seem to be doing well with educating the people and rooting out reactionary tendencies, but they’ve also used major deceptions to secure power. Hopefully they manage to hold on and develop a stronger base of genuine support so the house of cards doesn’t crash down on them.
Nothing as disastrous like the Leclerc expedition or the Haiti independence debt will occur TTL I can assure you that much. The Neopolitan Jacobins are basically the platonic ideal of the phrase 'No such thing as bad methods, only bad targets.'
What I am curious about is how the economy and culture of France is doing.
I aim to cover this in much greater detail in the future but, in a nutshell, the (continental) peace has done wonders for the economy and the end of the rebellions in the provinces has given the nation a sense of unity it has not had in years.
 
Filippo Buonarroti immediately saw the potential in this venture. Not only would he gain access to highly experienced officers who held no delusions of shaping Cispadane politics to their will, but it may eventually gain him a key ally in Poland should she ever be free again.
To be honest, it seems that northern Italy will be of no use to a Pole. But France is a good potential ally.
 
To be honest, it seems that northern Italy will be of no use to a Pole. But France is a good potential ally.
France actually had a law in place preventing foreigners from enlisting, and the Italians are actively anticipating war against Austria in the near future, so it still has it's benefits.
 
France actually had a law in place preventing foreigners from enlisting, and the Italians are actively anticipating war against Austria in the near future, so it still has it's benefits.
They do? Huh, I might be misremembering, but didn’t they form a bunch of legions comprised of foreigners like the one Thomas-Alexandre Dumas was in?

Of course, that was when the revolution was at its most cosmopolitan and universalist, so they might have reversed stances since then.
 
They do? Huh, I might be misremembering, but didn’t they form a bunch of legions comprised of foreigners like the one Thomas-Alexandre Dumas was in?

Of course, that was when the revolution was at its most cosmopolitan and universalist, so they might have reversed stances since then.
Talking about Dumas, he might be dead ITL. OTL he delayed a summon by the Commitee for a month because he was afraid of getting accused of treason and never actually showed up because Robespierre was executed, here he might be in deep trouble with the Commitee of Public Safety. I don't know if he did anything wrong but delaying a summon like that probably looks very suspicious.
 
Talking about Dumas, he might be dead ITL. OTL he delayed a summon by the Commitee for a month because he was afraid of getting accused of treason and never actually showed up because Robespierre was executed, here he might be in deep trouble with the Commitee of Public Safety. I don't know if he did anything wrong but delaying a summon like that probably looks very suspicious.
Wasn’t the government busy with putting down an attempted insurrection at that moment in the story? I feel like him being summoned by the government would be lost in the shuffle of general reorganization.
 
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