La Guillotine Permanente: A French Revolutionary Timeline

Any pre-production plans for the independency movements in the Americas that came during the Napoleonic Wars? For one Brazil is going to go down extremly different since there is no escape of the Portuguese royal family and court and the elevation of the colony to constituent kingdom of the United Kingdom of Portugal Brazil and the Algarves.
 
Any pre-production plans for the independency movements in the Americas that came during the Napoleonic Wars? For one Brazil is going to go down extremly different since there is no escape of the Portuguese royal family and court and the elevation of the colony to constituent kingdom of the United Kingdom of Portugal Brazil and the Algarves.
So far I genuinely have no idea what to do about South America. No Napoleon in power basically butterflied much of the Latin American Wars of Independence but all the pieces are still in play and the revolutionaries are still very enthusiastic.

Only people who I have plans for at the moment are Simon Bolivar and Fransisco de Miranda, but that's about as far as it goes at the moment.
 
So far I genuinely have no idea what to do about South America. No Napoleon in power basically butterflied much of the Latin American Wars of Independence but all the pieces are still in play and the revolutionaries are still very enthusiastic.

Only people who I have plans for at the moment are Simon Bolivar and Fransisco de Miranda, but that's about as far as it goes at the moment.
The opposite, even after robespierre brutality,people still galvanize the French revolution as the model of the future, it was napoleon becoming a new caesar that changed it.

If anything miranda might be asking for help in champ elysses
 
The opposite, even after robespierre brutality,people still galvanize the French revolution as the model of the future, it was napoleon becoming a new caesar that changed it.

If anything miranda might be asking for help in champ elysses
Oh yeah, obviously the Latin American revolutionaries were heavily inspired by the French Revolution and it served as the basis of their ideology, but I meant more in a geopolitical sense. The Napoleonic invasion of Spain was the spark that set the whole thing off and it's butterflied away now. Obviously many other causes for rebellion are still at play like rising Creole nationalism and the decline of the Spanish Empire, so I'm not at all sure how it will all play out without the collapse of central authority caused by Napoleon's invasion.
 
Maybe the liberal reformers in spain are inspired by ttl's neapolitan revolutionaries and attempt a coup that keeps a king in place, only for them to screw it up and a civil war breaks out in Spain proper?
 
Ferdinand VII is going to resist liberazation so we can see a first round of negotiations, with people trying (and failing) to get concessions from him, before any actual revolution/rebellion
 
Oh yeah, obviously the Latin American revolutionaries were heavily inspired by the French Revolution and it served as the basis of their ideology, but I meant more in a geopolitical sense. The Napoleonic invasion of Spain was the spark that set the whole thing off and it's butterflied away now. Obviously many other causes for rebellion are still at play like rising Creole nationalism and the decline of the Spanish Empire, so I'm not at all sure how it will all play out without the collapse of central authority caused by Napoleon's invasion.
As far as I can tell, without any Napoleonic invasion, don't expect regions like New Spain or Peru to have an independence. Maybe New Granada (Colombia), Venezuela and La Plata (Argentina), but aside from that I don't think there will be a widespread Republican movement. At most, reformist/radical sentimentalism to reform the Spanish monarchy, a "native" Spanish liberal tradition that takes the best of the French and American Revolutionaries and uses it to reform Spain and its colonies.
 
It's cool to see a TL of a truly revolutionary French Revolution, yet one that also recognizing that 'spreading the revolution' has its difficulties. Though, as fun as it is to humiliate Britain I find France getting channel naval superiority (even with Nelson dead) very questionable. Britain already starts out ahead in naval quality, and being confined to blockaded ports means the French ships have far fewer opportunities to find officers suitable for replacing those lost to the initial purges, or otherwise gain experience.

By the way, what's the situation of the Haitian Revolution? Still raging as OTL?
 
It's cool to see a TL of a truly revolutionary French Revolution, yet one that also recognizing that 'spreading the revolution' has its difficulties. Though, as fun as it is to humiliate Britain I find France getting channel naval superiority (even with Nelson dead) very questionable. Britain already starts out ahead in naval quality, and being confined to blockaded ports means the French ships have far fewer opportunities to find officers suitable for replacing those lost to the initial purges, or otherwise gain experience.

By the way, what's the situation of the Haitian Revolution? Still raging as OTL?
That was actually something that happened in real life, kind of. The French did manage to land men in Ireland, they were really close to but bad weather knocked them off course and canceled the initial invasion plans.

There was a second attempt but the garrison in Ireland was reinforced and the French didn’t send nearly as many men.
 
By the way, what's the situation of the Haitian Revolution? Still raging as OTL?
I'd assume it's in the British Invasion phase at this point. The Jacobins are the ones who freed the slaves and pushed for racial equality so it is unlikely they have any interest in forcing the Haitians to return to their bondage. So once the war ends Haiti would just be considered a part of France that happens to be across the ocean.
 
I'd assume it's in the British Invasion phase at this point. The Jacobins are the ones who freed the slaves and pushed for racial equality so it is unlikely they have any interest in forcing the Haitians to return to their bondage. So once the war ends Haiti would just be considered a part of France that happens to be across the ocean.
An earlier department of outre mere?
 
Ferdinand VII is going to resist liberazation so we can see a first round of negotiations, with people trying (and failing) to get concessions from him, before any actual revolution/rebellion

I don't think there'd be much reason to worry about him at this point in time - it's still 1795, Carlos IV is still in the throne, and Fernando is only eleven.
 
@Xekimus Question: How long you are planning this TL to be ? First half of 19th century, second half or even longer ?
I still don't really have a clear end date in mind for this TL. But I can't really see it going beyond 1850. At that point the butterflies would have flapped so hard that i'd have to actually start being original and I can't let that happen!
 
I still don't really have a clear end date in mind for this TL. But I can't really see it going beyond 1850. At that point the butterflies would have flapped so hard that i'd have to actually start being original and I can't let that happen!
Well, at least you are too ahead of yourself. If cover the war and post-war politics, then it will be a satisfying timeline. More would be nice, but it is minimum for the TL to have closure. Just a suggestion and my personal opinion of course.
 
Chapter 15: The Men of No Property
Chapter 15
The Men of No Property
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"Our freedom must be had at all hazards. If the men of property will not help us they must fall; we will free ourselves by the aid of that large and respectable class of the community - the men of no property."
Theobald Wolfe Tone, 1795


As revolution swept through the Emerald Isle, the British found themselves stretched to their limits.

In the western province of Connacht, the rebellion had firmly taken hold. From the rugged coastlines of Galway to the misty heartlands of Mayo and Roscommon, the spirit of independence and revolution had ignited the hearts of its people. Whispers of resistance evolving into a resolute and active defiance.

Amidst the lush greenery of the countryside, rebels emerged from the shadows. Small bands of determined men, fueled by a shared vision, would launch audacious attacks on isolated loyalist outposts. With each success, their confidence grew, and their efforts became more coordinated. Every man knew they were but a small part of a much larger struggle, one that echoed across the island.

In the southern province of Munster, where tension hung heavy in the air, the city of Cork had already fallen to the French. However, the countryside remained a battleground, with loyalist pockets regrouping and fortifying their positions, preparing for potential counter-offensives.

Limerick, a strategically vital city, as it straddled the River Shannon and controlled access to the Golden Vale, (which was some of the best and most fertile pastureland in all of Ireland) therefore served as an essential logistical hub for British forces, and stood as a bastion of loyalist control. Loyalists patrolled its streets, and its stout walls bristled with cannons. British authorities recognized Limerick's strategic significance as a linchpin for loyalist defense in Munster, making its defense a necessity.

In the counties of Kerry and Clare, the spirit of rebellion had erupted from beneath the surface. News of Cork's capture and rebel victories to the north had ignited a roaring blaze of hope among the people. Once-silent farms and villages now resounded with the fervor of those who were actively pursuing a free Ireland.

The British were stretched thin and with their forces scattered across the island, faced the immense challenge of suppressing a rebellion that had escalated and grown completely out of their control. The capture and continuing French occupation of Cork served as a constant reminder of the broader struggle that had been brought so close to home. In Wexford and Ulster, rebels had succeeded in completely driving them out and were presently tying down many loyalist troops. The remaining 50,000 loyalist soldiers, their ranks thinned by the demands of multiple fronts, struggled to maintain order and control.

Amidst the fervor of rebellion and the clash of ideals, however, a darker undercurrent flowed through the conflict. Not all who took part in the conflict were driven by noble aspirations of independence or order. For some, the chaos and upheaval provided a stage to settle personal scores and unleash long-held fury. Throughout the vast countryside, where communities had long memories and histories of strife, vendettas smoldered like embers waiting for a gust of wind. Old disputes, land feuds, and bitter rivalries found an outlet in the turmoil of the times. The chaos of rebellion offered a cloak of anonymity, a chance for individuals to settle scores without fear of reprisal. For these individuals, the conflict presented an opportunity to strike at those they perceived as enemies. People who held even the lightest of Loyalist sympathies, landlords, or even neighbors who had crossed them in the past became targets. Acts of vengeance played out in the midst of broader battles, with assailants disappearing into the anonymity of the rebel ranks.

Pent-up anger, born from years of inequality and oppression, boiled over. Resentment towards those who had prospered under British rule, often at the expense of their fellow countrymen, found expression in acts of violence and retribution. The lines between noble cause and personal vendetta blurred, as the rebellion became a canvas for settling private scores. While some fought for an independent Ireland, others sought personal vindication or to right perceived wrongs.

Indeed, among the pro-British loyalists scattered across the island, very similar events occurred. In acts mirroring the rebels' actions, they too seized the opportunity to settle old scores and seek vengeance. A stark reminder that amid these grand historical narratives, deeply personal or petty motives often played a more significant role than grand ideas or ideologies.

Amid the chaos of the Irish Revolution, sectarian tensions also continued to cast a long shadow, despite the ideals espoused by the Society of United Irishmen, which advocated for non-sectarianism and a united front against British rule. The deep-rooted divisions between Catholics and Protestants, fueled by centuries of historical grievances, were not easily set aside for many.

In the heartlands of Ulster and elsewhere, where sectarian fault lines ran deep, some found it impossible to bridge the religious divide. For them, religious identity remained paramount, and the call for unity fell on deaf ears. The bitterness of past conflicts and religious animosities simmered beneath the surface, waiting for any opportunity to resurface. Instances of sectarian violence were distressingly common. During the revolution, acts of retribution, revenge, and outright armed hostility between Catholic and Protestant communities were not infrequent. These violent outbursts revealed that, despite the noble ideals of the United Irishmen, the wounds of sectarianism were not easily healed.

The leaders of the rebellion, including Wolfe Tone and his associates, understood the importance of transcending religious differences for the greater goal of independence. However, they grappled with the harsh reality that their vision of an independent Ireland, free from British rule, faced significant challenges in a society deeply divided along religious lines. The struggle to reconcile these divisions remained an ongoing theme throughout the Irish Revolution, serving as a reminder that while the fight for independence was a collective endeavor, the scars of history and sectarian strife ran deep, leaving an indelible mark on the path to an independent Ireland. While for some, religion was the primary divider and marker of privilege in Ireland, others were of a very different mindset.

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As the French Army of Ireland swept across Ireland, Hoche faced a complex and divided city in Dublin.

Dublin, the capital of Ireland, was a city teetering on the brink of chaos. As Lazare Hoche's forces closed in, the situation within the city had grown increasingly volatile. The British authorities had stationed a significant number of troops in the capital to maintain control, but divisions and discontent simmered beneath the surface.

Among the British forces present in Dublin were the 104th, 111th, and 113th Regiments of Foot. These troops had not only been affected by the general atmosphere of unrest but had also established contact with English radicals sympathetic to the United Irishmen's cause. These radicals had conveyed the ideas of rebellion and the pursuit of a fairer society, resonating deeply with the disgruntled soldiers.

Fueled by their own grievances against the British government, which often treated them with such great indifference and neglect, a truly revolutionary spirit spread among these regiments. The soldiers, many of whom hailed from working-class backgrounds, saw an opportunity to break free from their oppressive conditions and join a cause they believed in. Their mutiny was not only an act of rebellion against their superiors but also a declaration of solidarity with the Irish Revolutionaries. They knew that by siding with the French and the United Irishmen, they were taking a stand against the system that had exploited and mistreated them for so long.

Within Dublin itself, another formidable force had been quietly organizing: the Jacobin Clubs. These clubs had been working hand in hand with the workers’ combinations of the city to organize a proper insurrectionary army in the city. The recent chaos that had engulfed Ireland had also severely hindered British policing efforts, allowing them to operate almost openly.

When Hoche's forces arrived at Dublin's doorstep, they found a city on the verge of open rebellion. The soldiers of the 104th, 105th, and 111th Regiments of Foot, now mutineers, declared their allegiance to the rebel cause, bringing with them their military training and discipline, as well as catching the Loyalist forces in the city completely off guard. They joined the ranks of the insurgents, swelling the rebel forces and adding a level of professionalism to the insurrection.

The Jacobins took to the streets with zeal that set them apart from other factions. Their radical revolutionary zeal and their complete and total disdain for the old order made them formidable allies to the French forces. Together, they launched a coordinated attack on British positions in Dublin, aiming to capture key strategic points. The Battle for Dublin was fierce and chaotic. The mutinous regiments and the Jacobins fought side by side with other rebel forces and Hoche's French troops. The combined efforts of these factions, each with their own motivations and aspirations, created a chaotic yet fiercely determined rebel army.

As the conflict within the city escalated, Dublin descended into complete chaos. Loyalist forces found themselves facing adversaries both within and without. With the odds stacked so far against the Loyalist’s favor, the rebels emerged victorious. The combined forces of mutinous British regiments, Jacobins, United Irishmen, and French troops overwhelmed the beleaguered British garrison. The Union Jack was lowered, and in its place, the ‘winged maiden over a field of green’ flew over Dublin Castle. This victory was a significant turning point in the Irish Revolution. Dublin, the capital city and a symbol of British authority, was now firmly in rebel hands. The rebel forces had not only secured a strategic stronghold but also gained a tremendous morale boost.

News of the rebel victory in Dublin rapidly spread throughout Ireland, further fueling the flames of rebellion. With the capital under their control, the United Irishmen and their allies now had a very solid base from which to coordinate their efforts and consolidate their gains. The fall of Dublin would also almost certainly doom the remaining Loyalist forces in Ireland, who were dependent on overseas supplies from Britain. With the fall of Belfast, Cork, and now Dublin, any attempts at resupply would be doomed.

However, as the rebels celebrated their triumph, they were well aware that the struggle was far from over. The British government still had a substantial presence in Ireland, with tens of thousands of loyalist troops scattered across the island. Yet, they knew that this was also the furthest the cause of independence had ever gotten, and the enemy seemed more weak than ever.

The workers’ combinations and Jacobin Clubs of Dublin did not waste any time. Within days, the Dublin Commune had been proclaimed, with its first acts being the declaration of new elections to form a new administerial body to govern the city, with universal male suffrage being embraced. The Dublin Commune was modeled after the one in Paris, with 120 representatives to form the new assembly, with 2 representatives coming from each of the Jacobin sections. Until then, the day-to-day running of the city was delegated to the workers' combinations, who collectively took on the responsibility of looking after it. They also created their own modified banner to represent their cause. They took the traditional flag of the Kingdom of Ireland (a harp on a blue field under a crown) and altered it, replacing the crown with a Phrygian cap and making the field red.

Dublin was also unique in the sense that, despite (or perhaps, as a direct result of) its more radical political outlook, the sectarian divisions that were raging throughout the countryside were far less prominent in Dublin. As in the countryside, sectarian divisions were driven by the extremely oppressive rural Protestant landlords that lorded over the Catholic peasantry. An element that, although present, was far less pronounced in Dublin.

The rebellious English Regiments were also organizing. Prompted by the Society of United Englishmen, the 104th, 105th, 111th, 112th, and 113th Regiments of Foot, once loyal to the British Crown, yet betrayed by the very institution they swore to protect, re-organized themselves into the newly created Free Albionic Legion. Every Legionnaire took a solemn oath then, binding themselves to an unbreakable resolve: to never rest until all Englishmen were free from the yoke of oppression and inequality. It was hoped by the United Englishmen that, as long as the Legion stood tall and free, it would serve as an inspiration and an example for all Englishmen who yearned to be free.

In Scotland, the fervor of radical societies grew within the urban centers of Edinburgh and Glasgow. Amid the tumultuous events engulfing the British Isles, the Society of United Scotsmen in Scotland found itself almost drunk on the excitement that recent events had brought, the echoes of the Irish Revolution, and the presence of French soldiers on British soil itself sending shockwaves throughout Scotland. As news of the chaos engulfing London, Ireland, and Wales reached Edinburgh and Glasgow, the Society was faced with a staggering prospect. The radical pamphleteers, intellectuals, and disgruntled workers united under its banner were now confronted with the very real possibility that their ideas may yet come to fruition.

In the smoky taverns, salons, and other clandestine meeting places, the leadership of the Society grappled with the urgency of the moment. The backbone of the radical movement in Scotland, the weavers, who had long endured oppressive working conditions, were now not only seeking workers' rights but contemplating a broader vision of national independence. The Society, once a group of discontented voices, now had to navigate the complex currents of political upheaval with a decision that could reshape Scottish history. As the chaos in London and the Irish Revolution unfolded, the Society intensified its many meetings, combining the aspirations of the weavers with the broader vision of a reformed Scotland. Plans were laid in the backrooms and taverns, and the Society prepared to take a decisive step into the turbulent waters of political transformation.

As a response to recent events, the British government intensified its crackdown on dissent and radical societies in the wake of the widespread chaos. The Society of United Scotsmen therefore found itself forced further underground, although it's already decentralized nature made it difficult to quash. The smoky taverns and clandestine meeting places that once buzzed with fervor became even more covert, with members adopting various complicated measures to evade detection. The leadership of the Society faced the challenge of maintaining cohesion and communication while carefully avoiding government scrutiny. The heavy crackdown tested the resilience of the Society. Members had to exercise increased caution, using coded language and secret rendezvous to avoid detection by government agents. The weavers and intellectuals, united in their cause, remained committed to the ideals of political reform and social change, even as the risks escalated. The Society's endurance became a testament to the depth of discontent and the desire for change both among its members, but also broader British society as a whole. Despite the oppressive measures imposed by the government, the flame of discontent continued to flicker within the hearts of those who sought a reformed Scotland.

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In Britain, the government was still reeling over the recent events. Due to the sheer chaotic nature of the events there, accurate reports from Ireland were hard to come by. As such, decided to focus on the troubles closer to home. Specifically, Wales.

It is difficult to overstate the impact that the Landing at Fishguard had on the British psyche. A lack of reliable witness reports (resulting in the size of the invading army growing with each telling), coupled with the fact that it was the most successful invasion of Britain in centuries [1] sent people into hysteria. It didn’t help that Welsh people were sympathetic to the revolutionary cause, further adding to British fears.

Though Wales was not Ireland and lacked any truly organized revolutionary organizations (and support for the French was therefore often sporadic) there remained a significant deal of support for the actions against the government. This was crucial, as they knew the land better than anyone else and proved indispensable in French efforts to combat the British. With local support, the French were able to launch a highly unconventional campaign. The rugged terrain was perfect for this, as any force unfamiliar with the land was sure to be outmatched by an enemy that was.

Hit-and-run tactics became the signature move of the French forces, striking British outposts and disappearing into the folds of the landscape before a cohesive response could be organized. They thrived on the element of surprise, ambushing supply lines, disrupting communications, and sowing confusion. Welsh sympathizers, acting as the eyes and ears of the asymmetric campaign, provided invaluable intelligence and reconnaissance, allowing the French to remain elusive and one step ahead of the British.

Gradually, the French forces seemed to gain an almost mythical reputation in the minds of their enemies. Rumors swirled of an army larger than all those who could oppose it, painting the invaders as an unstoppable force. The French became a specter that haunted both the urban centers and the rural landscapes, leaving the British military in a perpetual state of unease. The elusive nature of the French forces only intensified the paranoia, as every shadow in the hills became a potential threat, deepening the sense of fear and uncertainty. Although, among the shadows that now loomed over the Welsh hills, one figure stood out

Francisco de Miranda, once confined in the dungeons of France, found himself an unlikely player in the events unfolding on the shores of Fishguard. The Latin American expatriate had been faced with the supreme misfortune of both proudly fighting alongside General Dumouriez, and associating himself with the Girondins. While perfectly fine and advantageous in 1791, by the time Dumouriez had switched sides and attempted to march on Paris to overthrow the National Convention, and after the Purge of the Girondins, one could hardly find oneself in a worse predicament. He was spared the Guillotine however, and stayed in prison for quite some time as the revolutionary government had no idea what to do with him. Owing to his military experience, he was a prime candidate for commanding the Invasion of Fishguard. But as d'Hedouville was considered far less politically dangerous, Miranda was therefore passed over for command of the expedition.

A man great of vision and ambition, Miranda brought a strategic acumen and tactical ingenuity that proved indispensable for the campaign. Francisco De Miranda was also a man whose vision and ambition were more far-reaching than any of his contemporaries could have imagined. Ambitions that, due to factors far out of his control, could come to fruition far sooner than he would expect.




[1]: It really depends on which invasion you consider the last. The Raid on the Medway? The Glorious Revolution? 1066 if you want to go that far.
 
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It's funny how the French stroke at the British just at the right time and place. With the British government still dealing with mutinies, discontent, and people all over the islands trying to imitate the French experiment, it was the right time to strike at them before they managed to reorganize to wage war against the French. I think also speaks a lot about how Napoleon's delusions of grandeur could cloud his judgment and not see the opportunity right in front of him since he decided to invade Egypt because he wanted to annex the territory to France and monopolize Mediterranean trading instead of supporting the Irish rebellion. I like how a more down-to-earth French leadership can see here that opportunity, especially considering that the British never had a Plan B in case enemy armies managed to land on the island.
 
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