The Liberal Kingdom - Part I
The quarter-century of wars that had concluded the 18th century and begun the 19th had utterly reshaped the maps of Europe both on paper and in noble genealogy; Bonapartes sat on the thrones of not just France but Naples, Etruria, Holland and Westphalia, and a number of Napoleon's generals had been given titles both great and minor across Germany and Italy to compensate them for their efforts. The complete and total reworking of maps and monarchies post-1789 was a comprehensive and revolutionary change, though certainly not the one that the revolutionaries at the Bastille and Paris' guillotines thereafter had imagined. One place which had seen a particularly remarkable, and unique, change was Portugal, on Europe's far western periphery, where Napoleon had deposed the ruling Braganza family and forced them into a Brazilian exile and then appointed Charles I as the "Boy King of Lisbon," compensating the Bourbons of Parma for their losses in Italy and hoping to ingratiate the Spanish Bourbons with the grandson of King Charles IV on the throne.
Portugal post-1808 had thus seen a dramatic economic, cultural and political seismic shift as the conservative, wealthy Portuguese government elite had largely followed the Braganzas to Portugal. This meant clergymen, bureaucrats, generals, artisans, treasurers - the upper crust of Portugal's civil society in Lisbon had simply decamped on the boats with British escorts. Charles I, thus, inherited a hollowed-out state poorly equipped to reach and influence her colonies overseas. The collapse in trade during the years 1808-15 with British harassment of Portuguese vessels had broken the nascent mercantile middle classes of Porto in particular, and fiercely Anglophobic, semi-revolutionary sentiment was running high throughout the depressed Portuguese cities at this time. Tens of thousands left the country to follow the "True King" into exile in Brazil, while others migrated elsewhere in the Americas.
Thus, unlike elsewhere in Europe, the Peace of Aix was not celebrated as the dawning of a glorious new age of prosperity but rather seen ruefully as Europe forgetting about little Portugal's needs, and feelings of a country adrift were quite understandable. Between a minor king dominated by his Spanish mother (Charles had been enthroned at the ripe age of eight) and the effective end of the longstanding alliance with Britain, nobody in Lisbon was quite sure what was to come next. In particular, concerns about Spanish designs on economically and politically dominating their smaller, considerably poorer neighbor led to the Queen Regent Maria Luisa creating a massive levy to rebuild and re-equip the Portuguese Army in 1815, one of the few places in Europe that
rearmed after Aix rather than sending soldiers not just back to their barracks but back to their fields and workshops.
To the advantage of Charles I, however, was the fact that the most natural opponents of his regime were all in Brazil and the odds that they were to return were small; the agitation amongst the crippled merchant classes in Portugal was for
more rights, not for the return of the absolutist Braganzas. That is why his most fervent enemies at the time his minority ended with his eighteenth birthday in December of 1817 were people he could placate through reforms, rather than those who wished for a return of the Portugal of old. The end of Maria Luisa's stricter, more austere regency is thus largely viewed as the beginning of what in Portugal is known as the "Liberal Kingdom" - the reformist zeal of the late 1810s and the 1820s in which Charles, who was wholly uninterested in ruling, devolved tremendous powers to his ministers and to intermediate bodies of authority. New schools and hospitals were established, freer trade was encouraged without strict stipulations, and taxes were gradually lowered. Finally, in 1828, Charles I promulgated a constitution for the whole of Portugal rather than ad hoc organic laws for various regions, becoming one of the first monarchs to not only move towards Napoleonic reforms of their own will but to go a step beyond and look to constitutionalism itself as a fundamental right...