Constantine's Russia - Part I
Historians since 1807 have remarked, sometimes stupefied, with awe at the curious luck enjoyed by Russia in the early 19th century, building off of its emergence as a genuine great power under the Tsarina Catherine until her passing in 1796. Perhaps no country in the history of the world had enjoyed such successes and victories without firing a single shot; and where the Russians
did fire shots, against Persia in their long war that ended in 1813, they succeeded in expanding their Empire deep into the Caucasus. It was lost on nobody, certainly not European statesmen, that Russia was the great eight hundred pound bear in the room at Aix, and Talleyrand had carefully crafted every diplomatic settlement following the return of Charles IV of Spain to his rightful throne after the Bayonne Restoration to appeal to Russia while isolating Austria, Prussia and Britain, and this Russophile policy, endorsed by Napoleon in the spirit of Tilsit and the follow-up at Erfurt, had been a smashing success for both parties.
Having not fought in Europe since the Peace of Stockholm in 1809, Russia nonetheless had seen the Danubian Principalities fully vested as her protectorate, earned Finland as a Grand Duchy, been granted effective suzerainty over the entire Baltic and with it political and economic domination over the severely diminished Prussia, Free State of Gdansk and Sweden, and also earned some land in return for her neutrality in the Bukovina. The only strategic drawback to Russia was a re-established Polish entity on her borders in the Duchy of Warsaw, but it was broadly understood, at least by powers not in Poland, at Aix that this was a bulwark against Prussian and Austrian aggression rather than being aimed at Russia. As such, all of Russia's immediate strategic imperatives in Europe were largely solved and her expansions to the East could continue unabated and adventurously into Central Asia - if the mercurial Tsar Constantine was cooperative.
Constantine was a curious figure. He had come to power with the sudden death by typhus of his brother Alexander in early 1814 at a time when the Russian Court was debating the breaching of its alliance with France; unlike his moderately-liberal brother, who dealt with Napoleon cautiously and with little trust on his end, Constantine was a frenetic Francophile who loved and admired his brother-in-law to the point that even French officialdom found it uncomfortable. While not intending on importing the views of the French Revolution as synthesized into a monarchist fashion to Russia anytime soon, Constantine nonetheless viewed the Peace of Aix as the settlement of an epochal struggle between absolutism and constitutional government and took the view, one not shared in Vienna or London, that Aix represented a division of Europe into spheres of interest between Paris and St. Petersburg.
As such, Constantine looked to making Romanov Russia a "middle path" between the revolutionary enlightened despotism of Bonaparte France and the absolutist reactionary governance of Habsburg Austria, dismissing the Hanoverian British model as "un-continental" and too weak to impose itself on Europe, with its string of defeats in the various coalitions and the shakiness of its own economy and system of governance at home. Laws promulgated under his brother in 1801 but suspended due to the various Napoleonic crises in Europe to create new councils and administrative bodies were continued, spearheaded by the chief liberal mind in Russia, Count Mikhail Speransky. Speransky risen to power under Alexander but found many of his putative reforms stillborn by Alexander's jealous guarding of his own authority and contempt for talents that outshone his own; Constantine was a very different animal, however, vain and cruel and prone to flattery, which made him easy for Speransky to influence. The late 1810s and the entirety of the 1820s until Constantine's death thus saw Speransky's administrative reforms of Russian government at the local and imperial level, as well as reforms of the clergy, promulgated and implemented, often over the heads of reactionary enemies, particularly in the nobility. The most defining of the Speransky Reforms would come in 1824, with the emancipation of the serfs in every province after it had been gradually done piecemeal in the Baltic provinces, Bukovina and Poland between 1816 and 1821. The government also took on a great role in economic development under Speransky, and continued its investment in education.
[1]
Nonetheless, Constantine remained an erratic figure, and for all the liberal reforms pursued to modernize Russia and the country's booming economy, his rule was arbitrary; for all the new political rights enjoyed by Russians, he aggressively stifled dissent through the
Ochrana, one of the first formal secret police forces in the world, and
lese majeste censorship laws were not only kept but strengthened. He refused to hear information that did not appeal to him and surrounded himself with flatterers, particularly French and German artists. He was fond of affairs up until he finally annulled his marriage to Anna Feodorovna, originally of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, and instead in 1821 married Amelia of Wurttemburg, also an unhappy marriage but one which produced him five legitimate children, including four sons who all lived to adulthood - Pavel, Konstantin, Aleksandr and Nikolai (a daughter, Yekaterina, would die in infancy). More than anything, Constantine was regarded as untrustworthy both by his courtiers and his contemporaries, and even as Russia enhanced herself internally she isolated herself externally.
This would prove to have tremendous consequences in 1822, when the first great crisis of the post-Aix era erupted in the Greek Uprising. With violence having erupted in Serbia already starting in 1817, revolts in the Balkans seemed to be spreading, and the Eastern Question was being asked more loudly than ever, with all of the four remaining great powers - France and her allies, Austria, Russia and the navally inclined Britain - seeming to have a different answer...
[1] It is definitely worth noting that by the standards of post-Vienna Europe, Alexander I was pretty liberal, which Speransky had a big part in, and Constantine was an outright admirer of Bonaparte rather than viewing the Franco-Russian alliance as a partnership of convenience. So a Speransky who gets to do his thing and a Russia that didn't spend 1808-12 prepping itself for the next war with France is a big, big change.