King Theodore's Corsica

Blood for Oil
Blood for Oil

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An 18th century maritime scene in Amsterdam

"It is probable that we shall soon hear from him, for such a restless person will not long be able to stay hidden."

- Count Lorenzi, French envoy in Florence

As soon as he set foot on dry land in Livorno, Theodore was targeted for death. He infiltrated the city dressed as a priest, but word soon spread of his transit. The Genoese authorities immediately hounded the Tuscan government, demanding the arrest of the "king" and his followers. The Tuscan officials soon agreed, and promised swift action, but it soon became clear that empty promises were the only things the government intended to deliver. At the very same time, Theodore had made his way to Florence and was granted an audience with the ailing Grand Duke Gian Gastone de Medici. The Grand Duke granted him some money, and probably assured him that he was in no danger from the Tuscan government.

In fact Theodore's "incognito" existence in Florence was not all that secretive. He was put up comfortably by one of his Italian followers, the Florentine merchant Francesco dell'Agata. While there, he was visited by a number of notables, including Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz, a 25 year old Austrian junior diplomat who in later years would be the imperial state chancellor and the architect of Habsburg foreign policy. Theodore's chancellor Sebastiano Costa allegedly met with Padre Ascanio, the Spanish minister in Florence, which was taken seriously enough by the Genoese that they lodged an official protest with the Spanish government.[1]

After leaving Florence, rumors proliferated as to Theodore's whereabouts; he was in Rome, or Turin, or Vienna, or had sailed to London or Amsterdam. Unlike his semi-secret existence in Florence, Theodore went underground after leaving friendly Tuscan territory. He sent followers off in different directions and spread false rumors as to his next stop. Eventually he made his way to France, and after tricking the Genoese into thinking he was headed to a ship in Marseilles, went north to Paris instead. After learning that he was there, the Genoese minister to France demanded his arrest, but for whatever reason the French authorities were no more helpful than the Tuscans. Perhaps it was just bureaucratic bungling; but some were inclined to believe that France, though it posed as a protector of Genoese interests, was more interested in the Genoese coming on their knees to beg France's support and thus saw no great reason to remove Theodore from the equation just yet.[A]

At last, Theodore arrived in Amsterdam, but it was here that he came into the greatest difficulty of his journey. Theodore had been out of the reach of his old creditors on wild and distant Corsica, but Amsterdam was another story. His creditors proved better able to sniff out Theodore than the Genoese had been, and he was soon arrested and imprisoned for debt. Initially his friends and associates proposed to settle the debt, which at that moment amounted to "only" 5,000 florins. Once word spread of his imprisonment, however, more creditors seemed to come crawling out of the woodwork, and his well-wishers had to abandon their plans once his claimed debts topped 30,000 florins.[B]

Once more, Theodore had to talk his way out of a jam. He was granted the opportunity to appear before the aldermen of Amsterdam to argue his case. Theodore, as always, knew how to make an entrance, and he arranged that he should appear before the court in fine clothes, with his plumed hat on his head, his silver-headed cane in his hand, and his sword on his hip, in much the same manner as he had first appeared to the Corsicans. Astonishingly, virtually all in attendance - including the magistrates themselves - rose from their seats when he entered, a dignity which some observers claimed had never been granted to anyone before. The aldermen addressed him as "Your Excellency" and Theodore played the part, conducting himself with supreme dignity wholly unexpected from a man who had come there straight from a cell in debtor's prison. With an air of great solemnity, Theodore swore that his creditors would be repaid in full as soon as he was able. It was a vague and meaningless promise, but delivered with such apparent sincerity and by such an eminent figure that the aldermen of Amsterdam—who surely counted many shrewd merchants among them—accepted his oath as sufficient and granted him his liberty. While his debts were not discharged, he was officially shielded from any further action by his creditors while in Amsterdam.[C]

It was here in Amsterdam that Theodore must have truly realized, for the first time, that he was a celebrity. Despite Genoa's attempts to suppress all news out of Corsica that wasn't officially sanctioned, including an official policy of paying various continental gazettes to suppress articles about Theodore and print pro-Genoese editorials, newspapers across Europe had reported on the exploits of the dashing and mysterious King of Corsica. Britain and Holland in particular, with their relatively high rates of newspaper publishing and public literacy as well as a historically-informed aversion to "tyranny," were particularly fascinated with Theodore and the plight of the Corsican rebels. The 1735 and 1736 constitutions had been widely published, as had been some of Theodore's propagandistic broadsides. Coverage was not always positive—many editorials hewed close to the Genoese line and dismissed him as a scoundrel and adventurer—but criticism did not decrease his fame, and his fame was enough for people to try and cash in on it. In London, a man was arrested for selling counterfeit "Corsican wine," and in October of 1736 an English distillery had begun selling gin under the brand "King Theodore of Corsica." One could already buy books about Theodore, like Das Alte und Neue Corsica written by Johann Hieronymus Lochner and published in Nuremberg in 1736.[2] In Amsterdam, crowds gathered wherever he went, often requiring him to exit buildings quietly by the back door if he didn't want to be mobbed.

Celebrity was a double-edged sword, however, for while he was in every paper and received numerous invitations to social affairs, Theodore remained an active target for assassins. His chief patron and protector in the city was Lucas Boon, a wealthy merchant and deputy of state for Gelderland, who continually shuffled him between different residences throughout the city to keep Genoese agents (and non-Genoese who just wanted to be 2,000 crowns richer) off his trail. Boon had visited Theodore while in prison and had been fascinated by him. He had an amateur interest in alchemy and enjoyed discussing it with Theodore, who was extremely well-read on the subject (and indeed had been a practicing alchemist in Prussia).

Boon's primary interest, however, was in money. In particular, he had interrogated Theodore on Corsican economics, and paid close attention to Theodore's figures on Corsican olive oil production. Because of wars and political turmoil in the Mediterranean, the price of oil had skyrocketed; in England, for instance, the price of a barrel of olive oil more than doubled over the course of the 1730s. If Costa's export figures are correct, the Balagnese olive oil crop alone was potentially worth in excess of 5 million pounds sterling at then-current prices. That alone was enough to grab a merchant's attention, but what Boon was truly interested in was long-term investment. Theodore assured him that, with arms, ammunition, and money, he could triumph over the Genoese, secure Corsican independence, and provide Boon and his co-investors with a very favorable concession.

Theodore, perhaps aided by Boon, produced a prospectus to be made available to possible investors, and had no trouble finding interested parties. The Amsterdam press, which had formerly treated Theodore's enterprise with skepticism and occasional contempt, abruptly flocked to his defense.It has been suggested that Boon and friends were bribing the journalists, a tactic which is difficult to criticize as it was already being extensively used by the Genoese. Not all newspapermen, however, needed to be bought. Some of the most detailed coverage of Theodore and the Corsicans was offered by Le Mercure Historique et Politique, a French-language political gazette which was published in Amsterdam to avoid French government censorship. Its editor, the French Huguenot Jean Rousset de Missy, shared Theodore's views on religious freedom and was also a key figure in Dutch Freemasonry, being the Venerable Master of an Amsterdam lodge. Theodore was soon utilizing their acquaintance, and Le Mercure was the frequent recipient of "scoops" on the Corsican affair which were undoubtedly passed to de Missy by Theodore's friends, family, and business partners.

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Jean Rousset de Missy, French Huguenot historian and journalist


In May, the initial contract was drawn up between Boon and the principal partners in the new enterprise, Cesar Tronchin, Daniel Dedieu, and Pieter Neufville. They were men of means and standing who shared two key attributes: they were hungry for better returns on capital than could be acquired in Holland, and they were not averse to a little risk. Dedieu, like Boon, was a deputy of state, and had formerly been the president of the aldermen of Amsterdam and the minister of the States General to Russia; he had also had contact with Theodore while in prison. Tronchin was a relation of Theodore Tronchin, a physician who would soon be famous for his pioneering work on smallpox inoculation, and whose family included some of the wealthiest bankers in Switzerland. Neufville was a prosperous banker and dealer in grain, linen, silk, and silver throughout Germany. They were joined by an undisclosed number of other investors, including, we are led to believe, other aldermen, whose status as both Theodore's financial backers and his judges at the recent trial suggests that there may have been something more to the king's astonishing release from prison than sheer charisma.

This organization was the progenitor of the Nederlandse-Corsicaanse Compagnie, but as yet it was not quite so formally organized. While the States General had not criminalized trade with Corsica as the Genoese had demanded, the partners still deemed it advisable to operate on a less public basis, and thus did business on the basis of ad hoc contracts and agreements rather than constituting themselves as a corporation. In those years, when the organization had a name at all, it was known simply as "the syndicate."

Although optimistic about Theodore's chances and excited to begin their endeavor, the syndicate's partners were not so beguiled by Theodore as to give him a blank check. The plan that was eventually agreed upon was to dispatch one modestly sized ship to Corsica, bearing both Theodore and some military supplies. Upon landing, the ship would load up with oil (or, as written in their contract with Theodore, whatever other available goods were available which the syndicate might prefer, including wine and wax) and return to Holland. If this was satisfactorily accomplished, a larger fleet would follow. If all went well, the partners stood to double their initial investment. The ship was the Yongfrau Agathe[3] and its captain was a Swede, Gustav Barentz. His cargo, aside from the king and his entourage, consisted of 27 cases of muskets,[4] 42 barrels of gunpowder, 4,000 bullets, 1,800 knives, a pair of cast-iron 12-pounder guns with carriages and ammunition, and various other supplies including bolts of cloth, ingots of iron and lead, shoes, match-cord, and brass trumpets. Officially, the ship was bound for Livorno, and Theodore and his comrades were all supplied with assumed names and legends; Theodore was "Mijnheer Bookmann."[5]

Theodore accepted this proposal—he had little choice—but the syndicate was not his only resource. Through his banking associates in Amsterdam, as well as through the sale of knighthoods in the Order of Deliverance to certain wealthy admirers who thought it a wonderful novelty, he had also been able to raise some capital of his own, although to avoid having to pay it to his creditors the funds were actually handled by his Florentine friend Francesco dell'Agata. Before departing for his kingdom on the Yongfrau Agathe, Theodore instructed dell'Agata to charter a second ship, fill it with whatever military stores he could afford, and follow him to Corsica as soon as practicable.

The lasting question is to what extent the Dutch government favored Theodore's cause. There is no evidence that the States General gave him any direct support, but the incidental involvement of the government and its agents is eyebrow-raising and drew comment even at the time. The Genoese government, upon learning of Theodore's imprisonment, protested to the Dutch government and demanded his extradition. At first, the Dutch representatives denied any knowledge of the person of the Baron Neuhoff and disputed that he was even in their territory. This was too obtuse to be credible, however, given that one could read about him in any of Amsterdam's gazettes. The government soon changed its tune, replying to the Genoese envoy that they had no association whatsoever with any Corsican affairs and had neither the obligation nor the inclination to arrest Theodore, who as far as they knew was guilty of no crime save indebtedness. While the Dutch government had rebuffed Theodore's suggestion some months earlier of a treaty of alliance, their obstinate refusal to cooperate with the Genoese and the involvement of a number of mid-level civil servants with Theodore's cause, including various diplomats, aldermen, and consular officials, suggest that the government must have seen some value in Theodore and his cause. At the very least, they made conscious choice to allow him and his agents to raise capital, contract vessels, recruit men, and buy armaments in Dutch territory without interference.


Footnotes
[1] Madrid, unsurprisingly, denied any knowledge of such a meeting or any involvement with the rebellion.
[2] Or its full title: Das alte und neue Corsica, oder hinlängliche Nachricht, so wol von dieser Insul und Königreich an sich, als auch, was sich von Anbeginn biß jezt, insonderheit bey der dermaligen weltbekanten Revolution damit zugetragen hat: nebst dem Leben des berühmten König Theodors. The book purports to be a comprehensive treatise on the island, proceeding from geography and its history since Roman times up to Theodore's reign. One must admire Lochner for producing such an extensive and topical text in a matter of months.[D]
[3] The Yongfrau Agathe was probably a small fluyt or similar vessel. It was described as being a 16-gun ship, but merchant vessels often carried fewer guns than their nominal maximum armament to accommodate more cargo. Indeed, Barentz's crew was only 12 men, enough to sail the ship and not much else. Clearly Barentz had no intention of fighting his way through the Genoese blockade.
[4] While exactly how many muskets were in a "case" is unclear, the Yongfrau Agathe probably carried at least 500 muskets to Corsica. For reference, Theodore had 700 muskets with him when he arrived in Corsica on the Richard. The cargo of the Agathe thus represented a significant, but probably not decisive contribution of materiel, and with only two cannon in its hold it did not seriously enhance Theodore's ability to besiege Genoese fortresses, which was his greatest need.
[5] A "legend," in espionage, is the fictional identity and background of a spy, including name, occupation, personal details, and so on. Theodore's legend was not actually fictional—Boon did know a businessman in Livorno named Bookmann. Whether the real Bookmann was part of the plot, or even aware that Boon had loaned his name to the King of Corsica, is unknown.

Timeline Notes
[A] Theodore really did travel through Paris in 1737, and the Paris authorities didn't do much of anything about it despite the insistence of the Genoese minister.
[B] Theodore's debts were clearly a daunting amount for one man, but not enormous from the perspective of a state. The Grand Duchy of Tuscany, for example, had an annual state revenue of around 2.8 million florins in the late 1730s, which means clearing Theodore's Amsterdam debt would have cost just over 1% of annual revenue. The annual revenue of the Austrian Empire, for comparison, was 40 million florins with a national debt of 280 million in the immediate wake of the War of Austrian Succession (1748).
[C] This really happened. Well, the "Your Excellency" part is an editorial flourish, but the rest reportedly happened—he did walk into the court with his hat, cane, and sword (!), the magistrates did stand, and they did indeed let Theodore go with only an oath that he would repay when he was able.
[D] If you can read German and don't mind 200+ pages of Fraktur, you can read the whole book here.
 
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I think it's safe to say at this point that Theodore will never pay that debt off willingly.

Also hows does that shipment of munitions compare to OTL? I would guess that the arrangement made with Boons and the other investors is a result of Theodore's better achievements in TTL.
 
Also hows does that shipment of munitions compare to OTL? I would guess that the arrangement made with Boons and the other investors is a result of Theodore's better achievements in TTL.

The shipment is pretty much the same as OTL, for one simple reason: Theodore is a good liar. Remember, our king is not at all averse to exaggerating when it suits him, and he's very good at it. Yes, Theodore is doing better ITTL than IOTL, but do we seriously believe that Theodore IOTL was accurately representing his chances of victory and his ability to repay when he was soliciting Boon's support from his jail cell?

Boon and his partners are not morons. They are, however, operating with incomplete information; because of Genoese censorship, their information on Corsica is largely from Theodore's own mouth, a rather untrustworthy source who has every reason to make things sound much more favorable than they are. Undoubtedly Boon and his friends have heard about the capture of Bastia and San Fiorenzo, which is an improvement on OTL, but my feeling is that whether Theodore's rebels captured this or that town in Corsica is not really a major part of their consideration as to whether to back him. Suffice it to say there's not much "due diligence" going on here.

To give you an idea of just how willing Boon and his co-investors were to believe Theodore's promises, IOTL the syndicate actually sent the larger follow-up fleet even though the first attempt with the Yongfrau Agathe was a near-total failure. (The follow-up fleet was also a failure, although it led to a rather hilariously shambolic episode in which the Dutch captains were abducted and imprisoned by the Dutch consul in Naples and another Dutchman tried to assassinate Theodore by setting his own ship on fire. Keelmann, the commanding captain on the voyage, opined that the investors would be lucky if the syndicate's losses amounted to no more than 200,000 florins.)
 
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Absolutely loving the updates; quick question though?

Will we see other groups other than Corsicans fighting/going to live in Corsica?

Yes we are beginning to see more foreign aid and there is Theodore's Foreign Legion/Guard. But I just wanted to know if the island will see any influxes of groups wanting to live under Theodore, help the rebellion, or economically immigrate to the island (along the line of OTL Greeks in Corsica) ??
 
Will we see other groups other than Corsicans fighting/going to live in Corsica?

Yes we are beginning to see more foreign aid and there is Theodore's Foreign Legion/Guard. But I just wanted to know if the island will see any influxes of groups wanting to live under Theodore, help the rebellion, or economically immigrate to the island (along the line of OTL Greeks in Corsica) ??

It was certainly Theodore's stated intent to attract other settlers. As he wrote in his initial letter upon arriving at Aleria, "If you choose me for your king, I ask only that you give me power to grant liberty of conscience to those of other countries and other creeds who may come here to render the nation more populous."

As far as I am aware the most coherent idea he had in this regard concerned Jewish settlement. Attracting Jews to boost economic activity was nothing new - the Medici had done it, which contributed to the success of Livorno, and shortly after the WoAS Genoa would rescind many of its own anti-Jewish laws in an attempt to revive the economy. Theodore's efforts never really came to anything IOTL, firstly because he lost, but also because there was a fair amount of antisemitism among the Corsican leaders including Paoli, Arrighi, and Aitelli. In fact, one could argue that one of the major problems the indifferenti leaders had with Theodore was that he was too lenient towards Jews. In general, however, it was difficult for the Corsicans to accept any sort of minority; the island was very homogeneous culturally and religiously, and those minorities that did exist (namely, the Greeks) were usually associated with the Genoese and considered mere tools of colonial oppression. Since he wins ITTL, it remains to be seen what happens with the proposed colony at Aleria which he promised to his Jewish investors in Livorno and Tunis.

There is some suggestion that when Theodore was in Constantinople he invited the Ottoman Sultan to send Turkish or Albanian settlers to Corsica. Additionally, "Colonel Frederick," the man who claimed to be Theodore's son IOTL, said that Theodore had been working on a plan with the Ottoman government to import 2,000 Albanian mercenaries under a certain chief "Kurafa" to fight the Genoese, and presumably to settle on the island after liberation. It strikes me as the sort of thing Theodore might have tried to do, but there is no evidence for it whatsoever and such a plan never would have gotten off the ground. Theodore could not pay 2,000 mercenaries no matter where they came from. Given the generally negative Corsican reaction to the idea of Jewish settlement, it's had to see how a Muslim colony would be accepted, particularly considering that Corsica had a long history as a target of Muslim raids (which were still very much ongoing in the 18th century).

As Corsica is not exactly a thriving hub of commerce, it's not an obvious destination for economic migrants. That said, there were already mainland Italians who came to Corsica as seasonal workers in certain trades. The iron mines at Farinole were staffed in large part by "Lucchesi," which literally means people from Lucca but seems to have been a general term used by Corsicans to mean mainland Italian workers. Corsica needs skilled labor; the effect of a Corsican victory is likely going to be a serious "brain drain" on the island, as many of the educated urban tradesmen and professionals see themselves as Genoese and may not want to remain in Corsica after independence. I can certainly see additional "Lucchesi" coming to the island on a more permanent basis, as the Corsicans badly need skilled tradesmen of every kind.

It may be that Tuscany becomes a major point of emigration to Corsica, because the Tuscans absolutely hated the new "Lorrainer" regime that took over after the death of Gian Gastone, the last Medici, in 1737. The Habsburg-Lorraine government was deeply unpopular, in part because the Grand Duchy was frequently used as a piggy bank to fund dynastic ambitions elsewhere; one of the first things Francis did as the new Grand Duke was to use Tuscan state revenue to give his father-in-law the emperor a loan for the Austro-Turkish War. While the elite of society are unlikely to forsake the status and brilliance of Florence for rustic Corsica, lower-middle class tradesmen and artisans might see Corsica as attractive because of the demand for skilled workers and the presumably less onerous government (assuming, that is, that the government of Corsica remains less onerous).

Livorno is an interesting case study. The port was opened up to foreign settlement through the religious tolerance and favorable tax laws of Fernando de Medici, which resulted in many "national" communities taking root there. The Jews have already been mentioned, but there was also a very considerable English expatriate community in Livorno, sometimes known as the "Leghorn Merchants." Indeed, the oldest Protestant cemetery in Italy is the English cemetery of Livorno. Given the Dutch mercantile interest in Corsica which we have already seen, Corsica - or perhaps a specific port in Corsica - may end up with a similar Dutch expatriate community, which would undoubtedly be beneficial to the economy given Dutch access to capital and interest in foreign investment. A British presence is also possible, although their possession of Gibraltar and Minorca and their existing settlement in nearby Livorno makes another expatriate center in Corsica somewhat less likely.

This latest update was golden from first line to last footnote. Sorry if this is not adding much to the conversation, but here it is.

Thank you! Even when it's not a "conversation," it's good to hear that I'm on the right track.

The conman king will in this timeline be one of the major legends of the century, methinks.

As I jokingly described him to a friend once, "half George Washington, half Charles Ponzi."

Unrelated Question:

Does anyone have an idea what a "large culverin" would be in the context of the 18th century? Several of them appear in the manifest of one of Theodore's later Dutch shipments, alongside 12 and 24 pounder guns, so it's obviously not either of those. I know that a culverin is a type of cannon, but I thought that "culverin" as a descriptor of an artillery piece fell out of usage in the 17th century. Any ideas what this mysterious gun might be?
 
Does anyone have an idea what a "large culverin" would be in the context of the 18th century? Several of them appear in the manifest of one of Theodore's later Dutch shipments, alongside 12 and 24 pounder guns, so it's obviously not either of those. I know that a culverin is a type of cannon, but I thought that "culverin" as a descriptor of an artillery piece fell out of usage in the 17th century. Any ideas what this mysterious gun might be?
Going by Wikipedia I get the impression culverins were essentially guns/cannons that were supposed to be able to be used while being carried. As compared to cannon which are essentially immobile while in use. Think bazooka rather than a wall/floor mounted device.
 
@Carp Besides the quality of the timeline itself, what I really love about this thread is the big meaty answers you give to peoples questions. Please keep it up! :extremelyhappy:

For the question, have you tried asking the Askhistorians subreddit? They have a reputation for high quality and I can ask if you don't have a Reddit count.
 
Unrelated Question:

Does anyone have an idea what a "large culverin" would be in the context of the 18th century? Several of them appear in the manifest of one of Theodore's later Dutch shipments, alongside 12 and 24 pounder guns, so it's obviously not either of those. I know that a culverin is a type of cannon, but I thought that "culverin" as a descriptor of an artillery piece fell out of usage in the 17th century. Any ideas what this mysterious gun might be?

a Grande Coulevrine is a 15 lbrs. gun under the XVI century French artillery ordinance system if I am not mistaken.

It could be that those are obsolete guns being sold to Theodore, or that the manifest is using the term to refer to something like a 6-pounder?
I noticed that the armament of the Venetian San Lorenzo Giustiniani Ship of the Line (1690-1712) included several "colubrine" with a weight of shot ranging from 20 to 30 Venetian pounds (each 301 gr.), but I think newer vessels in service with the Armada da Mar in the 30's only had modern cannons.

As an aside, while looking for an answer, I found out that a certain Sigismondo Alberghetti seems to have invented in 1684 a gun that was something half-way between a Carronade and a Paixhans gun: unfortunately it had no success during the Morean War, given that explosive "shells" were deemed to dangerous and, given the secrecy surrounding the invention, artillerymen had not been trained enough and the guns were used at too short a range- now that's a potential POD.
 
Going by Wikipedia I get the impression culverins were essentially guns/cannons that were supposed to be able to be used while being carried. As compared to cannon which are essentially immobile while in use. Think bazooka rather than a wall/floor mounted device.
a Grande Coulevrine is a 15 lbrs. gun under the XVI century French artillery ordinance system if I am not mistaken.

It could be that those are obsolete guns being sold to Theodore, or that the manifest is using the term to refer to something like a 6-pounder?
I noticed that the armament of the Venetian San Lorenzo Giustiniani Ship of the Line (1690-1712) included several "colubrine" with a weight of shot ranging from 20 to 30 Venetian pounds (each 301 gr.), but I think newer vessels in service with the Armada da Mar in the 30's only had modern cannons

I located a French copy of the manifest and I think I've figured it out - they're also just called grandes couleuvrines in French, but the French version adds that they are for 18-pound balls. Or at least that's what Google Translate tells me:

"Trois grandes couleuvrines de dix-huit livres de balles"

As far as I can tell, that's roughly consistent with the shot weight of an "ordinary" culverin of the previous era in artillery; the "culverin" you're referring to, @The Professor , is I believe the even older use of the term when "culverin" was a kind of handgonne, and probably not what we're dealing with here.

I'm not sure why the manifest chose to describe those particular guns with what appears to be an archaism instead of just calling them 18-pounders, especially since all the other artillery in the manifest is listed by shot weight, but if they're made for 18-pound balls I'm not sure what else they could be other than 18-pounder guns.

It's quite possible that they're obsolete, but if so it's a very strange thing to give: The same manifest included no fewer than two dozen 12 and 24 pounders, presumably modern, but only three "large culverins." If you can afford two dozen more-or-less modern cannon, why would you throw in three obsolete guns?

@Carp is it possible that Theodore was going to bring over some of the Catholic Albanians rather than the Muslim ones?

The story goes that Theodore had negotiated, possibly with the Sublime Porte, for the services of "Count Carafa" (or Kurafa) and 2,000 Albanian mercenaries (other sources claim 6,000 or 7,000), and expected their arrival in 1736, but that at the last moment Carafa realized that he could get much better pay from the King of Naples and entered his service instead.

The problem is that the only source for this appears to be Colonel Frederick, writing decades after Theodore's reign, who claimed to be Theodore's son but was almost certainly a fraud. Other sources do mention that Theodore asked or was offered Albanian and Turkish settlers by Sultan Mahmud, but those sources say only settlers, not mercenaries, and this does not seem to have amounted to anything.

It is true that Naples constituted a unit in 1735 called the Reggimento Real Macedone (Royal Macedonian Regiment) which was intended to be a Greco-Albanian infantry unit. It's also true that a certain "Count Giorgio Corafà," apparently an Albanian, was involved in it, seemingly having previously been in Venetian service. But when you look into it a little deeper, it turns out that the regiment had recruiting problems - it didn't actually receive its first recruits until 1737, and according to one source they amounted to an astonishing 24 men. This doesn't seem to resemble the 2,000-7,000 man Albanian army-for-hire that Frederick describes.

I think the most likely explanation is that Colonel Frederick combined the story of Theodore soliciting Albanian/Turkish settlers in Constantinople and the recruitment of the Royal Macedonian Regiment around that same time and spun them together into a tall tale of how his "father" very nearly succeeded. Clearly Corafà did not have thousands of men at his disposal, and while it's quite plausible that a Venetian officer could enter Theodore's service (a number of Corsican officers in the Venetian army did just that), there's absolutely no evidence that Corafà was involved with the Corsican struggle in any way.

So yes, perhaps Theodore, or Sultan Mahmud, or someone else did mean Catholic Albanians - I don't know how Islamicized Albania was by 1736 - and if so, presumably they would have had a better time settling in Corsica than Muslims. But there's little credible evidence to suggest that the "plan" to get Albanian settlers was anything more than another one of Theodore's ideas that never went anywhere. (Say what you will about the man, but he was willing to try pretty much anything.) I doubt that Sultan Mahmud actually gave serious consideration to organizing settlers for a random German baron who showed up in Constantinople.
 
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I'm not sure why the manifest chose to describe those particular guns with what appears to be an archaism instead of just calling them 18-pounders, especially since all the other artillery in the manifest is listed by shot weight, but if they're made for 18-pound balls I'm not sure what else they could be other than 18-pounder guns.

My understanding (which is based off of little more than 5 minutes' cursory research) is that a culverin was a somewhat longer-barreled weapon than the average cannon. Presumably, this makes them more expensive, hence why only three.
 
Also, if you're wondering why the Corsicans didn't get along with the Greek settlers so well, this was supposedly the response of the Greeks when the Corsicans asked them to join the rebellion in 1729:

...we do not care at all about the wars of the Corsicans, which they wage unjustly against our prince; for we are strangers in this land, and tend to our own business; and if you have issues with him, you sort them out. We recognize no master other than the prince of Genoa, to whom we acknowledge everything we own; and we are ready to die a thousand times, one after the other, for his sake.

And then they called the Corsicans "poncho-wearing goats."

And then the Corsicans destroyed their settlement.

Diplomacy!
 
Woes of the Republic
Woes of the Republic

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The port of Isola Rossa

"We make known to all whom it may concern, that we shall always observe an inviolable fidelity towards the royal person of Theodore I.; and that we are resolved to live and die for him as his subjects, and never to acknowledge another sovereign than him."
- Proclamation of the Consulta of Corti, May 1737

The Genoese had greeted Theodore's departure from Corsica as good news, believing that it was a sign that the internal dissension among the Corsican leadership which had been exposed by the revolt of the indifferenti had become terminal. To maximize the demoralization of the rebels, they widely published news of Theodore's "flight" from the island, and when his arrest in Amsterdam became known they made sure to spread the word far and wide. The "so-called Baron," crowed the Genoese, had abandoned them and would never be coming back; no help was coming for them. As the Genoese military position was still tenuous, however, the Senate realized it could not act too imperiously, and authorized the Commissioner-General Giovanni Battista de Mari to offer amnesty to rebels who were willing to lay down their arms and reconcile with the Republic.

This strategy was a miserable failure. The Corsican leaders refused to believe the Genoese "lies" about Theodore's fate, and with good reason: Theodore was sending them regular missives, approximately once a month, filled with only good news (and no mention whatsoever of his legal trouble). When the offer of amnesty was read to the Corsicans besieging Ajaccio, their reply was to shout "long live Theodore!" and shoot into the air, which so terrified the Genoese messengers that they fled back to the city. The regents Luigi Giafferi, Simone Fabiani, and Luca d'Ornano summoned a consulta in Corti to deal with the Genoese proposal more formally. Theodore's latest letter was read to the delegates, who then voted overwhelmingly to reject any offer of "reconciliation." They published a fiery statement in which they affirmed that Theodore was the only sovereign they would accept, categorically dismissed any peace settlement which did not entail the cession of all Corsican territory to the independent Kingdom of Corsica, and promised violent retribution to all Corsicans who took the Genoese up on their offer of amnesty.

More disappointments followed. An attempt by the Genoese garrison of Ajaccio, around a thousand strong, to break the siege of that city by a surprise sally from the walls was stopped cold by d'Ornano's men. Punitive operations in Fiumorbo and the eastern coast were resumed under Filippo Grimaldi, a pro-Genoese Corsican, but his retribution was so savage—including, Campredon reported, the murder of some local women who had dared to defy the salt ordinances by producing their own salt—that it only inflamed the locals further against the Genoese. The regents replied swiftly, announcing that from then on Genoese atrocities would be met with Hammurabic justice, presumably to be exacted on Genoese prisoners or filogenovesi villages. In Bastia, Count Gio Giacomo Ambrosi di Castinetta cracked down on suspected dissenters and Genoese sympathizers, publicly executing men accused of conspiring with the Genoese to return the city to their control.

The Genoese made overtures to the indifferenti, whose leaders had stayed away from the royalist consulta of Corti, but its leaders, including Ignazio Arrighi and Father Giovanni Aitelli, were reluctant to deal with the Genoese. Their chief complaint, after all, had been with Theodore, and as he was presently absent it was difficult to justify what would amount to a betrayal of the patriot cause. "The rebels," wrote the French minister to Genoa Jacques Campredon to Jean-Frédéric Phélypeaux de Maurepas, the French naval secretary, "seem more animated and more united than before the departure of Baron Neuhoff." Theodore, though he had his strengths, was certainly no perfect sovereign, and some seem to have loved him more as a (distant) symbol of hope than as a present, flesh-and-blood king.

Disappointed by these failures, Genoa continued casting about for foreign aid. The French communicated their "dissatisfaction" with the Genoese effort and reiterated their offer of assistance, but the Senate again demurred, suspicious of French intentions. The French, for their part, feared above all that Genoa, having tired of the long and fruitless struggle in Corsica, would sell it to another power, and were now seriously considering acquiring it for themselves, although they did not broach the topic with the Genoese. The French foreign secretary Jean-Jacques Amelot de Chaillou made the government's views clear to Jaques Campredon, the French minister in Genoa:
"It would be desirable that the Republic should be disposed to sell this island. The King would never have countenanced this view while she [Corsica] remained in the power of the Genoese, and his Majesty has not even thought proper, so far, to take part in this revolution, on which only very uncertain conjectures could be formed; But when it comes to dealing with the sale of this island it would not be in the interests of France that any other power should acquire it; So I ask you to keep an eye on what is happening on this subject and to inform me of what you will learn... Spain is not the only one that has views on the island of Corsica. The memorandum which I have received from Vienna, and of which I am sending you a copy, will inform you that the Duke of Lorraine may be suspected of pretending and wanting to excite a party in his favor, and it is proper that you find means of rendering this public knowledge without your appearing to have taken part in it."

Amelot wasn't wrong about Duke Francis of Lorraine. The Duke, anticipating his succession in Tuscany and interested in gaining his own royal title, had been professing friendship to Genoa even as he sought to undermine them. Like the Genoese, he had assumed that Theodore's departure was likely to be final, and so he connived to take control of the rebellion for his own ends. His chosen agent for this task was the obscure figure of Humbert de Beaujeu de la Salle, whom Campredon described as a notorious spy (as well as a defrocked monk and a deserter from the French army). In imperial service, Beaujeu was alleged by Campredon to have negotiated secretly with the rebels on Vienna's behalf, but was approached by the Duke of Lorraine who wanted to use him to gain Corsica for himself. The duke made no secret of the fact that this was not, strictly speaking, an imperial mission. "I absolutely do not want the Emperor to know anything about this undertaking," he wrote Beaujeu, according to Campredon; "he has his own affairs and I have mine." The French, however, were wise to the scheme. For a while, the French suspected that Beaujeu and Theodore might be in league together with Francis as Theodore's new patron, but this is unlikely to have been true. In the end, the plan came to nothing; Beaujeu was showered with money by Francis and offered the lifelong vice-royalty of the island if he should succeed, but he was exposed by the adroit diplomacy of France and soon he tried to back out of the deal, claiming that he could not deceive the emperor. He was then thrown in prison, either by Francis or by the Emperor; nobody could say for certain. The whole affair was a farce, and did nothing but harm the reputation of the Duke of Lorraine in the eyes of the Genoese.

Emperor Charles VI had no ability to intervene given his ongoing war with the Ottomans, but his government sensed that the French might be pushing for a sale of the island and were very much opposed to it. France had no desire to provoke a new conflict with the Habsburgs over something as meager as Corsica, and so in July French diplomats and their imperial counterparts penned an agreement at Versailles. The Emperor permitted the King of France to intervene in Corsica, provided that the Genoese give their agreement, but both parties affirmed that under no circumstances should Corsica be permitted to leave Genoese sovereignty. That guarantee was sufficient for the Habsburgs, and thereafter all that stood in the way of a French expeditionary force was the Genoese Senate.

News of the Versailles agreement greatly alarmed the Sardinians, whose ministers complained to both Paris and London. The French, of course, brushed them off; the Sardinian King Charles Emmanuel III could not seriously contest what the Habsburgs and Bourbons had together agreed upon. The king's only hope was a firm response from the British, but it was not forthcoming. The British government reiterated that it would not countenance the sale of Corsica, but this was no different than the line which the French and Austrians had already adopted, and in no way did the British dispute France's right or ability to intervene on behalf of the Genoese.

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Charles Emmanuel III, King of Sardinia, c. 1730

Within days of the Versailles agreement being signed, the Grand Duke Gian Gastone de Medici finally died, leaving Tuscany to Francis. Despite the seemingly obvious fact that Vienna would not be intervening on their behalf and the revelations of Francis' treachery in the Beaujeu affair, the Genoese still held out a foolish hope that their salvation might come from these quarters. In January, 6,000 Austrian troops had arrived in Tuscany to take over from the Spanish garrison, and now that the emperor's son-in-law was the ruler of Tuscany in fact, perhaps some of these troops might be spared for the aid of the Republic. It was soon made clear to them, however, that the Austrian occupation force belonged to the emperor, not to his son-in-law. Francis, for his part, was soon thereafter removed from the picture entirely when he was appointed nominal commander of an Austrian army in the Balkans.[1]

Gian Gastone's death was a blow to the rebels, who had now lost their foremost sympathizer among Europe's sovereigns. Yet while Tuscany's new "Lorrainer" administrators had no particular interest in the Corsican cause, the commander of the imperial troops in Livorno was Lieutenant-General Baron Karl Franz von Wachtendonck, who had once led the imperial intervention force in Corsica. Apparently a distant relation of Theodore, his attitude towards the Corsican rebels was ambivalent. Although the Tuscan government would no longer be directly supporting Theodore or the rebels, Livorno under Wachtendonck's command would prove to be nearly as permissive as it had been under Medici rule. It is worth noting, as well, that Livorno was not quite as all-important as it had been previously, in part because there was by now significant Genoese smuggling to Corsica as well. Much to the chagrin of the Senate, the mercantile class of the Republic appears to have grown so indifferent to their government's flailing misadventure in Corsica that some were quite willing to put profit before patriotism and join the Livornesi in the Corsican black market.

The French now offered a more concrete proposal: 3,000 troops up front, to be ramped up to 10,000 if the original contingent proved insufficient. The costs, however, were also soberingly concrete: 2 million pounds, of which 700,000 would have to be paid up front. The price tag was so extortionate that, after much acrimonious debate, the Senate took the rather uncharacteristic step of resolving to have another go at negotiation with the Corsicans. It was too little, too late; the rebels dismissed every concession the Genoese were willing to offer them, replying that they would consider no proposal in which they would remain under Genoese sovereignty. The word of the Republic was worth less than dirt in Corsica, and no amount of promised reforms made any difference. This time the regents did not even bother to convene a consulta or send a formal reply to the Senate's appeals.

Genoese desperation grew only deeper as rumors spread that Theodore was on his way back to Corsica. The syndicate had done rather well at keeping his departure a secret—so well, in fact, that even the captain of the Yongfrau Agathe, Gustav Barentz, was unaware of the identity of his esteemed passenger, a fact which was only revealed to him by a sealed letter from Boon which Theodore gave to him only after they were well on their way. Yet the syndicate could not conceal the fact that Theodore was no longer in Amsterdam, which fueled speculation as to his whereabouts, including the possibility that he had returned to his kingdom. The Genoese government frantically demanded updates from its consular officers abroad, but it received only vague and conflicting rumors.

For Barentz, it was an understandably tense journey. As it turned out, it was the 28 year old Swede's first time commanding a vessel, and he was expected to not only run a hostile blockade and land contraband on an unfamiliar coast, but to do it while he had an incognito monarch on his little ship. When the Yongfrau Agathe sighted Corsica, he lost his nerve, complaining that he knew no safe anchorages here and that they should make for Livorno or Naples instead. When a sail was sighted to the north, he ordered that the ship beat out to sea; he was sure it was a Genoese warship. Theodore, the only passenger who spoke Swedish (Barentz's Dutch was atrocious), had to talk the jittery young captain down. The Yongfrau Agathe steered back towards Corsica and eventually made its way around the western coast to Isola Rossa, where Colonel Antonio Colonna, Costa's nephew, volunteered to take a small group ashore in a boat. Theodore, after all, had been gone for several months, and had no way of knowing which parts of the island remained in friendly hands. Fortunately for Colonna, Isola Rossa remained friendly, and having received his positive report Barentz sailed the Agathe into the harbor.[A]

It was August 20th. The king was back.

Footnotes
[1] His command was indeed nominal, which was for the best as far as his own reputation was concerned, as Austrian performance in this war left much to be desired. All duties of command were exercised for him by a general, and Francis was kept far from the army—not so much to spare him from enemy action as to shield him from the epidemics which ravaged the camp of the common soldiery.

Timeline Notes

[A] IOTL, the Yongfrau Agathe never brought Theodore to Corsica. He had been recognized at Lisbon, and then the ship was held up for several weeks by the Spanish at Oran. When the ship reached Sardinia, it encountered another Dutch vessel, whose captain informed Barentz that everyone was talking about Theodore's supposedly imminent arrival. Theodore concluded that it was not the right time for his return, as the Genoese seemed to be ready for him; perhaps his courage failed him. For whatever reason, he switched ships and returned to Holland, while Barentz continued to Corsica. Barentz landed some of Theodore's volunteers on the island, but since he could find no safe anchorage (remember, IOTL the Genoese still held all the major ports), he too chickened out and sailed for Livorno. The supplies probably never made it to Corsica. ITTL, I am assuming that the different timeline means the chance recognition of Theodore at Lisbon and the ship's detention by the Spanish never happen, and neither does the encounter with the other Dutch ship. An uneventful voyage is quite plausible, given that the second ship which sailed in 1737 IOTL—the one chartered by dell'Agata—made it to Isola Rossa with no problems (until it reached Isola Rossa, that is, because they mistakenly thought it was in rebel hands; it wasn't, and dell'Agata was arrested and executed by the Genoese authorities there). As a result, ITTL, Theodore lands safely. When I was originally coming up with this TL, that was actually my POD: Theodore lands successfully on Corsica in 1737. I ultimately decided, however, that too much had gone wrong in 1736 for a 1737 POD to be very plausible; in particular, the Corsicans held no ports, Fabiani was dead, and Paoli was still alive. Ultimately I settled on the current POD in an attempt to rectify those things.
 
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A fluyt is by no means able to go up against a man-of-war, but sixteen guns should be able to do serious damage to a small galley when well-manned. Might Yongfrau Agathe remain in Corsican service?
 
A fluyt is by no means able to go up against a man-of-war, but sixteen guns should be able to do serious damage to a small galley when well-manned. Might Yongfrau Agathe remain in Corsican service?

Interesting, but I doubt this particular fluyt is actually armed with its nominal broadsides. It also risks being swarmed by galleys which can also manouver independently from the wind.
 
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