Just going by the map, it looks like the Nebbio, San Pellagrino, Calvi, and Algajola are the most important Genoese holdouts for the immediate future; if they fall, Theodore's Kingdom will pretty much be in control of the north of the island.
 
what is the population of Corsica? Does it in this TL have the population to effectively use the island and spread out the any kind of economic wealth throughout the whole of the island without focusing to much on one port (not that trying to make an economic capital on the island would be bad). I guess on a whole what I'm trying to say is that the view I've taken from the story so far is that the Corsican people are a rowdy bunch of people/serfs mostly used for growing chestnuts and mercenary work, not unlike old Switzerland. Do you think there's any hope for a less bleak economic future for an island surrounded by so many other famous ports?
 
It doesn't seem like the second PoD has effected much so far...were there really no other ships that could act as a lifeline to Livorno?

Well, we're still pretty early on, but the more I think about it the more I think you might be right. I've done a little more digging and it seems like there wasn't really all that much to Dick's second shipment; the problem is that it's hard to say. For instance, Theodore claimed he had a royal crown and garments on the Richard, which I don't believe for an instant; if the Genoese had literally seized his coronation crown I think they would have said something about it, and it seems more likely this was just a means to conceal his lack of resources from the Corsicans ("No really, I had a golden crown and all, they just took it. Damn Genoese!"). Originally I was thinking he might also be a useful point of contact with Tunis, since Ortega's father was the British consul there, but he's probably not necessary for that either. The thing is, one way or another he's going to figure out that Theodore's claim of royal backing is a lie, and when that happens he's not so committed to Theodore as to tell King George II to go pound sand.

I'm starting to think I might retcon the second PoD out; it shouldn't really change anything that's happened so far, as the gains from one shipment on the Richard are small compared to the seizure of the Bastia armory.

I do wonder though, if his step-father and uncle will attempt to make use of their familial relationship once Theodore becomes King...and what his reaction would be :eek:.

Historically his uncle dies in 1747, before the end of the WoAS, so he may never see Theodore's final success. As for Marneau (his step-father), he seems to drop out of Theodore's story in 1736. If he is still alive I doubt there's much benefit he could derive from Theodore's success, although he might regret he didn't do anything to help him.

Theodore's younger family members, who we'll meet eventually, will have more of an interest. In 1736, there's Theodore's 17 year old French nephew, who is the Count of Trevou and an officer in the Gardes Françaises; an 11 year old cousin (his favorite uncle's son) who stands to inherit the Neuhoff zu Pungelscheid patrimony and historically became an officer in the Prussian army; and another cousin, 26 years old, who IOTL led a guerrilla campaign on Corsica against the French along with yet another (but much more distant) Neuhoff cousin.

Since the constitution allows Theodore to name an heir in default of a child of his own so long as it's "of his own relation," all of them could potentially become king, and they might not have to wait all that long as Theodore is already 40 years old. Deciding who gets the nod might be troublesome.

I have access to Jstor and Project Muse so feel free to ask me if there's something in particular you want to know about. I can probably find at least a few full articles or book reviews on it.

Thanks! Actually I'm most interested in period newspapers; I've found a few from a British newspaper archive but I don't have the access I would like. If anything else occurs to me I'll mention it.

You say that there is "some suggestion" that one of the most prominent opponents of freedom of conscience it was Giacinto Paoli. can you go into more detail on this? Who were in the conservative party?

The people who spoke most openly against Theodore on religious grounds were, as far as I can tell, Aitelli and Paoli. Aitelli complained early on that his comrades were "planning to crown a heretic," while Paoli was vocally proud of the fact that there were no heretics on Corsica, and both objected to Neuhoff's scheme for Jewish settlement at Aleria. Arrighi may also have been a "conservative," as he was usually aligned with Paoli, but I don't know of any direct statements he made about religious matters. Paoli was certainly the most powerful and influential of the three. Clearly there was a base of support for their views, but if you remove Paoli from the equation the movement's leader presumably becomes Aitelli, who was a priest rather than a clan leader/caporale. Alienating Aitelli doesn't really hurt Theodore like alienating Paoli would have, which allows Theodore and his supporters to insist on the issue without fear of everything blowing up in their faces over religious matters.

Corsican religion at the time was a bit strange. Ostensibly, they were very Catholic, and suspicious of other religions. On the other hand, priests from Rome and Genoa reported that many of the Corsicans were horrifically lapsed in their doctrine; a Genoese mission reported that the people of Niolo observed none of the sacraments and spoke in Arabic (supposedly on the basis of the old legend that the Saracens who occupied the island in the early middle ages had fled to the mountain interior and remained there in some capacity). Another group of monks, sent from Rome, agreed that the Corsicans in general were "dissolute and utterly ignorant of the sacraments." The curate of Zicavo went full Crusader and preached to his flock that any rebel who was killed would "wear a martyr's crown" and that any man who killed a Genoese would have his soul immediately absolved from all sin.

Just going by the map, it looks like the Nebbio, San Pellagrino, Calvi, and Algajola are the most important Genoese holdouts for the immediate future; if they fall, Theodore's Kingdom will pretty much be in control of the north of the island.

Calvi is the tough nut to crack. Horatio Nelson famously lost his eye in the siege of Calvi, which took more than a month and 24,000 cannonballs before it capitulated. It's a great fortress and the ability of the rebels to take it, particularly lacking a navy, is questionable. The other posts you mentioned are quite a bit easier to take.

what is the population of Corsica? Does it in this TL have the population to effectively use the island and spread out the any kind of economic wealth throughout the whole of the island without focusing to much on one port (not that trying to make an economic capital on the island would be bad). I guess on a whole what I'm trying to say is that the view I've taken from the story so far is that the Corsican people are a rowdy bunch of people/serfs mostly used for growing chestnuts and mercenary work, not unlike old Switzerland. Do you think there's any hope for a less bleak economic future for an island surrounded by so many other famous ports?

The population of Corsica at this time is only around 120,000. "Rowdy bunch of people/serfs mostly used for growing chestnuts and mercenary work" is not a bad description of the population (although serfs isn't really accurate - Corsican society, minus the Genoese, was pretty level, and in any case they were more herders and orchard-keepers than farmers), but keep in mind that at the end of the 18th century Switzerland had approximately ten times as many people as Corsica (1.6 million compared to about 160k).

In some ways Corsica is a lot like the Kingdom of Naples/Sicily, which was economically depressed compared to the north but nevertheless had a relatively strong 18th century economically speaking. Like Naples, Corsica is a country which is inevitably going to be trading agricultural goods for manufactures, and many of those agricultural goods are going to be the same as those of Naples (particularly oil and silk). In some ways Corsica has an advantage over Naples - France was a big consumer of Neapolitan silk and oil, and Calvi is a lot closer to Marseilles than Naples is. Corsica also has the advantage of lacking the powerful, conservative, and parasitic aristocracy of Naples. Without really meaning to, Theodore had abolished feudalism along with all its attendant duties, fees, and restrictions; as the Genoese were basically the feudal masters, removing them from the country and rescinding their laws did away with the feudal system, and the nobility which Theodore created was entirely honorary, amounting to little more than the prestige of a title and the right to wear a sword. Clan chiefs and caporali like Matra and Ornano were big men in Corsica but the distance between them and the average Corsican shepherd was minuscule compared to the difference between a nobleman and peasant in Naples (or France).

I don't think that Corsica is destined to be a "Switzerland of the Mediterranean," and I don't think Theodore's kingdom is an economic powerhouse in the making. No city on the island is going to rival Florence or Milan in demographic, economic, or cultural terms. That said, it has a lot of "unused" farmland and forest that was never really exploited much by the Genoese or French, and it has the benefit of being entirely free from the old order, a sort of post-revolutionary blank slate in terms of governance and economic management, which if managed intelligently will probably make life there considerably better than OTL.
 
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I don't think that Corsica is destined to be a "Switzerland of the Mediterranean," and I don't think Theodore's kingdom is an economic powerhouse in the making. No city on the island is going to rival Florence or Milan in demographic, economic, or cultural terms. That said, it has a lot of "unused" farmland and forest that was never really exploited much by the Genoese or French, and it has the benefit of being entirely free from the old order, a sort of post-revolutionary blank slate in terms of governance and economic management, which if managed intelligently will probably make life there considerably better than OTL.
So Corsica is destined to be a small, yet moderately prosperous little island full of people whom tend orchards, tend to sheep and so forth. I could get behind that. Will there be something of a conflict that brews thanks to Theodore's debts? Just what is his debt at now, and how large will it get? I'm under the impression that one of his first priorities after they inevitably win would be to have Parliament establish the kings wage.
 
Calvi is the tough nut to crack. Horatio Nelson famously lost his eye in the siege of Calvi, which took more than a month and 24,000 cannonballs before it capitulated. It's a great fortress and the ability of the rebels to take it, particularly lacking a navy, is questionable. The other posts you mentioned are quite a bit easier to take.
And what's the deal with Aleria again? And Vico and Paornia, for that matter?
 
Will there be something of a conflict that brews thanks to Theodore's debts? Just what is his debt at now, and how large will it get? I'm under the impression that one of his first priorities after they inevitably win would be to have Parliament establish the kings wage.

Nobody knows the true extent of Theodore's debts, but his creditors may have a hard time collecting from a king. Sovereigns, after all, can default, and there's not much Theodore's creditors can do about it if he does. He probably doesn't want to do that with the bankers and investors who supported his scheme, but the men who loaned him money in his pre-revolutionary days may be out of luck. I suspect that the people Theodore was borrowing money from as a penniless minor nobleman are not the same people who lend money to sovereign kingdoms, and the latter many not care about debts unpaid to the former.

Alternatively, this is the period which saw the rise of the concept of Public Debt, and the Corsican government could presumably distinguish between the public debt owed by the country/government and the private debt owed by the sovereign, allowing Theodore to default on the latter without harming the reputation of the former. I'm not a great expert on early modern finance, however.

Also any idea on who Theodore will marry and have issue with, or will Corsica go to nearest male relative?

Theodore was something of a womanizer, and at this moment (1736-ish) he was exchanging secret letters (signed only with a stylized "T") with the wife of the Chevalier de Champigny, a nobleman of Lorraine, whom he met before arriving in Genoa. Their letters are intimate but not explicit and do not necessarily indicate a romance, but one source claims it was definitely a romance and that he was caught with Madame de Champigny by her husband, whose cane he defended himself against using a table. That said, however, as far as we know Theodore only married once, to Catalina Sarsfield, and their daughter (who died in infancy) is the only child of his we know of despite his various affairs and female companions.

There is, of course, "Colonel Frederick," the man who IOTL claimed to be Theodore's son, but he's considered by many to have been a fraud and I tend to agree. It's certainly not impossible that Theodore had a bastard son somewhere, but if Theodore had possessed a son and known about it surely we would have heard of it at some point before his death in 1756, when "Frederick" was approximately 30 years old.

I suppose the question is whether Theodore would ever consider getting married while the revolution is currently ongoing. If he does, presumably it's to a Corsican woman of status, but that would be dangerous - part of his appeal is that he's separate from and above Corsican clan society, which is no longer the case if he marries into one of the local noble families. Otherwise, he would have to wait until independence in order to be in a position to find a foreign wife, the earliest possibility of which is presumably 1748, when he's 52 years old. While he could theoretically still marry and have a child, that's a little old to be bride-shopping, and given his personal history I'm not sure there are too many foreign noble families keen to make that particular match.

There is one branch of Neuhoff's family that did stay and marry in Corsica, his relative Matthew von Drost, who married a relative of Colonna. His son Francois-Antoine married Maddalena Buonaparte, Napoleon's great-aunt.

And what's the deal with Aleria again? And Vico and Paornia, for that matter?

Aleria was the old Roman capital, since abandoned due to rampant malaria, and in the 18th century it was the site of a Genoese fort. The rebels stormed it at the beginning of the rebellion and slaughtered the garrison, and it remained abandoned. ITTL it's just an empty tower at the moment.

Vico is the capital of a pieve of the same name and probably the most notable town in western Corsica between Ajaccio and the Balagna. That western region is relatively lightly populated and didn't figure prominently in the rebellion, but it's still important enough to be a regional landmark, which is why it's on the map. The Genoese burned in it 1730. It's still inhabited but the western region isn't really rebel-affiliated at this time.

Paomia is the site of the Greek settlement on Corsica, although at this moment it is largely abandoned, as the Corsicans (particularly those of Vico) attacked them early in the rebellion and most of the Greeks fled to Ajaccio.
 
As for Theodore's marriage, I think he can find a bride, but I think it will be among the minor German Catholic princely families, one with a surplus of daughters. For a minor family marrying a daughter to a king will have some prestige, even if it the king in question is a upstart adventurer. It will be nice if the daughter produce a heir to him, but the marriage alone will give some prestige. While for Theodore even a minor princely family will give him some legitimacy as royalty.
 
The marriage issue will certainly only arise once Corsica is free and recognised by the powers, and it seems that it won't happen so easily. However, he could always pull a Elizabeth I and say " I'm married to Corsica ". It would be quite a legend in his future biography.
 
Aleria was the old Roman capital, since abandoned due to rampant malaria, and in the 18th century it was the site of a Genoese fort. The rebels stormed it at the beginning of the rebellion and slaughtered the garrison, and it remained abandoned. ITTL it's just an empty tower at the moment.

Vico is the capital of a pieve of the same name and probably the most notable town in western Corsica between Ajaccio and the Balagna. That western region is relatively lightly populated and didn't figure prominently in the rebellion, but it's still important enough to be a regional landmark, which is why it's on the map. The Genoese burned in it 1730. It's still inhabited but the western region isn't really rebel-affiliated at this time.

Paomia is the site of the Greek settlement on Corsica, although at this moment it is largely abandoned, as the Corsicans (particularly those of Vico) attacked them early in the rebellion and most of the Greeks fled to Ajaccio.
The other posts you mentioned are quite a bit easier to take.
Would Propriano also fall into that category?
 
Would Propriano also fall into that category?

Calvi, Bonifacio, and maybe Ajaccio are probably the only fortresses/cities I would consider technically challenging to take, in the sense of requiring some measure of siegecraft. Everything else is more a matter of having enough men and élan to overcome whatever garrison exists. That said, even a strong position can be stormed if the attackers possess surprise and the defenders are few and unprepared, which is basically what happened at Porto Vecchio.
 
Calvi, Bonifacio, and maybe Ajaccio are probably the only fortresses/cities I would consider technically challenging to take, in the sense of requiring some measure of siegecraft. Everything else is more a matter of having enough men and élan to overcome whatever garrison exists. That said, even a strong position can be stormed if the attackers possess surprise and the defenders are few and unprepared, which is basically what happened at Porto Vecchio.

I assume the Genoese have specifically reinforced Porto Vecchio to guard against this happening again? Or are their resources stretched too thin?

On the topic of the second PoD, I'm personally in favor of retconning it as I prefer single-PoD timelines. Even if you don't though, I'll still follow and comment.
 
That said, even a strong position can be stormed if the attackers possess surprise and the defenders are few and unprepared, which is basically what happened at Porto Vecchio.
That raises another point -- just because the Corsican rebels take a port or fort on the coast doesn't mean the Genoese can't retake them later. So even if Genoa's presence on the island was reduced to just Calvi and Bonifacio, the war could still be far from won.
 
I assume the Genoese have specifically reinforced Porto Vecchio to guard against this happening again? Or are their resources stretched too thin?

Historically speaking, I'm not sure, but as Theodore subsequently never seriously attempted to retake the port I assume it was fairly strongly reinforced.

That raises another point -- just because the Corsican rebels take a port or fort on the coast doesn't mean the Genoese can't retake them later. So even if Genoa's presence on the island was reduced to just Calvi and Bonifacio, the war could still be far from won.

Quite. And every port the Genoese control is a possible disembarkation point for reinforcements - including, eventually, the French.
 
Grand to see this continuing.

Theodore's rebels continue to have success but Genoa is far from done. Especially as Genoa rules the waves around Corsica.

Not sure if Theodore is entirely wrong trying to form a government and trappings in the midst of the war. The only ways i can see them firmly winning is significant foreign aid, or making the struggle so expensive and long term a faction in Genoa may arise that feels the war is not worth waging.

Thank you bringing to my attention a fascinating event I was totally unaware of.
 
I am loving this TL. Well-researched, and a completely fascinating obscure POD. Can't wait to see where it goes!
 
The Battle of Rutali
The Battle of Rutali
Excerpts from Merganser Publishing's "Rebellion!" Series #24: The Corsican Revolution

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The Bevinco River near Bigorno's Mill


A lack of good intelligence was to prove critical for Colonel Marchelli, the commander of a nearly 3,000 strong Genoese force at San Fiorenzo. Although reasonably well-informed on the lay of the surrounding territory by way of the filogenovesi militia of the Nebbio, he possessed very little information as to the number and disposition of the rebel forces. To protect his supply lines from San Fiorenzo and secure the valuable province of the Nebbio, he first concentrated on liberating that district from the rebels, who possessed no more than a few hundred militia in the area under colonels Felice Cervoni and Giovan Natali. At the same time, he sent his second-in-command, Major Morati, to secure the village of Patrimonio which commanded the western approach to the Bocca di Teghime, the shortest path to Bastia.

Cervoni and Natali were attacked at Oletta on the 18th of June by a force of filogenovesi militia. Marchelli dispatched these men first so as to preserve his regulars, but after a first attack was beaten back he deemed it necessary to dispatch two Ligurian companies as a stiffening element to eject the rebels from the village. Cervoni withdrew to the village of Murato, where he was joined by Captain Mari Antonio Bigorno and 150 men from Costera. Natali, meanwhile, bickered with Cervoni over strategy and decided to go his own way, continuing his tactics of resistance in the Nebbio.

Major Morati, commanding around 500 men including a Swiss company, had easily taken Patrimonio, but the mountains were occupied by a detachment of Castinetta's men under Captain Giovan Luca Poggi, a recent arrival who had left the Neapolitan army to fight for his native country. With allegedly no more than 150 men Poggi harassed Morati's force, which in order to even gain a foothold on the mountainside had to climb up wooded and brush-covered slopes on paths only wide enough for two men to walk abreast. Unable to come to grips with the enemy, uncertain of Poggi's numbers, and constantly in danger of being enfiladed by skirmishers while on the mountain trails, Morati decided to cease his attempts to push past Patrimonio and reported to Marchelli that the rebels at Bastia must be holding the pass with their full forces. That convinced Marchelli to take a more southerly route through the Bocca di San Stefano, a gorge carved through the mountains from west to east by the Bevinco River.

Meanwhile, the Genoese captain Domenico de Franceschi and his compagnia dei banditi fought several skirmishes with the rebels in the southern Nebbio. They did well enough at chasing out Natali, who in an encounter near Rapale lost many of his men and barely escaped with his life. Franceschi, however, proved incapable of controlling his jailbird regiment, which was accused of swarming across the Nebbio and plundering without much regard to whether their victims were rebels or loyalists. Still, they were more numerous than the rebels in the vicinity, and once the banditi occupied Murato virtually the entire Nebbio had been overrun.

The turning point was the arrival shortly thereafter of Count Andrea Ceccaldi. Ceccaldi (b. 1690 or '92, also spelled "Ciaccaldi"), a nobleman from Vescovato in the Castagniccia, was already considered one of the rebels' foremost commanders. He had been elected as one of the first three "generals of the nation" in 1730 alongside his brother-in-law Marquis Luigi Giafferi, and in 1732 Ceccaldi achieved the greatest victory the rebels had attained prior to Theodore's arrival by crushingly defeating the imperial general Karl Franz von Wachtendonck and the Genoese commandant Camillo Doria at the First Battle of Calenzana. Ceccaldi had traveled to Spain in 1735 bringing the rebels' offer of the Corsican crown to King Philip V, and retained his pro-Spanish views at the consulta of Alesani where he opined that the rebels should consider reaching out to Spain again rather than crowning Theodore. Nevertheless, Ceccaldi was on good terms with the new king; as one of the "Prisoners of Savona," Ceccaldi credited Theodore with helping to save him from being broken on the wheel in Genoa, and some days after the coronation Ceccaldi had hosted him at his house in Vescovato.

Ceccaldi had crossed the mountains from the Castagniccia through the Pass of Bigorno together with around 500 men of Casinca and Rostino on the afternoon of the 21nd. With Cervoni, he counter-attacked Murato and drove out the unsuspecting banditi, killing or capturing at least 50 men. The arrival of this famous leader and his forces gave a boost to the flagging confidence of the rebels, who had practically given up on the Nebbio as lost. Although Ceccaldi's battalion was still much inferior to Marchelli's army, he was set upon making as much of a nuisance of himself as possible so as to delay Marchelli from making a transit of the Bocca di San Stefano.

Sitting on the wooded northern slope of the summit of Taffoni, the small village of Rutali to the east of Murato possessed a commanding view of the Bocca di San Stefano only a mile and a half away. Ceccaldi decided to dispatch Cervoni to occupy it, without realizing that he had been preempted by Marchelli, who had sent about a hundred local militia backed by a company of Ligurian infantry under Captain Franchi, a Corsican-born officer, to hold the position. Cervoni and Franchi ran into each other quite unexpectedly in the outskirts of town, resulting in a chaotic meeting engagement in the woods. Franchi, not knowing what he was up against, withdrew into the village proper.

Aside from some skirmishing around Rutali, there was little combat of note the rest of the day. As evening fell, however, the main Genoese force—then encamped at Oletta—witnessed bonfires beginning to appear on the hills around Rutali and heard the braying of conch trumpets. The little skirmish between Franchi and Cervoni had kicked up a hornet's nest of rebels. Irregulars from Bigorno, Mariana, Rostino, and Casinca came streaming over the mountain by the light of the full moon, and skirmishing continued well after midnight. As dawn followed a sleepless night, Franchi discovered that he was entirely surrounded. Franchi was unable to send for help, but his distress was apparent to Marchelli (who was less than four miles away). The colonel decided to stage a rescue, and just after dawn marched with his full column southwards. By the time he arrived at the plateau above Pruneta, Franchi had with difficulty already fended off two assaults on Rutali. The swell of rebel irregulars had no real command structure and coordinated their attacks poorly, but they greatly outnumbered Franchi and could come at him from any direction.

Although Marchelli undoubtedly knew that Murato was occupied by the rebels, he assumed the major force was at Rutali. Out of caution, he deployed a picket to the pasture above Pruneta to guard his flank against Murato, and then advanced southwards. When his vanguard descended into the ravine of the Bevinco river they were met by Cervoni's company at a stone bridge over the river. Although Cervoni had enemies on either side of him, being directly between Marchelli and Franchi, Franchi was pinned down in the village by the irregulars and could make no move to flank Cervoni's force.

The opening phase of the engagement was at the stone bridge, where the Genoese infantry was bloodily repulsed by the concentrated musket-fire of rebels drawn up on the opposite side. As the river was shallow, this impasse was broken by the advance of a Swiss company under Captain Schmitter, who crossed on the Genoese left to outflank the rebels. A fierce firefight now concentrated on a water-mill near the crossing, which the rebels turned into an impromptu redoubt. The mill was held by the Costera militia and was later called "Bigorno's Mill," as their captain died in its defense after being shot three times, although not before exacting a heavy price from Schmitter's company. After Bigorno's death, the men of Costera fled. With their flank turned, Cervoni's battalion retreated upriver. The way was now clear for Marchelli to rescue Franchi, although throughout the entire operation they were under fire from rebels "sniping" at them from behind rocks and trees. Once Franchi's company was extricated, the combined Genoese army now turned back northwards.


Ceccaldi, who thus far had done little but hold Murato, had been joined by Cervoni and the remnants of his company and decided to join the fight. Around noon, his battalion advanced down the plateau towards Pruneta where he encountered Marchelli's picket. This small force of militia held only briefly against a well-disciplined rebel advance before fleeing down into the ravine.


Marchelli had rescued Franchi from encirclement only to bring it upon himself. Returning back down the hill towards the river, he now had rebels on the heights on either side. His own attempts to organize lines of battle were disrupted by the terrain, the narrow paths, and his own men. As Marchelli's Swiss were trying to form up by the stone bridge, they were swamped by the panicked Pruneta picket fleeing towards them and pressed from behind by Franchi's men and their rescuers who were pulling back from the harassment of the rebel irregulars. The result was a swirl of confusion in the ravine which prevented the Genoese from bringing much of their firepower to bear on the enemy.

Now Ceccaldi attacked. He had no coordination or communication with the irregulars on the opposite slope, but they were already engaged and smelling blood. Holding the higher ground on the south, Ceccaldi's men advanced within 150 yards of the river and opened fire on the Genoese as Ceccaldi struggled to organize his forces. Fighting continued for more than an hour, during which an attempt by two Swiss companies to break out by advancing up the hill with fixed bayonets was turned back by the volleys of Ceccaldi's men and the death of Captain Schmitter, who was shot in the head. Between 1:00 and 2:00, under pressure from ahead and behind, the Genoese army collapsed; the flight of some filogenovesi militia turned into a general rout down the river. A complete disaster was averted only by the bravery of the Swiss, who fought a creditable rearguard action at Bigorno's Mill, as well as the failure of the rebel irregulars to cut off or chase the enemy, for once they saw the Genoese fleeing they were more inclined to celebration than dogged pursuit.


In Genoa, where any news about Corsica was strictly censored and any word contrary to the official line was suppressed, the Battle of Rutali was spun as a victory. In the most dryly technical sense, perhaps it was—Marchelli had indeed rescued Franchi's company from probable annihilation. Yet nobody else saw it that way. Jacques de Campredon, the French minister to Genoa, quipped that the Genoese had saved a hundred men at the cost of a thousand. The British consul John Bagshaw reported similar figures, informing his government that the Genoese had suffered "at least a thousand" dead, wounded, or captured, while the rebels had suffered less than 200 casualties. While these figures might be somewhat exaggerated, if one includes desertions (particularly from the loyalist militia) they must certainly fall near the mark. Hundreds of muskets were taken by the rebels. Several dozen Swiss were among those captured, most of whom had fought in the rearguard, and a few subsequently ended up in Theodore's foreign company. Captain Schmitter was dead, and a Genoese captain, Graziani, was captured. This information was widely reported abroad, and within a few weeks even the Genoese had stopped trying to claim it as a victory.

Marchelli's army, though diminished, was still considerable, and the rebels did not make any immediate attempt to follow up on their victory. Nevertheless, Rutali was the high-water mark of the Genoese summer campaign in the Nebbio. Henceforward, Marchelli concentrated only on maintaining his control of the province and made no further attempts to recapture Bastia. King Theodore duly rewarded the victors, making Count Ceccaldi a Lieutenant-General and ennobling Colonel Cervoni as a cavaliere. Nevertheless, the victory was not without controversy. Cervoni complained that Ceccaldi had been dilatory and blamed him for the high casualties of his men and the death of Captain Bigorno. Ceccaldi, he claimed, would not have joined the battle at all had he, Cervoni, not joined up with his command after the retreat from the stone bridge and personally urged Ceccaldi to come to the aid of the irregulars.

Three modern interpretations exist: 1) that Ceccaldi deliberately waited for the right moment to cut off Marchelli's withdrawal; 2) that Ceccaldi intended only to make a demonstration against the Genoese to take pressure off the rebels at Rutali, which then turned into a major engagement after the flight of the picket at Pruneta left Marchelli vulnerable; or 3) that Ceccaldi intended to do nothing save defend Murato, believing his forces insufficient for an attack, until Cervoni cajoled him into marching. The first was the most popular at the time, and together with the First Battle of Calenzana cemented Ceccaldi's reputation as one of the finest of Theodore's generals, although Cervoni and his supporters tenaciously supported the third. The second is a more recent innovation, something of an attempt to split the difference by military scholars, but sound evidence for any one interpretation is lacking.

If the quality of Ceccaldi's victory is still debated, the cause of Marchelli's defeat is generally not. Although his forces, aside from the Swiss, did not give an inspiring performance, it was ultimately Marchelli's failure to gather accurate information that lost him the battle. He was clearly operating on the assumption that the rebel attack on Rutali represented the main body of the opposing forces, an impression which had been given by the bonfires and conch trumpets of Cervoni and his forces summoning more men to the fight. It is possible that the largest rebel force was at Rutali; even the Corsicans were not quite sure how many irregulars, who were completely out of Ceccaldi's command, were present at the battle, and many went over the mountain and back home as soon as the day was won. Still, Marchelli plainly did not realize that Ceccaldi and around 600 militiamen, representing the best of the rebel infantry on the field, were still at Murato, and as a result failed to divert enough forces to the picket on his flank to prevent his own encirclement. The picket at Pruneta, which appears to have numbered little more than a hundred filogenovesi militia, did not even succeed at delaying Ceccaldi's advance and contributed only to the disarray of Marchelli's regulars as they fled into the ravine where the Swiss and Ligurians were attempting to organize.
 
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I wonder if this is normal "victory has a thousand fathers" between Ceccaldi and Cervoni, or something deeper and potentially more dangerous?

Great update!

Will this have broader operational consequences?

Random question: does Theodore currently have any significant chance of dying in battle? And what are the Corsicans' rough contingency plans for if he does?
 
Great update! You graced a skirmish between few thousand mostly militia with a description worthy of a Marengo. (The map is especially appreciated).

This shows the difficulties Genoa will have in conducting offensive operations, but numbers, access to crack Swiss units and strong fortifications, along with control of the seas make a complete defeat for the Superba unlikely in the short term.

I am starting to think that the resolution will happen in Liguria and be linked to one of the major European conflicts that are about to start. The risk for the rebels being that a greater power (Imperial? French?) decides to intervene, thinking that a rival power must be behind Theodore as you have somewhat hinted at in some previous posts.
 
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