King Theodore's Corsica
- Thread starter Carp
- Start date
No, the imperial title was elective, and only a man could (or ever did) hold it suo jure. In fact, Maria Theresa specifically declined to be crowned alongside her husband in 1745, for reasons never fully explained - perhaps she was aware of his concern with being seen as her junior partner and wanted to let him be the man of the hour without the dignity being split with her. In any case, coronation or not, Maria Theresa was empress by virtue of being married to the emperor, not suo juris, no different in theory than any wife of a Holy Roman Emperor before her. As usual, however, she was the real power behind the throne.
It's fair to wonder why Franz wanted a royal title when he could reasonably expect an imperial title after his father-in-law's death, and I can't give you a solid answer. It's worth remembering, however, that the death of Karl VI was rather unexpected - he wasn't in great health, but he was only 55 years old. Perhaps the Grand Duke, looking ahead to years or potentially even decades of being the emperor's son-in-law, didn't want to spend all that time as the "prince-consort" alone.
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The King's Portrait
It's been a busy week at work, but I'm hoping to have an update about Theodore's travels this weekend. The pace of the TL is also going to be picking up somewhat - the general European war is almost on top of us. In the meantime, I poked around in my notes and found a post you might enjoy. Certainly Theodore was an interesting character, but what did he look like?
I mentioned a royally commissioned portrait of Theodore in the notes of an earlier chapter. As a matter of fact, we still have that portrait, or at least a print of the engraving made of the original painting. It resides today in the British Museum. While there are a number of 18th century illustrations of Theodore, some of which I've posted in this thread, this is the only surviving portrait we know of which was actually made in Theodore's presence (assuming it is indeed a reproduction of the Gaetan painting as it claims to be). To my knowledge Theodore never sat for a portrait elsewhere, or at least no such portrait survives. Thus, although I can't say for certain that this is an accurate picture of Theodore, it seems the most likely to be an accurate picture of all contemporary illustrations which we have, keeping in mind the tendency of 18th century portraits to sometimes be less than photorealistic.
(click to enlarge)
The text at the bottom reads "Taken from the Life (by Order of the Neapolitan Majesty) while under confinement in the Castle of Gaeta." The scene below the portrait appears to show a fanciful/allegorical scene of his coronation, with a woman in chains handing Theodore a crown. A panorama of Gaeta lies below that. My favorite detail, however, is the arms of Genoa and France lying like spoils of war at the bottom of the frame!
I've mentioned that Theodore was widely described as handsome, but we do have one particular account of him that stands out in its detail. Someone, we know not who, sent the Genoese an anonymous letter giving a close description of Theodore, presumably to aid in his capture. I don't have the exact text, but one modern author has paraphrased the letter's description of Theodore as follows:
Since the letter is anonymous, we can't be sure that the description is actually a firsthand account. It certainly seems like it, however, given the detail, and the particularities of his build and dress are fully consistent with other known firsthand accounts. Presumably only someone who had spent a significant amount of time with him in Corsica would know such details about his entire wardrobe. Because the source is presumed to be hostile to Theodore (or else why would they be giving a description of him to the Genoese), there is no reason to assume there was any exaggeration or "airbrushing" at work here, and the notice taken of various physical flaws like pock-marks and stained teeth further suggests that this might be a quite faithful description.
Edit: All the portraits of Theodore I have can be found here.
The King's Portrait
I mentioned a royally commissioned portrait of Theodore in the notes of an earlier chapter. As a matter of fact, we still have that portrait, or at least a print of the engraving made of the original painting. It resides today in the British Museum. While there are a number of 18th century illustrations of Theodore, some of which I've posted in this thread, this is the only surviving portrait we know of which was actually made in Theodore's presence (assuming it is indeed a reproduction of the Gaetan painting as it claims to be). To my knowledge Theodore never sat for a portrait elsewhere, or at least no such portrait survives. Thus, although I can't say for certain that this is an accurate picture of Theodore, it seems the most likely to be an accurate picture of all contemporary illustrations which we have, keeping in mind the tendency of 18th century portraits to sometimes be less than photorealistic.
(click to enlarge)
The text at the bottom reads "Taken from the Life (by Order of the Neapolitan Majesty) while under confinement in the Castle of Gaeta." The scene below the portrait appears to show a fanciful/allegorical scene of his coronation, with a woman in chains handing Theodore a crown. A panorama of Gaeta lies below that. My favorite detail, however, is the arms of Genoa and France lying like spoils of war at the bottom of the frame!
I've mentioned that Theodore was widely described as handsome, but we do have one particular account of him that stands out in its detail. Someone, we know not who, sent the Genoese an anonymous letter giving a close description of Theodore, presumably to aid in his capture. I don't have the exact text, but one modern author has paraphrased the letter's description of Theodore as follows:
Since the letter is anonymous, we can't be sure that the description is actually a firsthand account. It certainly seems like it, however, given the detail, and the particularities of his build and dress are fully consistent with other known firsthand accounts. Presumably only someone who had spent a significant amount of time with him in Corsica would know such details about his entire wardrobe. Because the source is presumed to be hostile to Theodore (or else why would they be giving a description of him to the Genoese), there is no reason to assume there was any exaggeration or "airbrushing" at work here, and the notice taken of various physical flaws like pock-marks and stained teeth further suggests that this might be a quite faithful description.
Edit: All the portraits of Theodore I have can be found here.
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Some portraits show him with a mustache and some don't. From the written sources, however, it seems like he was clean-shaven in 1736, but grew a beard after leaving Corsica.
I put together an Imgur album of all the pictures I have of him, and their sources (where known).
The Royal Progress
The Royal Progress
Theodore of Corsica, mezzotint by Johann Jacob Haid, 1740
Theodore of Corsica, mezzotint by Johann Jacob Haid, 1740
On July 17th, 1740, Theodore von Neuhoff appeared at Sartena with a small entourage. He was riding upon a mule—there were no more horses—and accompanied by about a score of men, including his various household servants, some bodyguards, and his chancellor, Sebastiano Costa. The Austrian guards, quite astonished, took him at once to meet Feldmarschall-Lieutenant Otto Anton, Graf von Walsegg, who was in residence there. The general was not entirely sure what to make of Theodore, but clearly he knew something of his agreement with Grand Duke Franz Stefan, either because correspondence from the Grand Duke provided by Theodore or sent to Walsegg himself (or both). Walsegg received his guest courteously, and according to Costa addressed him as "excellency."
Theodore's flight from the island held both attractions and dangers for Walsegg. Certainly the departure of the well-known "King of Corsica," widely credited on the continent with leading the Corsicans against immense odds for longer than anyone had imagined possible, was a boon for the quicker subjection of the island, and that was good for Walsegg both professionally and personally (as he communicated his clear dislike of the posting in several letters). Like his French counterpart, Walsegg was not particularly interested in what became of Theodore so long as he could be removed from the stage. Giving Theodore passage off the island, however, would surely enrage the Genoese, and Walsegg was wary of doing that. He had given no great thought to the Republic's attitude upon his landing, but the worrying maneuvers of the Grand Duke, the surprisingly good relationship between his own officer Obrist-Kommandant Anton, Graf von Colloredo-Melz und Wallsee and Count Gianpietro Gaffori, and Walsegg's own flirtation with using Marquis Luca d'Ornano as an auxiliary had caused relations to deteriorate with alarming rapidity. Walsegg, with far fewer forces than the French, was even more dependent on the Genoese to hold territory and supply his men. It seemed prudent, therefore, to make no great fuss about the matter, and to extricate the Westphalian adventurer from Corsica as quickly and quietly as possible.
"Quietly" proved impossible; the Genoese soon learned of Theodore's arrival in Sartene and sent word to Commissioner-General Domenico Maria Spinola, who had arrived on Corsica on the 1st of July to replace Giovan-Battista di Mari, recalled by the Senate in June. "Quickly," however, was easier to accomplish, and Walsegg wasted no time ushering the baron and his handful of followers to Porto Vecchio. A private vessel had to be chartered, as neither Austria nor Tuscany had a navy worth mentioning, and the imperial occupation force had disembarked on Genoese ships. A Livornesi barca-longa, however, was at hand, and its presence and willingness to take Walsegg's "cargo" without fuss may imply that the arrangements were made in advance. By the time Spinola had mustered a response to Walsegg, demanding that Theodore be remanded to the Republic, it was already too late. On the 26th of July, Theodore and his band arrived in the port of Livorno.
Although teeming with Corsican expatriates and ruled by a friendly government, the city was hardly a safe haven. As soon as they realized he had slipped through their fingers in Corsica the Genoese focused their efforts on neutralizing him in Livorno, where their presence was significant. They did not limit themselves to diplomatic protests—there was still a substantial price on Theodore's head, and the Genoese agents were not averse to kidnapping or assassination when legal extradition was impossible. Theodore met briefly with his exiled generals and (according to the Genoese) was provided with mounts, food, and clothing by Feldmarschall-Lieutenant Karl Franz, Freiherr von Wachtendonk. He need not have, for Theodore was not hard up for money. His network of friends, contacts, relatives, and well-wishers spanned the continent, and he was well-provided for during his entire journey north. After a brief stay in Livorno, finding the danger too great, he had his followers spread rumors that he was traveling to Rome, while he absconded to the Pisan estate of an English merchant, Thomas Blackwell, who had provided Theodore with some financial support in the past and had acted as an intermediary between Theodore and certain Dutch bankers.
Not all of Theodore's followers remained with him after leaving Corsica. Richard Denis, the king's private secretary, had always been something of a skeptic of his royal employer, and perceived Theodore's flight as the effective end of his quest. He remained behind in Livorno, and eventually returned to England by ship. Joseph Paris, the Provençal cook, was always more of a hireling than a true believer and likewise took his leave. Most of his personal staff, however, remained, and Theodore's retinue on the road consisted of at least his valet Antonio Pino; his Elban chaplain Antonio Candeotto; his loyal Moorish footmen Mahomet and Montecristo; his Dutch equerry Giraud Keverberg; his aides-de-camp, Saviero Carlieri of Naples and Cristoforo Buongiorno of Livorno. They were joined by dell'Agata and Gio-Paolo Costa, the chancellor's nephew.
Horace Walpole in 1741
From Pisa, Theodore penned a letter to Horace Mann, the British minister in Florence. Mann sympathized with the Corsicans and had expressed privately some support for Theodore's enterprise in the past (he had been chargé d'affaires in Florence since 1738, and became minister only in 1740), but he also found Theodore to be an odd and troublesome fellow, and like a good diplomat worried about the discredit that an association with Theodore might bring upon his government. He kept the king at arm's length, but did mention his contact with Theodore to his friend Horace Walpole, the son of the British prime minister Sir Robert Walpole. Horace Walpole was at that time on a Grand Tour of Italy, as was fashionable for young British men of privilege, and had been living in Florence since December of 1739. Walpole's interests lay in the elite social circle of Florence and its lavish parties, and he was intrigued by the romantic figure of Theodore in a way that the older and more cynical Mann was not.[1] Upon hearing from Mann that Theodore was in the country, Walpole decided at once that he needed to meet one of Europe's most mysterious celebrities. Mann wanted nothing to do with this misadventure, but did nothing to stop Walpole from getting in contact with dell'Agata through Blackwell. Despite the potential danger, Theodore eagerly agreed to a meeting. On the 13th, after keeping a low profile at Blackwell's house for more than a week, Theodore made his way to dell'Agata's house in Florence, and Walpole visited the following day.
Walpole thought that Theodore quite lived up to his reputation—he described him as handsome, charming, and dignified despite the present difficulties of his situation. Theodore presumably enjoyed their chat as well. Such company was a welcome change from his rather dreary and provincial court at Corti and Zicavo, and although Theodore never sneered at his rustic subjects he was clearly more comfortable with fellow European gentlemen with the background, culture, and education of "his class." For the king, however, the "audience" with Walpole was primarily a means to an end. Theodore certainly knew he was the son of Sir Robert Walpole, the leading figure of British politics since the 1720s, and hoped that the support of the younger Walpole might improve his prospects of influencing the elder. If so, one may doubt Theodore's grasp of the British political system, for the elder Walpole was not about to be led about on policy matters by his youngest son gallivanting around Italy. Nevertheless, his acquaintance could at least be useful to gain introductions.[A]
It seemed like an ideal time for courting British support, for the country was presently engaged in a war with Spain which virtually all parties assumed would become a war with France as well. There had been an invasion scare in England earlier in the year when it was thought that the Spanish fleet had built up a combined naval and land force in Galicia to attempt a landing in Ireland, or perhaps England itself, and there were fears that if the Spanish and French fleets in the Atlantic were to link up they would be able to overwhelm the squadron guarding the channel. While the governments of both Britain and France were averse to war, each was quite certain that the other intended it; the British believed the French were merely waiting for an opportune moment to jump in, while in August of 1740 the French chief minister Cardinal André-Hercule de Fleury opined that "one cannot reasonably doubt that the English will declare war in due form."
Theodore used Walpole's visit to sound out his ideas for a British intervention in Corsica. As the conflict was presently a maritime affair only, naval bases were of paramount importance. Corsica boasted several good natural harbors with shelter, fresh water, and proximity to key Bourbon facilities. With the French in command of the island, British trade interests in Livorno could be easily quashed, which was of significant (if secondary) concern to London; in contrast, a British squadron in Calvi or San Fiorenzo could keep a close watch on Toulon and Antibes with the greatest of ease. Supplies from Corsica could be used to provision Britain's other Mediterranean installations at Gibraltar and Port Mahon more easily than dispatching ships from England. Perhaps he somewhat oversold Corsica's own strategic significance, but he clearly understood that to win real support and overcome the misgivings of British politicians he had to appeal not to sympathy but to strategy. No British government would lift a finger to rescue the Corsicans from subjugation out of altruism, but they might be tempted if they could be convinced that control of the island gave them an important strategic resource and denied it to the French. Theodore himself expressed his complete confidence that the French wished to control Corsica, either directly or under the guise of nominal Genoese sovereignty, and described a pro-British Corsica as the only possible alternative to a French Corsica. He was, in effect, offering up his kingdom as a protectorate, and himself as a client king.
Horace Walpole was from this point on an avid supporter of Theodore and the Corsicans: "I wish Him [Theodore] success with all my soul," he later wrote Mann. "I hate the Genoese; they make a commonwealth the most devilish of all tyrannies!" He was not, however, the man to make Theodore's dreams come true in 1740, and in any case he was at this time in his life more interested in fashionable diversions than foreign policy. Theodore's first formal pitch of his plan for the British was not made in Florence, but his next destination, the grand old city of Venice. Theodore was no stranger to Venice, having visited there some years before his Corsican adventure. His lodgings there were at a modest house in the district of Cannaregio, secured by a friend who worked for the Austrian ambassador. He was also protected by a network of contacts within the Venetian military. A thousand Corsicans served in the Republic's army, and a few of Theodore's most prominent officers were veterans of the Venetian forces. It was probably one of them who gave Theodore an introduction to Count Matthias Johann von Schulemburg, one of the most senior and respected generals in the Venetian army, who gave Theodore his support.
William Stanhope, Baron (later Earl) Harrington
Once established in Venice, Theodore called upon his old acquaintance Neil Browne, the British consul. While "friends" may be too strong a term to describe Theodore and Browne, the consul had aided Theodore in the past by handling his correspondence and was quite willing to continue in that vein. The king and the consul had regular conversations at Browne's house, and once Theodore had set down some preliminary proposals in writing Browne sent them by secret courier to William Stanhope, Baron Harrington, Secretary of State for the Northern Department.[2] Despite being in Walpole's government since 1730, Harrington had diverged with him recently on foreign policy matters in an attempt to ingratiate himself King George II. As both King of Britain and Elector of Hanover, his birthplace, George had a keen interest in the fate of his continental possession and his interests there increasingly put him at odds with Walpole. Despite the fact that Walpole had made Harrington's political career, Harrington now sided with the king and went so far as to privately counsel George against the policy of his own cabinet on several occasions. This limited his influence in the government, but nevertheless Theodore's proposals appear to have made their way through him to the cabinet and Walpole himself.
The government not only answered Theodore but gave a favorable, if a bit tepid response. British interest was not as surprising as it seemed. A war with France, as mentioned, was seen as both imminent and inevitable, and Genoa had recently been angering Britain in a most unwise fashion. Several of its vessels were known to be acting as privateers under the Spanish flag and raiding British shipping. Furthermore, the "Young Pretender" Prince Charles Edward Stuart had not long ago passed through Genoa and had been welcomed and honored by the state; for the same affront, diplomatic relations had been broken off with Venice in 1737, and the same did not happen with Genoa only because the British had not had an ambassador there since 1722 anyway. Theodore's argument for Corsica's strategic importance was, if a bit exaggerated, essentially solid, and he had a proven and by now very famous track record of humiliating the French, something any British statesman worthy of the name could appreciate. The time was not yet ripe either politically or strategically for such a venture, but the government was clearly interested in keeping Theodore as a potential asset. They responded to Theodore by saying that an intervention in favor of the Corsicans was not out of the question, but Vienna's permission would have to be sought given their role as an occupier, and they would require strong assurances that the Corsican people really were behind Theodore. In the meantime, they urged Theodore to continue to build and maintain his support among the Corsicans, and instructed Browne to keep tabs on Theodore and do what he could to ensure the baron's safety.
With Schulemburg and Browne on his side, he seemed very safe indeed, but the Genoese sniffed him out eventually. On September 5th, after several weeks in Venice, an assassination attempt was made upon Theodore which was reported to London by Browne. The details are not known, but despite being uninjured Theodore was quite rattled by it, and resolved to leave Venice posthaste. He departed the city for Switzerland shortly thereafter, armed with a letter from Schulemburg to Luke Schaub, the British minister to the Swiss Cantons. "The famous King Theodore," Schulemburg wrote, "has given plenty of proof of what he is capable of achieving, if he had enjoyed better luck or been supported by some great power... Please give him all the help and hospitality you can." To what extent Schaub gave his help and hospitality to Theodore is unclear, but Theodore did pass safely and uneventfully through Swiss territory into Germany. By mid-September he had come to his destination: Cologne, the city of his birth. His confidence had clearly returned, and so had his funding, as newspapers reported his arrival in the city with now fewer than four coaches and servants in livery. His first stop was the home of his uncle, Franz Bernhard Johann, who had raised him after his father's death and held the position of captain of the Halberdier Guard of the Elector of Cologne. Also present was Franz's only son Friedrich Wilhelm Franz Heinrich, a boy of fifteen, who was very excited to meet his famous cousin but was as yet too young to join in his adventures. He also stayed for a time at Schloss Brüninghausen, the residence of his cousin Conrad Stefan, Freiherr von Romberg zu Brüninghausen, whose late father had married Theodore's eldest aunt Philippa Adolpha Margaretha.
George II, King of Great Britain and Elector of Hanover, c. 1740
In early September, just a few days before the attempt on Theodore's life in Venice, the British government learned that the French had dispatched a large fleet of warships to the West Indies, the primary theater of the Anglo-Spanish war. The British government considered this to be a likely prelude to war. King George, at that time, was in Hanover, attempting to entice Friedrich II, the new King of Prussia, into an alliance. George, unaware of the seriousness of the Prussian king's designs on Silesia, believed that Prussia could be built up and cultivated as a bulwark against France, presumably working in parallel with Austria rather than at cross-purposes to her. Foreign policy was one area of British policy-making in which the king still held dominion, but matters were confused by George's dual role as king and elector. His personal diplomacy with Friedrich, conducted without the influence of his cabinet, vexed Walpole and was unpopular in England, where it was felt that the king's interests lay more with Hanover than the English.
Feeling that his moment had come, Theodore worked harder than ever to bend the British ear. He sent frequent letters to Robert Trevor, the British envoy to the States General and another regular correspondent of Horace Walpole, regarding his plans for Britain and Corsica. "I venture to flatter myself," he wrote, "that his Majesty and the whole English nation will honour me with their support in these conjectures, to enable me to return to my faithful followers in Corsica." He penned a briefing paper on the geography of Corsica and its various harbors which he included with one of these letters. He dearly desired to gain a royal audience, particularly since George was himself in Germany at the time. It seemed fortunate, then, that the only cabinet minister which George had taken with him to Hanover was Lord Harrington, the recipient of Theodore's letters from Venice and the man in Walpole's ministry who was most favorable to the Corsican scheme. Theodore appealed to both Trevor and Harrington for an introduction to the king, but while Harrington gave him his recommendation King George himself was reluctant. The Baron Neuhoff was not unknown to George, who had heard many unsavory rumors about him and was reluctant to keep such company. Thus, despite winning over Trevor and Harrington, George decided not to see him, and in November George returned to England. Undaunted, Theodore now appealed to Trevor for a passport by which he could come to London in person.
In the meantime, Theodore and his lieutenants were gathering recruits and resources. An appeal was circulated in Cologne in which Theodore introduced himself and solicited officers and soldiers to join his company. In it, he gives his own name and title as "Theodore-Etienne, Baron de Neuhoff, Lord of Pungelscheid, Glind, Rade, Lybach, Meuchausen and Safferan... Elected and crowned King of Corsica under the title Theodore I on 15th April 1736." Dell'Agata, meanwhile, went to Amsterdam and met with investors of the syndicate. The syndicate's activities had been effectively curtailed by the French blockade of Corsica and the reluctance of the States General to inflame relations with Versailles, but the principal investors were still on board at least in principle. They would not consider organizing another "armada" while the French and Austrians effectively ruled the island, but were willing to advance Theodore a modest loan to support his recruiting efforts in Germany and agreed that another arms sale would be conceivable if France backed off—or, better yet, if Britain publicly gave its support to Theodore's candidacy.
Theodore also wrote to the new pope Benedict XIV, elected that August, reminding him of the medieval origins of the Corsican crown as a Papal bequest and inviting His Holiness to assert Rome's claims once more. Although the temporal power of the pope in the 18th century was, to put it charitably, quite limited, the papacy still maintained territorial claims (principally upon Parma, although Rome's claims over it were roundly ignored by the powers), and the legitimacy of papal support would still mean something both to the Corsicans and the international community. Yet Theodore may have been less interested in papal support as such than in needling the British, who might feel more inclined to intervene if they believed that the Papacy, a hostile state which still did not recognize the Hanoverian succession, might get their hands on the island. Either way, it came to nothing; Rome never deigned to respond.
Europe was now abuzz with rumors of "King Theodore" and his activities, and his efforts at recruiting and raising money made it impossible to remain hidden. The gazettes speculated as to where his money was coming from and what his next moves would be, while diplomats (including British ones) exchanged denials that they had anything to do with the man. Adventurers, mercenaries, and rogues of all kind began trickling into Cologne, either to enter the service of the King of Corsica, merely to gawk at him, or in some cases to use his fame as a basis for grifting. A number of men with no clear connection to Theodore began showing up at the homes of French and Genoese ambassadors and consuls offering to sell information, undoubtedly much of it spurious, on the renegade baron. Pamphlets and books were rushed off the printing presses giving accounts of the king's "reign" with varying degrees of accuracy, and one manuscript claimed to prove that Theodore was the very same von Syburg, known popularly as "the Alchemist of Magdeburg," who had been on the run from the authorities of several German states in the early 1730s. (This was quite true.)
It was not until early December that Theodore finally got his passport and made all arrangements for his trip to England. The politics of Europe, however, did not stand still for anyone, least of all the King of Corsica. In the time he had been dutifully promoting his cause in Cologne, events had been set in motion which would embroil the baron and his Corsican subjects in a struggle far greater than any they had anticipated; for on the 20th of October, Emperor Karl VI breathed his last, and his daughter Maria Theresa became the first woman to accede to the Habsburg crowns.[B]
Footnotes
[1] At this time Walpole was was 22, and Mann 34.
[2] In the British system of government at this time, the Northern Secretary was responsible for the Protestant countries of Europe, while the Southern Secretary was responsible for the Catholic and Muslim states further south. Strictly speaking, then, Corsica was not within Harrington's purview, but as an advisor to the king he was still a man of some importance.
Timeline Notes
[A] Horace Walpole was IOTL a major figure in Theodore's later life. When, finally despairing of ever regaining his throne, Theodore retired to England and was subsequently thrown in prison for debt, Walpole took out a subscription to help pay his fees and got him out of jail. When Theodore died in 1756 shortly after his release, Walpole arranged for his burial and commissioned the plaque at St. Anne's Church in Soho which still stands today [link], inscribed with an epitaph written by Walpole himself:
The grave, great teacher, to a level brings
Heroes and beggars, galley slaves and kings.
But Theodore this moral learn'd ere dead:
Fate poured its lessons on his living head,
Bestow'd a kingdom, but denied him bread.
[B] At long last. This is a rather long update by the standards of this TL, but I didn't want to dwell too long on Theodore's journeys across Europe. I hope you'll forgive me for using just a puff of butterfly repellent; it was always my intention that the start of the WoAS would remain the same as OTL, and thus Emperor Karl has an appointment with a nice bowl of deadly mushrooms that not even Theodore can keep him from. Now the fun starts.
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So it begins at long last. I wonder what, if any, effects Theodore's intrigues will have on the War of Austrian Succession.
Also kudos to Theodore for surviving and gathering all that support given his current situation.
Also kudos to Theodore for surviving and gathering all that support given his current situation.
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His itinerary in the update, and most of the contacts referenced therein, are not very different from his actual travels in Europe in 1740-41; even the assassination attempt in Venice happened IOTL, albeit not at the exact same time. In terms of his support gathered thus far, it's only slightly better than OTL; pretty much everyone mentioned really did help Theodore out, with only minor changes here and there (for instance, Walpole's meeting with Theodore at Florence, which did not happen IOTL but might have had they been in Tuscany at the same time). He had no financial problems during his travels across Europe IOTL, and was clearly well-provided for. George II refusing to meet him is also OTL, but the difference is that Theodore, being more famous and successful, didn't bother to try and fake him out - IOTL, he first approached George under an alias of "von Hort," which probably didn't help George's opinion of him as a slippery and unsavory character. He still gets rejected ITTL, but that may change.
The real difference, I think, will come from his increased profile. IOTL the War of Austrian Succession didn't help him that much because he wasn't taken very seriously; British ministers, admirals, and generals had better things to do than concern themselves with a strange German who claimed to be king of Corsica for all of nine months before running away, and when in 1745 they did decide to back a rebel invasion of Corsica they decided (on the advice of Mann, who was annoyed by Theodore's constant letters and grew to despise him) to pick Domenico Rivarola over Theodore. This failed miserably, as Rivarola was not only a terrible leader - he was supremely arrogant and had no military experience, being a career civil servant - but Gaffori and Matra, who led the rebel movement in the interior, refused to support him, triggering a civil war between Rivarola and the other rebels which made the British throw up their hands and say "screw it."
ITTL, Theodore has not only been king for several years, but in the process he's defeated the French army in several highly-publicized encounters. The English press IOTL published cartoons of him tripping up Louis XV in a horse race despite the fact that he never actually fought the French - how much do you think they'll like him ITTL when he actually managed to humiliate the French in battle? ITTL, he's much more credible and significant, both as a ruler and a general, than he ever was IOTL, and his support will remain even stronger on Corsica than it did IOTL because of his longer and more successful reign as well as the differing situation in Corsica itself which I'll get to in the next update. His improved profile will also help him attract men and arms for a revanche in the near future.
What's Domenico Rivarola up to ITTL? As far as I have read he was vaguely involved in an attempt to negotiate a solution to the civil war prior to Theodore's arrival before his children got thrown in jail by the Genoans. One book I have here alleges that his Sardinian scheme was (at least initially) in Theodore's favor (rather than being at his behest)
I'm not well versed on the causes of the French Revolution, but it's difficult for me to imagine the war dragging on longer than 1748. The British had been stringing along the negotiations since the summer of 1746 in the hopes that battlefield successes would give them a stronger position; if they achieve this stronger position earlier, they no longer have a reason for delay, and you might end up with a peace agreement in 1746 or 1747 that's more favorable to the Pragmatic Allies. It's difficult to say, as the Breda negotiations were especially complex, involving the varying interests of a number of different states while the British and French envoys played a double game with secret orders that were at odds with their public positions.
The worst plausible outcome of the WoAS for the Bourbons, by this stage, would involve a) the cession of Louisbourg and Cape Breton Island to Britain, b) the retention of Parma by Austria, c) some kind of territorial cession from Modena, which was under Austrian occupation, and d) the cession of Finale to Sardinia. Maria Theresa, who even in 1747 was still hungry for war, had her eye on a Habsburg restoration in Sicily, but that stood a zero percent chance of happening. Even if all those bad things happened, which seems unlikely to me, it would be France's reputation (and, with the loss of Louisbourg, its navy) which would suffer more than its budget.
Domenico Rivarola was of the class of people you might call “Corso-Genoese,” whose nationality was not clear cut. Like Spinola, he was born in Bastia but belonged to a family that was well-established in Genoa and had estates in Liguria. He worked as a Genoese civil servant in Corsica, serving as a commissioner. When the rebellion broke out, he unsurprisingly tried to remain neutral and negotiate between the parties, for with lands in both Corsica and Liguria it was in his personal interest that the parties be resolved rather than starting a war that would compel him to choose sides. When Genoese authority collapsed, however, he sided with the nationals and went to Livorno as a representative or “plenipotentiary” of the rebel movement. In that capacity he played some role in the negotiations with Theodore, although the exact nature and importance of that role is not very clear. For his betrayal, the Genoese confiscated his land and imprisoned his sons, who were not released until Genoa surrendered to the Austrians. Some sources, however, allege that Rivarola also embezzled money from the Genoese during his tenure as commissioner, which makes me wonder if his decision to turn rebel had as much to do with avoiding punishment or disgrace as with Corsican patriotism.
Rivarola did serve Theodore at least for a time in some sort of diplomatic or administrative capacity (never as a military commander), but fell out of favor with Theodore because of his role in a conspiracy with Paoli and Castinetta to assassinate several of Theodore’s lieutenants. In 1744 he entered the service of Sardinia. Theodore was, at that time, already on the Sardinian payroll, as Charles Emmanuel had realized that he might be able to get Corsica as a consequence of the war and believed Theodore might be an asset to that end.
In 1745 the leaders of the rebellion (Gaffori, Venturini, and Matra) presided over a sort of “Corsican regency” which ostensibly ruled in Theodore’s name. Theodore was not present, but was still in regular contact with the rebels, and it seems to have been with his urging that the rebel consulta in 1745 sent a plea to Mann and Villettes (the British envoy in Sardinia) requesting Britain’s aid. This was agreeable to the British, but they decided to support the enterprise only as an Anglo-Sardinian affair in which the island would come under Sardinian rule rather than becoming independent. Sardinia would fund the invading force, while Britain would supply the naval power. Theodore, who was quite willing to be a Sardinian viceroy, was presumably the initial favorite to lead the invasion, but to say that the enterprise was in his favor is not quite correct, as my understanding is that the intended result was not to restore him as king but to give the crown to Charles Emmanuel.
Unfortunately for Theodore (and the Corsicans, for that matter), the rebels’ petition went through Mann, who by this time had come to strongly dislike Theodore and added his own recommendation to the rebel document which advised that Rivarola be chosen instead. The British government accepted this, Charles Emmanuel made Rivarola a colonel, and eventually the invasion was begun under Rivarola’s command. Had Theodore led the mission instead, it probably would have gone better than it did - Gaffori and his triumvirate were still at least theoretically loyal to Theodore, and unlike Rivarola, Theodore had actual political and military skill. I don’t know whether the expedition would have succeeded with Theodore in command, but he could hardly have done worse than Rivarola, who managed to alienate his British allies, provoke a pro-Genoese revolt in Bastia, and start a civil war with the regency. Eventually the British realized that the expedition was going nowhere, and both they and Charles Emmanuel agreed that Townshend’s squadron, which had forced the capitulation of Bastia, would be put to better use blockading the Ligurian coast than continuing to support Rivarola’s failing campaign. Rivarola died in Turin in 1748, having lost both his colonelcy and (as far as I know) his Genoese and Corsican estates, but at least he still had his sons and a government pension.
ITTL, Rivarola has played a role but not one that's been really worthy of mention; he was involved in inviting Theodore over as OTL, but because of Paoli’s premature death (the POD) he never became part of Paoli’s disruptive faction, and the OTL Paoli-Rivarola-Castinetta assassination plot became the TTL Castinetta-Giannoni plot which was largely centered on conspirators from Rostino and didn’t involve Rivarola. For that reason, he’s not out of favor with Theodore ITTL, but he did take the French ticket to Livorno and is now another one of the Corsicans in exile there. His sons are still in Genoese custody. I have future plans for him, but he won’t be as high profile as he was IOTL.
Good stuff. You mentioned a potential Viceregency for Theodore which, I would imagine, also played part of a role in his various appeals to the Spanish, the Papacy, and the Emperor. This is probably more speculation, but what would the nature of that role be? I can't imagine many would be bothered with the direct rule of the place, so would something like, I don't know, Duke of Bastia as viceroy be on the table? How did the French crown handle it?
We have been waiting for that Habsburg to take his last breath for so long I can hardly contain my excitement!