Keeping the British Liberal Party flag flying high

In April 1951 the fervent nationalist, Dr. Muhammed Mossadeq, became Prime Minister of Iran. At the beginning of May the Iranian Parliament nationalised the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. The British government protested and submitted its case to the International Court of Justice at The Hague. From the end of May the Cabinet was willing to concede the principal of nationalisation provided there was a negotiated settlement which maintained the flow of oil. [1]

[1] This was as in OTL. I've taken the above information from the book The 1945-1951 Labour Governments by Roger Eatwell, London: Batsford Academic, 1979.
 
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In July 1951 Mossadeq broke off negotations with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company when it threatened to 'pull out' its employees. [1] Towards the end of the month, Geoffrey Mander, the Lord Privy Seal, headed a British government mission to Iran. However in early August the Abadan refinery ceased working and Mander was recalled. On 15 August the cabinet imposes sanctions against Iran. [1]

On the same day Jennie Lee, the Minister of Housing and Local Government, resigned from the cabinet in oppostion to its imposition of sanctions.

[1] This was as in OTL. See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_the_Abadan_Crisis.

[2] These sanctions were much like those in OTL. See link in footnote [1].
 
I have changed my mind about Jennie Lee resigning from the cabinet. She seriously considered doing so, but decided not to. She was considerably influenced by the fact that none of her Socialist Labour colleagues in the cabinet resigned. Her not resigning aroused a good deal of controversy both then and later among historians. She has been accused of selling out her principles for her political career. However her biography by a sympathetic author claims that she stayed in the cabinet because she wanted to continue with her policy of a massive council house building programme, and not make a futile political gesture by resigning.

However Aneurin Bevan, the Minister of Works, and Barbara Castle, the Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry of Health, both resigned from the government. They were replaced by Harold Neal [Socialist Labour MP for Derbyshire Clay Cross] and Hugh Gaitskell [Socilaist Labour MP for Wigan] respectively. Bevan and Castle were the only two ministers to resign from the government.
 
Because they were in August and parliament was not sitting, the resignations of Bevan and Castle did not make much of a stir. In our TL parliament was not recalled to debate the Abadan Crisis, so it was not in this TL.

An editorial in the New Statesman condemned the sanctions against Iran as imperialist aggression which would impoverish the people of that country. But the Socialist Labour supporting Daily Herald backed the government's policy, while it was thought that around twenty-five to thirty Socialist Labour MPs opposed it. Contemporary commentators commended Clement Attlee, the Foreign Secretary and Socialist Labour leader, for his skilfull handling of the crisis, as have historians.
 
Would there be something like European Coal and Steel Community?

The European Coal and Steel Community was created after World War II, which did not take place in this TL. It is possible that a similar organisation may be founded in this TL, but I don't know yet.
 
In the negotiations for the formation of the Liberal-Socialist coalition government after the general election on 19 October 1950, Socialist Labour representatives insisted on the repeal of the Housing Act 1939, which gave local authorities the right to sell council homes to their tenants. [1] The Lberals opposed this, but a compromise was reached under which local authorities could sell no more than one percent of their housing stock in any one year up to a maximum of ten percent of their stock. This was implemented by the Housing Act 1951 which also laid down high standards for council housing, such as the provision of bathrooms, which not all owner-occupied and privately rented housing had. The Housing Act 1939 had stipulated that the receipts from the sale of council housing must be used to build more such housing, and this condition was re-affirmed in the Housing Act 1951.

In its manifesto for the October 1950 general election, the Socialist Labour Party pledged that if they formed the government they would end slum housing by building a minimum of 300,000 houses a year. As Minister of Housing and Local Government, Jennie Lee was responsible for the implementation of this pledge. The following figures show the total dwellings built in the UK[excluding Northern Ireland] in 1950, 1951 and 1952 [rounded to the nearer multiple of a hundred]:
Year Private enterprise Local authorities Non profit neighbourhood housing trusts [2] Total
1950 116,300 108,600 16,800 241,700
1951 128,300 146,400 22,400 297,100
1952 80,800 216,500 31,900 329,200.

[1] See post #1946 on page 53.

[2] For housing trusts see post #371 on page 19. The Socialist Labour Party was in favour of the housing trusts.
 
The table in my previous message does not show as it appeared on my draft message, for some reason, so I am posting it again in a different format, and adding the figures for 1952 and 1953.
1950
----
Local authorities: 108,600
Private enterprise: 116,300
Neighbourhood housing trusts: 16,800
Total: 241,700

1951
----
Local authorities: 146,400
Private enterprise: 128,300
Neighbourhood housing trusts: 22,400
Total: 297,100

1952
----
Local authorities: 216,500
Private enterprise: 80,800
Neighbourhood housing trusts: 31,900
Total: 329,200

1953
----
Local authorities: 265,700
Private enterprise: 73,600
Neighbourhood housing trusts: 42,700
Total: 372,000

1954
----
Local authorities: 291,500
Private enterprise: 59,400
Neighbourhood housing trusts: 39,800
Total: 390,300

The Liberals and Socialist Labour both claimed credit for the coalition government's housing building achievement. The former said that it was the achievement of a Liberal led government, while the latter said that they were responsible because Jennie Lee was Minister of Housing. The Tories condemned the squeezing of the private house building sector by local authorities.
 
Council housing was built on the outskirts of cities, as semi detached or terrace housing or blocks of flats limited to four storeys in accordance with the relevant legislation. Although the housing had a uniform appearance from the outside, much effort was made to build communities with shops, pubs, clubs and cinemas etc provided.
 
The by-election in the safe Conservative seat of Harrow West, caused by the resignation of Norman Bower in March 1951 took place on 21 April 1951. The percentage votes obtained by each candidate was as follows [October 1950 result]:
Hugh Molson (Conservative): 57.4 [56.0]
Liberal Party candidate: 30.7% [30.2%]
Socialist Labour Party candidate: 11.9 [13.8]
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Conservative majority: 26.7% [25.8%]
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Molson had lost his Derbyshire, High Peak constituency to the Liberals in the general election. He was a junior minister in the 1946-50 Tory government.

The by-election in the constituency of Westhoughton in Lancashire caused by the resignation of Rhys John Davies [Socialist Labour] in May 1951, took place on 21 June 1951. The percentage votes were as follows [1950 general election]:
Frederick Lee [Socialist Labour]: 61.7% [64.9%]
Conservative Party candidate: 38.3% [35.1%]
---------------------------------------
Socialist Labour majority: 23.4%[29.8%]
--------------------------------------

Charles Douglas-Home, the 13th earl of Home, and father of Alec Douglas-Home, known as Lord Dunglass, died in July 1951. Dunglass had the right to choose to succeed to the title or renounce it. He decided to take the title so he became the 14th earl of Home to preserve the family tradition. However he continued to sit as Conservative MP for Lanark, because the Parliament Act 1933 gave MPs who succeeded to the peerage the right to continue to sit in the House of Commons. He was Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations from July 1948 to October 1950.
 
The Belfast South by-election caused by the resignation of Hugh Gage [Ulster Unionist] in October 1952 took place on 4 November. The percentage of votes cast for each party were as follows [October 1950 general election]
Ulster Unionist: 45.9 [54.7]
Progressive: 37.6 [23.5]
Northern Ireland Labour: 16.5 [21.8]
-------------------------------------
Ulster Unionist majority: 8.3% [31.2%]
-------------------------------------
The swing from Ulster Unionist to Progressive was 11.45%.

The Progressive Party was formed in 1936 as a merger of the Liberal and Progressive Unionists parties in Northern Ireland. The Northern Ireland Labour Party was allied to, but separate from, the Socialist Labour Party in the rest of the UK.
 
The Railways Act 1952 nationalised the railways. It established a British Railways Board [BRB] and the following six regional railway authorities in England: Eastern, London Midland, North-western, Southern, Western, Yorkshire and North-eastern; and Scottish Railways and Welsh Railways. The BRB was given a co-ordinating role in respect of the regional and national railway authorities and was responsible for national rail policy. The Minister of Transport chose the chairman of the BRB. Half of the members of the board were elected by representatives of railway workers and half by representatives of railway passengers. Each regional and national railway authority had its own board, half of which were elected by workers' representatives and half by passengers' representatives.
 
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In March 1952, the Home Secretary, Edgar Granville (Liberal),appointed a Departmental Committee on Homosexual Offences and Prostitution with Lord Eustace Percy as Chairman. [1] There were fifteen members of the Committee, eleven men and four women.

[1] Percy was a former Vice-Chancellor of Durham University and had been Conservative MP from Hastings from May 1921 to December 1937, and President of the Board of Education from December 1935 to December 1937.
 
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