I originally wrote this TL in Italian, so I apologize for errors or linguistic mistakes. I would have liked to add a map of Europe, but I wasn't able to load it because it said it was too large.
If you are intrested in reading my original work in Italian, you can find it here:

http://www.fmboschetto.it/Utopiaucronia/Fanta_Lipsia.htm

June 18, 1815, 1.30 pm. The 1st Army Corps led by Marshal Jean-Baptiste Drouet d'Erlon begun to advance towards the ridge of Mont-Saint-Jean, held by the German-Dutch troops; D'Erlon's attack managed to take the ridge of Mont-Saint-Jean, and Henry Paget charged the French with two heavy cavalry brigades, the Household Brigade and the Union Brigade, in an attempt to limit the damage. However, the French managed to timely form the square formations, and the charge of the two brigades was rejected.
The attack by the 1st Army Corps opened a gap in the Anglo-allied deployment, which Napoleon immediately used by ordering the thirty-six battalions of the reserve to attack at that point. For Wellington it was a disaster: his line was bypassed, and his army trapped. After an hour of fighting, he was forced to surrender. Blücher's Prussians, as soon as they arrived in the Bois de Paris, learned of Wellington's surrender, and realizing that the battle was over, they retreat. The next day, as Napoleon entered Brussels, Marshal Grouchy intercepted them at Profondsart, where they were defeated.
The news of Wellington's defeat and his capture caused a political earthquake in London: on 21 June, after a heated parliamentary debate, the Conservative government led by Lord Liverpool fell, being replaced by a liberal government led by Lord Grenville, who pledges to seek an honorable peace with Napoleon.
With Great Britain out of the war, Napoleon in Brussels and the defeated Prussians, things are starting to get bad for the seventh coalition. Above all, Napoleon benefited from his legend: in fact, his opponents were afraid of him, so much that Schwarzenberg did not feel like entering France, despite having almost twice as many men as Napoleon; when the Russians arrive, and then we will be almost four times the French troops, then maybe we can start the offensive. Yes, the Russians; but the Russians on the Rhine must arrive on foot, so Napoleon has plenty of time to get to Alsace and face Schwarzenberg.

The Lower Rhine Army was dispersed between Gemersheim and Mannheim in August, waiting to enter France when the Russians arrived. How to deal with them without being massacred? Napoleon took a gamble: would they have fallen into the same trap he had set for them at Austerlitz, which was to pretend to negotiate an armistice, convince them he wanted to retreat, and then slaughter them when they attacked? Napoleon decided to try: when he arrived with his army in front of the Schwarzenberg army, he sent Ney and Cambronne to ask for peace negotiations to be opened, for an armistice to be made, because the emperor did not want to engage in a long war against Europe. On August 14, in a council of war, the prevailing idea among the commanders of the Lower Rhine Army was that Napoleon was screwed, that his army was full of teenagers after the veterans had died in Russia or Leipzig, and that the French would fall apart as soon as the Austrians advanced with an evil face; it was therefore decided that they would attack by the 16th even without the Russians. Exactly what Napoleon wanted. The army would rally to attack Harthausen, where Napoleon had established his headquarters.
In fact, it must be said that Schwarzenberg was reluctant: partly because Napoleon was always Napoleon, and he was afraid to face him without the Russians; and perhaps because he had sensed the deception, remembering Austerlitz. But there was pressure from Vienna to make him attack as soon as possible, we double the French, what can go wrong? Schwarzenberg's caution seemed excessive; in this sense it is a useful indicator to read what an Austrian diplomat wrote in Berlin in those days:

“[…] Our embassy wants to hear the cry of pain, impatience and anger at the hesitations of General Schwarzenberg. There is nothing left for him to do but march against the French, annihilate them, defeat them, victory over Napoleon is within reach. And he stands still! "

Then, with a thousand doubts and hesitations, Schwarzenberg attacked the French. The Austrians had fallen into Napoleon's trap: the Austro-allies marched towards Harthausen in battle deployment, while the bulk of the French army (two corps and the guard) was hidden on the right of the Austro-allied army; Napoleon counted on the poor mobility of the opposing side to attack the Austrians on their right flank and slaughter them. The maneuver was successful: attacked on the right flank, the Austro-Allied army lost cohesion and quickly broke. In just one day, the Lower Rhine army lost nearly 90,000 dead soldiers and prisoners. It was a defeat for the Austrians, and one of the greatest masterpieces of the Corsican general.
Schwarzenberg's army retreated towards Speyer, waiting to cross the Rhine. But Napoleon did not give him time to retreat: the next day Harthausen, Napoleon launched a new attack on the Austrians as they crossed the Rhine: in the battle of Speyer Napoleon destroyed the Austrian rearguard waiting for crossing the Rhine, in the battle of Altlußheim inflicted a very hard blow to the troops already beyond the Rhine. 70,000 Austrian casualties including dead and prisoners.
Napoleon had to momentarily give up the idea of an offensive towards Vienna: the Austro-Sardinian army of Frimont had achieved successes that alarmed the emperor, forcing him to go to Lyon, threatened by the Piedmontese troops. In Bourg-en-Bresse Napoleon faced the Austro-Sardinian army, defeating it and forcing Frimont to return to Italy. But he had lost almost a month to do this. Austria had to be attacked immediately before could organize a new army.

Meanwhile, Napoleon entered Germany and led his campaign. On November 11 he was in Passau, Bavaria (which had just surrendered to Napoleon), at the gates of Austria. But he had decided that he would take Vienna before Christmas. The Austrians had assembled an army and entrusted its command to Schwarzenberg, who was marching to stop Napoleon. But, again, the legend of him came to his aid. Schwarzenberg was in Lichtenberg, deciding what to do, but determined not to attack first, for fear of making a false step and falling into a trap. Napoleon, having the initiative in hand, made a circumvention maneuver: he advanced towards the villages of Schlagberg, Elendsimmerl, Neulichtenberg, Haselgraben and Windpassing, bagging the Austrians and trapping them on an indefensible position, like Mack in Ulm. Schwarzenberg for a few days tried to fight back and break the bag but then, realizing that he was trapped, on November 29 he surrendered.
On December 8, in Perzendorf, the Austrians made a last attempt to block Napoleon's road to Vienna but were once again defeated. On December 11 Napoleon was in Vienna. The Napoleonic army wintered in Austria. In Vienna, Napoleon met Talleyrand, whom he had offered the foreign ministry in June after his flight from Elba, only to be refused. Still resentful of that refusal, Napoleon ordered the apostate bishop to be killed discreetly.
In spring the war resumed: the Prussians had organized a new army and the Russians had arrived in Germany; Austria, for the moment, was out of the game. Napoleon advanced north towards Germany, passing through Bohemia.
The Emperor faced the Prussians at Neschwitz, then defeated the Russians in Lugknitz; the final battle of the war took place in Reppen, in which Napoleon definitively defeated the Prussians, who surrendered. The Russians and Austrians followed. It was the end of the seventh (and last) coalition.

Then in the autumn of 1816 the Vienna congress resumed, with Napoleon replacing Louis XVIII. Napoleon did not want to prolong the war any further, nor to face new military campaigns to resettle his generals or relatives on the thrones he had assigned him in the past. The Europe redesigned by the Congress of Vienna saw:
  • France: annexation of the former Austrian Netherlands, displacement of the border on the Rhine and confirmation of the annexation of Savoy, Nice, Piedmont and Liguria;
  • Italy: Italy was a particularly delicate chapter, as France wanted to limit the influence of Austria on it. Eventually, the following arrangement was reached:
    • In the Kingdom of Naples Ferdinand IV of Bourbon, already restored in Naples by the Austrian troops after the defeat of Murat, would have kept the crown, which he united with that of Sicily, forming the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies;
    • The Duchy of Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla was assigned to Joachim Murat (whom Napoleon dissuaded from trying to regain the Neapolitan throne) and to his heirs as compensation for the loss of the Kingdom of Naples;
    • In Tuscany, Napoleon opposed the return of the Habsburg-Lorraine, therefore the Grand Duchy was assigned to Charles Louis of Bourbon-Parma, former king of Etruria as Ludwig II, as compensation for the loss of the Duchy of Parma. The territories of the Principality of Piombino and Elba as well as the State of the Presidi (Orbetello and Monte Argentario) were also annexed to the Grand Duchy of Tuscany;
    • The Principality of Lucca was assigned to the former viceroy of Italy Eugene of Beauharnais and his descendants;
    • The Duchy of Modena returned under the Austria-Este dynasty;
    • The Duchy of Massa and Carrara was assigned as an annuity to the mother of the Duke of Modena (the last exponent of the house of Este: Maria Beatrice d'Este) and on her death in 1829 it was annexed to Modena itself;
    • The Papal State and the Republic of San Marino were restored;
    • The Kingdom of Sardinia was confirmed to the Savoy, but was limited to the island from which it took its name;
    • In the rest of the north the Lombard-Veneto Kingdom was established, annexed to Austria, including the mainland territories of the Republic of Venice, Veneto, Friuli and eastern Lombardy, all united to the part remaining of Lombardy.
  • Poland: the partition of Poland among neighboring nations was confirmed: Russia received the bulk of the Napoleonic Duchy of Warsaw as the Kingdom of Poland (called Congress Poland), but did not receive the Grand Duchy of Poznan, which was given to Prussia, nor Krakow, which remained a free city.
  • Germany: Saxony was entirely returned to King Frederick Augustus I of Saxony; the kingdom of Hanover gained East Frisia at the expense of Prussia and various other territories in northwestern Germany; Bavaria gained the Rhineland Palatinate and territories in Franconia. The Duchy of Lauenburg was transferred from Hanover to Denmark and Swedish Pomerania was annexed by Prussia. The Holy Roman Empire was not rebuilt, replaced by the German Confederation;
  • Other territorial changes:
    • Norway was confirmed as a possession of Denmark.
    • The Kingdom of the Netherlands was created as a buffer state between France and Germany; assigned to Prince William of Orange-Nassau, it included the old United Provinces.
    • The passage to Switzerland of Valtellina and Valchiavenna, over which the confederation exercised a sort of protectorate since 1512, following the occupation of Sondrio by the Swiss troops. The two valleys, despite the resistance of the Protestant cantons, will constitute an autonomous canton, the Canton Adda.
Overall, the Congress of Vienna was a great diplomatic victory for Napoleon; however, as soon as his position was secured by foreign powers, Napoleon gave up the role of the constitutional sovereign and resumed those of the autocrat by repealing the imperial charter of 1815, in favor of a new constitution that again centered all the power in his hands. But now Napoleon had aged, and he no longer had the energy he once had. To make matters worse, 1816 had been a year of bad weather, and food shortages were rampant across Europe, including France.
The opposition, both Bourbon and Jacobin, never completely suffocated by the imperial repressive apparatus, blew on the fire of the revolt. The spring of 1817 saw great revolts in many cities of France, even Paris revolted against Napoleon. But the army remained loyal to the Emperor, and Marshal Ney suppressed the riots in Paris by ordering to shoot the crowd, and for this he was decorated by Napoleon.
Many historians consider this a turning point for the Bonapartist regime; up to that moment Napoleon nevertheless had broad popular support, but the return to authoritarianism and the violent repression of the riots alienated the Emperor from the support of the majority of French.
But Napoleon did not have to worry about this for long, because on August 14, 1817 he was killed by the saddler Louis Pierre Louvel as he was leaving the theater; Louvel had previously been a supporter of the Emperor, but had converted to Jacobinism and republicanism after the violent repression of the Paris riots.

To take advantage of this situation was Joseph Fouche, Napoleon's powerful police minister, who took the opportunity to abolish the Bonapartist monarchy and proclaim a republic of which he, of course, was at the head. Many at the time suspected that Louvel's hand was behind the hand of Fouche, that is, that the powerful minister knew of the saddler's intentions, but decided not to hinder him with the intention of overthrowing the Bonapartist regime from within. This idea is espoused by both Lev Tolstoy in War and Peace and Stefan Zweig in his biography of the police minister, but today it finds many historians skeptical about it, especially since all the evidence suggests that Louvel was a lone wolf who acted as alone, without having accomplices and without anyone knowing about his plan.
Whatever happened, Fouche immediately began a purge aimed at eradicating dissent towards the regime once and for all; the "legal terror", as it was known at the time, struck monarchists, liberals, Jacobins and Bonapartists too close to the dead Emperor. Laws were passed that suspended legal guarantees, allowed imprisonment without judgment, and eliminated jury and appeal in political crime trials. The purge of public administration affected a quarter of the officials and about 70,000 people were arrested for "political crimes" and about 6,000 were sentenced. Among these, there were also many well-known names: Marshal Ney was forced to renounce the rank and was sentenced to forced residence in Corsica, General LaFayette left in exile for the United States.

The legal terror of Fouche created a climate of mutual fear and suspicion that brought France back to the darkest days of Jacobin terror. But it did not last long.
Fouche died on December 26, 1820 of natural causes, and the question of what to do immediately arose.
Maintain the Republic or restore the Monarchy? And if the monarchy had been restored, who should have ascended the throne? Louis XVIII or the Duke of Orleans Louis Philippe?
After Fouché's death, a provisional cabinet was set up headed by the Duke of Broglie, Foreign Minister of Fouché, who immediately gave a blow to the terror by overturning all convictions for political crimes, and immediately afterwards decided to call elections for an assembly constituent to decide which order to give to France.
Three main camps were formed immediately:
  • the Republicans, in favor of maintaining the republic and extending suffrage to all male citizens, led by Lazare Carnot (returned from exile from Germany) and General La Fayette (returned from exile in the United States);
  • the Orleanists, moderates wishing to put an end to the authoritarian excesses of Napoleon and Fouche through a constitutional monarchy ruled by Louis Philippe of Orleans that would safeguard the main conquests of the Revolution, had a point of reference in the Duke of Broglie;
  • the Ultra-Realists, monarchists eager to restore Louis XVIII to the throne and cancel the revolution;
The elections for the constituent rewarded the Republicans and the Orleanists, therefore the Constitution was the result of the compromise between these two factions:
  • The monarchy led by Louis Philippe of Orleans was restored, but the sovereign had few symbolic powers;
  • A bicameral parliament was established:
    • The Chamber of Deputies, elected by universal male suffrage every four years, which votes the confidence to a Prime Minister who exercises executive power;
    • The Chamber of Peers, in which the nobility was represented and endowed with few powers;
  • Precise guarantees were included in the constitution to protect the freedom of the press, opinion and political rights in general; Catholicism was not the state religion but of the majority of the French; the tricolor was recognized as the national flag and the Marseillaise as an anthem.
It was a very advanced document for the time, approved by a popular vote on September 20, 1821, the date on which some historians identify the true end of the French Revolution.
 

Justinian

Banned
The opposition, both Bourbon and Jacobin, never completely suffocated by the imperial repressive apparatus, blew on the fire of the revolt. The spring of 1817 saw great revolts in many cities of France, even Paris revolted against Napoleon. But the army remained loyal to the Emperor, and Marshal Ney suppressed the riots in Paris by ordering to shoot the crowd, and for this he was decorated by Napoleon.
Many historians consider this a turning point for the Bonapartist regime; up to that moment Napoleon nevertheless had broad popular support, but the return to authoritarianism and the violent repression of the riots alienated the Emperor from the support of the majority of French.
But Napoleon did not have to worry about this for long, because on August 14, 1817 he was killed by the saddler Louis Pierre Louvel as he was leaving the theater; Louvel had previously been a supporter of the Emperor, but had converted to Jacobinism and republicanism after the violent repression of the Paris riots.

To take advantage of this situation was Joseph Fouche, Napoleon's powerful police minister, who took the opportunity to abolish the Bonapartist monarchy and proclaim a republic of which he, of course, was at the head. Many at the time suspected that Louvel's hand was behind the hand of Fouche, that is, that the powerful minister knew of the saddler's intentions, but decided not to hinder him with the intention of overthrowing the Bonapartist regime from within.

My main problem with it is this. It seems a little contrived that the entire Bonapartist component of the French political sphere would simply evaporate, and that one police minister would have the power to do it? I could of course suspend disbelief in the assassination of Napoleon, but wouldn't one of the demands of Napoleon be the restoration of his son from being held hostage? Napoleon II would quickly be held up by Bonapartist loyalists like Ney, and they would still overwelmingly have control of the army, which could easily crush the police.

Secondly, why would France randomly revolt after winning it's 7th war? That seems rather unfeasible. It would seem more feasible to me that the scenario you're suggesting, could occur in the 1820s, when Napoleon dies of stomach cancer, his loyalists are older and there may be a shot for opposition forces and an attempt as succession creates hostility.

Otherwise I think you wrote this very well it has a strong potential, please don't take my criticism as anything other than for the purposes of discussion or constructive.
 
My main problem with it is this. It seems a little contrived that the entire Bonapartist component of the French political sphere would simply evaporate, and that one police minister would have the power to do it? I could of course suspend disbelief in the assassination of Napoleon, but wouldn't one of the demands of Napoleon be the restoration of his son from being held hostage? Napoleon II would quickly be held up by Bonapartist loyalists like Ney, and they would still overwelmingly have control of the army, which could easily crush the police.

Secondly, why would France randomly revolt after winning it's 7th war? That seems rather unfeasible. It would seem more feasible to me that the scenario you're suggesting, could occur in the 1820s, when Napoleon dies of stomach cancer, his loyalists are older and there may be a shot for opposition forces and an attempt as succession creates hostility.

Otherwise I think you wrote this very well it has a strong potential, please don't take my criticism as anything other than for the purposes of discussion or constructive.
Yeah.I think it’s more plausible if ONE a of the generals had a change of heart and plotted a coup instead of Fouche.
 
My main problem with it is this. It seems a little contrived that the entire Bonapartist component of the French political sphere would simply evaporate, and that one police minister would have the power to do it? I could of course suspend disbelief in the assassination of Napoleon, but wouldn't one of the demands of Napoleon be the restoration of his son from being held hostage? Napoleon II would quickly be held up by Bonapartist loyalists like Ney, and they would still overwelmingly have control of the army, which could easily crush the police.

Secondly, why would France randomly revolt after winning it's 7th war? That seems rather unfeasible. It would seem more feasible to me that the scenario you're suggesting, could occur in the 1820s, when Napoleon dies of stomach cancer, his loyalists are older and there may be a shot for opposition forces and an attempt as succession creates hostility.

Otherwise I think you wrote this very well it has a strong potential, please don't take my criticism as anything other than for the purposes of discussion or constructive.
The Bonapartists didn't evaporate, they join Fouché. Only the bonapartists too close to Napoleon are purged or exiled, the others keeps their positions of power.
The possibility that Napoleon II succeeds his father, without Napoleon carefully preparing the succession before his death, are close to zero. Just look to what happened in 1812 when general Claude François de Malet spread the word that Napoleon had died in Russia: literally no one cared about Napoleon II, and were made preparations to create a provisional government that would have prepared the restoration of the Republic.
Malet's coup failed, but it shows very clearly how the Empire was in fact a golden disguise for Napoleon's personal dictatorship.

The french revolt in 1817 is not a random event, but is the consequence of the food shortages and agricultural failures provoked by 1816 volcanic winter (the "Year Without a Summer" or "Eighteen hundred and froze to death"), coupled with the fact that Napoleon was already unpopular due to the large conscription imposed to face the war of the 7th coalition, and for the repression of the political dissent after the end of the war.
 
Was the French Revolution necessary? I am a student of history and I am doing an analysis of the French Revolution. I want to look at the positives and negatives, and analyse the consequences of the revolution itself. I seek additional info from various sources to help me. I want to gather as much information as possible to understand the subject as well as possible.
 
Was the French Revolution necessary? I am a student of history and I am doing an analysis of the French Revolution. I want to look at the positives and negatives, and analyse the consequences of the revolution itself. I seek additional info from various sources to help me. I want to gather as much information as possible to understand the subject as well as possible.
it is not a question of necessary but that there was no other solution (seen by the majority) to change the statue quo seen that louis XVI and the nobility are blind to the winds of change
 
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