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Chapter 1: The Sultan
  • Chapter 1: The Sultan

    Istanbul, Ottoman Empire
    August 12, 1896

    Abdul Hamid II, Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, considered the map before him. On this map, the Ottoman Empire was displayed in dark green. He noted with dismay how small it had become. Egypt was striped in red, indicating British control. The Balkans were a mixture of colors. Once, his family, the Osman Dynasty, had ruled as far west as Algiers, and as far north as Budapest and Crimea. Twice, Ottoman armies had reached the gates of Vienna.

    His eye drifted to Palestine. Once near the center of the Empire, now it was the frontier of his power. Given its significance to the Christians, he imagined it would be next to fall. No doubt the British would see themselves as the new Crusaders. He supposed he ought to start preparations. Reinforce it, maybe fortify the border. But Palestine was too sparsely populated. How could it become a fortress to hold off the might of the British Empire? And the British were not the only ones who wanted it. The French would too. Probably the Italians and Russians. Maybe the Germans. No doubt the Khedive would enjoy calling himself King of Jerusalem, even if it meant letting his British masters have real authority there. Even the Jews were now making noises...

    A thought struck him. The Jews. Already there had been a rise in Jewish immigration. He had heard somewhere that the city of Jerusalem itself was majority Jewish. But the Jews were persecuted throughout Europe. They didn't quite fit in, no matter how hard they tried. That scandal in France about that Jewish officer had surely proven as much.

    He recalled something else. Something one of his tutors had taught him. When the Spanish had expelled their Jews four hundred years ago, many of them had come to the Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans had always made a place for Jews in their society. As long as they accepted their dhimmi status and paid the jizya tax, they would be safe. And they were a thrifty and industrious people. Mehmed II, his ancestor, had even remarked, "Why do you call this Philip a wise king, when he impoverishes his kingdom and enriches mine?"

    So far, he'd opposed large-scale Jewish settlement in Palestine, even turning down Theodore Herzl's offer of 150 million pounds in return for allowing Jewish settlement, out of fear that they might become a new wedge for European influence. But as a people, the Jews had no attachment to any particular European country, and a lot of reason for resentment. So what if rather than opposing Jewish settlement, he encouraged it? What if he announced to the world that he would welcome the Jews to return to their ancestral homeland? Maybe even give them some kind of special autonomous status? Surely they would repay him with loyalty.

    Now that he thought about it, he could see a lot of advantages. Large-scale immigration to Palestine would no doubt revitalize the province, even without the jizya tax. He'd probably need to change how that worked. Maybe he could require whatever Jewish government was formed to pay it instead of each Jew individually. That would also attract Jews from elsewhere in the Empire, further diluting European influence.

    Of course, there was still the matter of defending the place. No doubt he would need to deploy additional Ottoman troops there. But now that he thought about it... allowing the Jews to help defend Palestine might not be a horrible idea. Unlike the Christians, they did not seek to spread their faith, merely preserve it. He would have to take measures to ensure that the Jews couldn't rebel, but if they were loyal, a Jewish army in Palestine would surely fight like demons to protect their homeland. Some sort of auxiliary corps, perhaps? That would suit his political goals without threatening the supremacy of Islam he had worked to maintain. After all, he had never sought to make Islam the only religion within the Empire. Surely it would not hurt to have a small Jewish force to fight at the side of the mighty Islamic armies?

    There was also the prestige value. No Great Power had offered its support to a Jewish State. He would be casting himself, and the Ottoman Empire, as the protector of the Jews, acting solely out of nobility and compassion! Leaving aside the reaction of the world's Jews (many of whom were quite influential), he would earn quite the reputation in more liberal circles. How delicious it would be to see them citing the Ottomans as an example to be followed!

    And it would be an act of compassion, he reminded himself. Charity was one of the five pillars of Islam, and here he would give a part of his empire to one of the most oppressed peoples in history. He'd have to play up that part for domestic consumption. And it would remind the Jews that what he had done was to give them a gift... which he could take away at will. What greater sign of power was there?

    The Sultan grabbed a piece of paper and started writing the words that would change history [1].

    [1] This is the Point of Divergence (POD). IOTL, Abdul Hamid II consistently opposed large-scale Jewish immigration to Palestine. ITTL, he comes up with the idea that, properly done, such immigration might work to the benefit of the Empire, and decides to implement it.
     
    Chapter 2: A Gift From The Almighty
  • Chapter 2: A Gift From The Almighty

    (Taken From "A History of Zionism", Devon Harrington, Cambridge University Press, 1970)

    By 1896, Theodore Herzl was quite well known in the West, and he had imbued the Zionist movement with real energy. However, outside of the Jewish community, his ideas had gained little traction. Notables mouthed vague statements of support, and many supposed that a Jewish state was a good idea, but it seemed as if none of the Great Powers were willing to get behind it.

    So it was a great surprise when, in September of 1896, Sultan Abdul Hamid II made his historic offer. Not only would he allow Jewish settlement in the Holy Land in return for 150 million pounds, he would grant Herzl the position of Governor of the Jerusalem Mutasifarrate [1], which would be endowed with special privileges. In particular, it would be the local government that would choose how to collect the jizya tax from the Jewish populace. That would allow Herzl to calibrate the impact on the Jewish community.

    Originally, the Sultan intended to simply give Herzl the existing territory, but Herzl was insistent that Haifa, the Galilee, and especially the Jewish religious center of Tzfat be included. Herzl pointed out that this was the most economically productive region of the Holy Land, and would be essential to strengthening the territory as a whole. The Sultan accepted his argument mostly because with the jizya, he would gain more tax from a Jewish Galilee than a Muslim one [2].

    There was, of course, a price to pay. In addition to the 150 million pounds, the Sultan wanted Herzl's allegiance. He had no interest in allowing an independent Jewish state. As much as Herzl dreamed of Jewish sovereignty, he understood that this was a once-in-a-lifetime offer. What he wanted was a place in the world where the Jews would have a home. He had even considered other possible homelands, with the likely result that the resulting Jewish homeland would be under the rule of a non-Jewish power. This arrangement, with what amounted to Jewish self-rule in the Holy Land, was a gift from the Almighty.

    He accepted the Sultan's offer, and on November 3, 1896, Theodore Herzl was formally named Governor of the Jerusalem Mutasifarrate. Herzl immediately departed Istanbul for Jerusalem, arriving on November 8. The former Austrian journalist was now a provincial governor of the Ottoman Empire.

    The first months of Herzl's administration were chaotic. He had no direct experience with political administration, although he was likely better educated about the current state of affairs in Jerusalem than his predecessor. So he turned to his fellow Zionists for help. Herzl had already been planning a World Zionist Congress for sometime in 1897. He had envisioned that it would be held somewhere in Europe, perhaps Basel or Vienna, or maybe New York. Now, it would be held in Jerusalem [3].

    Holding the conference in Jerusalem proved quite the challenge. The city lacked great hotels, casinos, theaters, or opera houses, the sort of buildings normally used to host a conference. A location outside the Ottoman Empire was out for political reasons. Herzl did consider changing the location to Istanbul, but decided against it. Instead, he chose an open air venue: the Mount of Olives. The local climate would be quite suitable, and it offered a wonderful view of the city [4]. he anticipated only a few sessions that would require such a large space. The numerous yeshivot (Jewish religious academies) in the Old City would work fine for the smaller "working groups" that would handle most of the Congress' actual business.

    The agenda, of course, was quite different. Instead of trying to win support for the idea of a Jewish state, Herzl needed to assemble both the personnel and the resources to organize his new administration and the settler project. A key objective was recruiting talented individuals to fill government posts, none more important than the Baron Rothschild...




    [1] The Jerusalem Mutasifarrate already had a unique structure, established by Abdul Hamid in the 1870s.

    [2] For the most part, this corresponds with the borders of the OTL modern State of Israel minus the Golan Heights while including the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. There are a few minor differences in the north, along with one major one: Aqaba is included. The historical Jerusalem Mutasifarrate did not include the Galilee or Haifa.

    [3] IOTL, the First World Zionist Congress was held in Basel, Switzerland.

    [4] IOTL, the spot Herzl adopted is today a gorgeous lookout point, favored by Jewish tour groups. The famous cemetery lies below the lookout.
     
    Chapter 3: Ted, Ed, and Eddie
  • Chapter 3: Ted, Ed, and Eddie

    (Taken from "House of the Red Shield" by Israel Rubin [1], Tel Yafa University Press, 1989)

    As much as the Ben-Gurionists might have wished it, it would have been nearly inconceivable for the Rothschilds not to become involved in the Zionist project. Already they had sponsored a number of settlements. The question was not whether any Rothschilds would be involved, but which ones.

    The Rothschild family had numerous branches across Western Europe. While it would have seemed natural for the Austrian-born Herzl to seek out the Viennese branch, he actually never did. Herzl had never liked Albert von Rothschild, and the feeling was mutual. For that matter, the Viennese Rothschilds had never been strong supporters of Zionism. The British Rothschilds had the largest fortune in the world, but Baron Nathan Rothschild sat in the British Parliament, and Herzl was a little wary of bringing a Briton in, considering the strong likelihood that Jerusalem would be at war with Britain in the not too distant future.

    Instead, it was the French Rothschilds he approached. Both Edouard and Edmond de Rothschild were attendees at the First World Zionist Congress. Edmond in particular was a passionate supporter of the Zionist cause. So when he and his cousin were summoned to meet with Herzl privately, they assumed Herzl was after their money, which they were happy to give. Herzl was after their money, but he was also after something more. He didn't just want Rothschild money. He wanted a Rothschild.

    "The situation has changed," he told them. "It is not a matter of planting a settlement here and a settlement there. For the first time since the fall of the Second Temple, a Jew rules the Land of Israel, albeit as a governor of the Ottoman Empire. I need capable advisors. And, I will admit, having a Rothschild in command of the mutasifarrate's finances will provide me with a measure of prestige. I have no doubt that the Sultan will not object. As long as I remain loyal and keep paying the jizya tax we agreed on, he will be quite satisfied."

    At this point, Edmond admitted that he had little to do with the banking side of things. Herzl turned to Edouard, who was a Regent of the Banque of France. While Edouard was not as passionate about Zionism as Edmond, he was sufficiently interested to accept Herzl's offer. If nothing else, this could prove to be one heck of a long-term investment.

    A few days later, both Rothschilds chose to join Herzl's administration. Edouard de Rothschild was named Director of the Treasury, while Edmond de Rothschild was named Director of Settlement. Herzl had chosen to merely call them "directors" in order to assure the Sultan he was not planning on seceding.

    Using the Rothschild personal funds, Edmond began to purchase large tracts of land from absentee Arab landlords for Jewish settlement. The welcome mat was out, and Jews began to flood into the Holy Land...

    (Taken from "A History of Zionism", Devon Harrington, Cambridge University Press, 1970)


    In the spring of 1899, Sultan Abdul Hamid II made his first state visit to Jerusalem since appointing Herzl as governor. He toured the new settlements, taking in the dramatic changes already wrought. He worshipped at the Dome of the Rock. On May 18, He spoke at the Third World Zionist Congress (now held in the brand-new Sultan Abdul Hamid II Hotel), assuring the delegates of his support for the Zionist project:

    "The exile of the Jewish people from their homeland must surely rank among the great crimes of history. I myself have tried to imagine what it would be like to be separated from my homeland for centuries, but I cannot conceive it. Inshallah, G-d willing, we will correct this injustice!"

    The Sultan then declared "Am Yisrael Chai!" (the People of Israel Live!). In a pre-arranged response, Herzl led a chant of "Yechi Ha-Sultan!" (Long Live the Sultan!).

    Later that day (as planned), the Sultan met with the Mufti of Jerusalem. He inquired as to the state of the province's Muslim population and assured the Mufti that he had not forgotten his duties as Caliph. This had been timed to occur on a Thursday, so that on Friday, the Mufti reassured his followers...


    (Taken from "DK Eyewitness Guides: Jerusalem", 2011)

    Sultan Abdul Hamid II Hotel & Conference Center ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ [2]

    The grandest hotel in Jerusalem. Constructed in 1898 for the express purpose of hosting the annual meetings of the World Zionist Congress, the Sultan (as it is commonly known) was, for many years, a de facto government building, even temporarily housing the offices of the High Commissioner, and its bar remains a favored meeting place for politicians, diplomats, and reporters. In 1937, the Sultan was sold off to its own employees, becoming a worker-run collective, as it still is today.

    Facilities include an Olympic-sized pool, a full gym, free high-speed Internet. It is highly recommended to book well in advance...

    Price: $$$$$


    (Taken from "A History of Zionism", Devon Harrington, Cambridge University Press, 1970)

    In addition to all the pomp and splendor of a visit by the Sublime Porte, Abdul Hamid had come for the very practical matter of meeting with Governor Herzl and his administration. It was the first time the Sultan had met either of the de Rothschilds. Abdul Hamid wanted to discuss two key proposals with Herzl.

    The first was a notion of population swaps. The Sultan had already approved of the land purchases Edmond's office was making, but was concerned about the impact on the tenents, most of whom were Muslim Arabs, and many of whom were being pushed out by Jewish immigrants. He proposed that a formal program be set up to invite Jews from elsewhere in the Empire to move to Jerusalem Province and essentially swap their property with Palestinian Arabs. Thus, the Arabs who feared being pushed out would be assured of opportunities elsewhere. Edmond assured the Sultan that his office could cover the travel expenses, and even offer a cash bonus to the individuals in question.

    The second was the creation of a local Jewish armed force. Herzl had discussed this in his first meeting with the Sultan in 1896, but no steps had been taken to implement this - Herzl had been too busy putting his administration in place. The Sultan had occasionally had second thoughts about arming the Jews, but he was also becoming concerned that the rapid development of Jerusalem Province might actually make it more likely that the British would want to move in. Already he was planning to reinforce the province with Ottoman troops, but he had concluded that the Jews should play a role.

    Abdul Hamid and Herzl worked out an outline for the role of the planned Jerusalem Guard. It would be a brigade-sized force within the command structure of the regular Ottoman army, and its oaths would be sworn to the Sultan, not the Governor. However, it would be permanently stationed in Jerusalem, and it would have the special right to maintain its own recruitment and training facilities. The Sultan likened it to the Roman Auxiliaries (the Ottomans were fond of comparing themselves to the Romans).

    As for who would command it, both the Governor and the Sultan had one man in mind. The man who, in a way, had started this whole mess.

    That October, Herzl and Edouard set off for France. Edouard was going to consult with his cousins and generally check on the Rothschild properties in France. Herzl, meanwhile was going to pay a visit to one Captain Alfred Dreyfus...


    [1]
    Israel Rubin is a real person IOTL. Aside from having written a few books, including a history of the Krymchaks (Crimean Jews), he's also a distant relative of mine.

    [2] While not located in quite the same place, the Sultan is the allohistorical equivalent of the renowned King David Hotel.
     
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    Chapter 4: Dreyfus' Choice
  • From "My Redemption" by General Alfred Dreyfus (ret.), Judean Military Academy Press, 1928 (translated from the Hebrew)

    "The morning of November 10, I received a most unexpected visitor. I heard a knock at the door, and when I glanced outside, I saw a carriage drawn up bearing a Turkish flag, complete with two soldiers in Turkish uniform. I opened the door and beheld a slim, well-dressed man standing at the door, holding a briefcase. He looked European, but with the tan of a man who had spent time in a sunny climate. I did not think I had met the man before, but his face looked familiar.

    "Shalom, Captain Dreyfus," the man greeted me in an Austrian accent. "A pleasure to meet you at last."

    I was about to ask the man's name, when the pieces fell into place. The face. The tan. The Austrian accent. The Ottoman guards. The Hebrew greeting. "Governor Herzl, I presume," I replied, pleased to note the man's surprise at being recognized so quickly, and invited the Governor in.

    For a few minutes, we exchanged pleasantries. I asked him how the voyage from Jerusalem had been, and he inquired after my wife and son. My sister brought us refreshments. I then asked him how his own work was proceeding. I had, in fact, been following the Zionist project through the newspapers. I had been originally informed of it by my brother shortly after returning to France, and after being pardoned, I had found it a most unexpected development. That the injustice inflicted upon me had provoked outrage and sympathy across the world had not come as a great surprise. In my brighter moments on Devil's Island, I had allowed myself to hope that I was not suffering in obscurity. But I had been surprised to see a Jewish political movement emerge in response to my misfortunes, and to learn that the Sultan had lent his support.

    Herzl began with generalities. He spoke of the difficulties in establishing a new administration, especially when he had no political experience himself. He spoke of the waves of Jewish immigrants, many poor Russian peasants, arriving daily in Yaffa and Haifa. He spoke of the generosity of the Sultan and the Rothschilds. He then informed me that it was his work that brought him here. Curious, I asked him what role I might play. He then described his meeting with the Sultan earlier this year, including their plans for the creation of the Jerusalem Guard. I had not read any of this, and he provided some details as to the nature of this force. With the skill of a reporter, he led me to inquire as to who might command the first Jewish army in centuries.

    He grinned. "Well, as it happens, I thought you would make the ideal candidate."



    And so the choice was laid out before me. If I accepted, it would mean abandoning any thought of returning to French service. I would have to leave this country, where I had lived almost my entire life, and travel to a distant land. Quite possibly, I would never see France again. My son would grow up in exile - or, rather, would grow up as something other than French. My enemies would see my actions as an admission of guilt. Most likely, my name would never be cleared.

    But at that point, my hopes for a revision had grown dim. The President might have pardoned me, but he had chosen to resolve the affair based on the interests of the state, not the path of justice. I might have loved France, as I do to this day, but it was increasingly clear that France did not love me, that she no longer desired my services, that I could not be both Frenchman and Jew. But if I could not be a Frenchman, I could still be a Jew.[1]

    Besides, there were other reasons. Accepting the offer would mean a return to work, enabling me to support my family as a man should, rather than being dependent on the charity of family and strangers. And it would not be a simple return to my previous duties, but an advancement to the rank of general - surely the dream of every officer! More than that, I would be creating a new force. Every officer has his own ideas of how an army should be run, but precious few can make those ideas a reality, even those who advance to high command. I would not merely command the Jerusalem Guard. I would be its creator.

    I was also motivated by a feeling of helplessness. For years, I had languished in prison, barely aware of my own case. Others had fought for me, while others used my supposed crimes to attack others. Only at the very end had I been able to affect my fate in any way, and even now I was still a victim. This was an opportunity to take back control of my life, to once again command my own destiny. If I declined, history would remember me only as Captain Dreyfus, who was falsely accused of treason. But if I accepted, perhaps General Dreyfus would be known not only for what was done to him, but what he did...


    From "Rise of the Scorpion: The Epic Founding of the Judean Legion" by David Scott, Thomas Dunne Books, 2002

    ...Dreyfus' health had been badly affected by his imprisonment on Devil's Island, so he elected to delay his departure for the Holy Land by a year. But he was not idle during that time.

    In January, he returned to Paris, and threw himself into preparations. He studied military history and the geography of the Holy Land. He learned Turkish enough that he could read the regulations of the Ottoman military in the original. He also met with other Jewish officers, seeking to recruit additional personnel. His former classmate, Captain Picard [2], volunteered to serve as his chief of staff...

    ...On September 22, 1900, Dreyfus and his family set out for Jerusalem. They sailed from Marseilles, arriving in Constantinople on October 2. On October 5, Dreyfus was summoned to the Sultan's Palace, where he would be formally sworn into the Sultan's service.

    The ceremony was deliberately orchestrated as a reversal of Dreyfus' own degradation. To the sound of bugles, he was first presented with his uniform jacket. The newly-designed insignia of the Jerusalem Guard was sewn on. The Sultan himself pinned the stars on Dreyfus' shoulder. Finally, he was given his dress sword, which had been heated to a glow as if it had only just been forged. Dreyfus plunged it into a barrel filled with water, and was briefly engulfed in steam. When the steam cleared, standing at attention before the Sultan was General Alfred Dreyfus...

    [1] IOTL, Dreyfus seems to have thought of himself exclusively as a Frenchman. His own memoirs contain no mention of his faith. ITTL, he did come to identify as a Jew, and he is writing this account with an eye towards its reception.

    [2]
    Captain Picard (whose first name I have been unable to find), was a classmate of Dreyfus. He had sought to serve on the General Staff, but was denied due to poor grades from an anti-Semitic instructor. Obviously, I could hardly not make use of someone by his name...
     
    Chapter 5: The Jerusalem Guard
  • From "Rise of the Scorpion: The Epic Founding of the Judean Legion" by David Scott, Thomas Dunne Books, 2002

    ...After a week spent consulting with Ottoman officers in Constantinople, Dreyfus departed for Jerusalem on October 11. He and his family disembarked at Jaffa on October 18 and made the journey to Jerusalem on October 19. That evening, Dreyfus attended Shabbat services at the Western Wall in full dress uniform...

    ...General Dreyfus' first order of business upon arrival was to establish a headquarters. Herzl had provided him and Captain Picard with temporary quarters and office space at the Sultan, but Dreyfus insisted on a permanent site. He identified the small Arab village of Al-Qastal [1] as ideal, located atop the ruins of an ancient Roman fort overlooking the main road to Jerusalem. A grant from the Rothschilds was sufficient to induce the handful of residents to relocate, and on November 3, the Jewish flag was raised over Hakastel, the first military base of the Jerusalem Guard...

    ...Dreyfus had little trouble finding recruits. A significant number of Russian Jews had been conscripted into the Russian military, and Dreyfus was eager to make use of them as NCOs (although, he would note, many of those Russian veterans were vague on how they had come to leave Russian service, and quite a few openly admitted to having deserted). His officers were mostly from Western nations, Jews who believed (correctly or not) that they had been denied advancement due to their faith, or simply believed that promotion would be more forthcoming in a brand-new military force.

    Most of his recruits were the usual sort - young men with few opportunities, attracted by the prospect of steady pay, rations, and housing. The requirements of the latter factor resulted in the first duties of most recruits being the construction of their own barracks, often under the direction of Russian-born NCOs (creating the enduring stereotype of the angry Russian drill sergeant). By January 1, 1901, no trace remained of the village of Al-Qastal...

    ...part of the reason for the intensity of military construction in the first years of the Jerusalem Guard was a lack of arms with which to train. The Sultan might have authorized the Guard's creation, but he was also wary of creating a force that might rebel under the wrong circumstances. Arms were largely provided from Ottoman surpluses, and Dreyfus found the rate of delivery maddeniningly slow. Furthermore, the arms themselves were often poorly maintained. To solve the problem, Dreyfus established an arms depot north of Yaffa to repair damaged guns. His reasoning for placing it away from Jerusalem was to give it room to grow, although it is doubtful even he realized that the "gun shop" at Tel Barzel [2] would one day become a world-renowned arms industry...

    From "Old-New Tongue: The Revival of the Hebrew Language" by Dr. Avraham Cohen, Hebrew University Press, 1990 (translated from Hebrew)

    ...The establishment of the Jerusalem Guard brought to the fore one of the most divisive issues in early Zionism: what should the language of the Jewish nation be?

    There were essentially four schools of thought on the issue. The first school favored Yiddish. Yiddish had the simple advantage of being widely spoken, particularly by the Ashkenazic Jews who dominated the Zionist movement and made up a majority of Jews worldwide. It was also a recognizably Jewish language. However, Yiddish was also derided by most leading Zionists as the language of the ghetto, a part of the past which they hoped to leave behind.

    The second school, which initially included Theodore Herzl and Edmond Rotshayil [3], favored adopting a European language. For obvious reasons, Herzl preferred German, while Rotshayil advocated for French. Initially, both languages were used by Herzl's administration, making multilingualism a virtual necessity. The advocates of the European school believed that if the Jews wanted to build a modern state, they needed a modern (ie, European) language. However, relatively few Jews actually spoke French or German, although Yiddish-speakers could generally make themselves understood by German-speakers if they made an effort to do so.

    The third school favored Arabic. This school was dominated by Mizrahi Jews, including both those native to the Holy Land and immigrants from elsewhere in the Empire, many arriving as part of the population exchanges. The Arabic school argued that it was only natural for a nation in the Middle East to speak a Middle Eastern language, and they had the advantage that not only did the Mizrahi Jews speak Arabic, but so did the Arabs who were still a majority in the province.

    The fourth school, led by Eliezer Ben-Yehuda and a number of leading Zionists, favored resurrecting Hebrew. The obstacles were clear - Hebrew had not been a first language in millenia, and few spoke it fluently. However, Hebrew had two great advantages. First, it was a distinctly Jewish language. Second, it was the only language common to all Jews, and if few Jews spoke it fluently, far more spoke at least a little of it.

    The Zionist Congress had debated the issue at length for years, with no clear resolution. It had become something of a hot-button topic, occasionally leading to outright violence (particularly directed at Yiddish-speakers). Into this debate entered General Dreyfus...

    From "My Redemption" by General Alfred Dreyfus (ret.), Judean Military Academy Press, 1928 (translated from the Hebrew)

    Even more maddening than the lack of quality arms was the lack of a common language. I had some experience with troops who spoke other tongues, having met the occasional Breton, Basque, or Catalan in French service. But my new army at Hakastel was a veritable Tower of Babel. Most of my sergeants were Russian, but my officers included Frenchmen, Germans, Austrians, Italians, Britons, and one very loud American. My recruits seemed about equally divided between Ashkenazim and Mizrahim. To top it all off, Herzl seemed determined to stamp out the use of Yiddish, a language I personally did not speak, but seemed to be the most common among my troops.

    The solution soon presented itself, although I must admit it took me some time to realize it. I recall multiple incidents where I found two soldiers, obviously from different backgrounds, conversing in broken Hebrew. Giving complex orders was difficult, but simple commands were well-understood, particularly a bellowed "SHEKET!" [4]. Finally, I made my decision, and I immediately sent for Monsieur Ben-Yehuda. Together, we devised a plan to make Hebrew the official language of the Guard, and I helped expand the military terminology of his Hebrew dictionary [5]. By April, daily orders were being posted in Hebrew. In August, I took great pleasure in reading a report on expanding production at Tel Barzel written in the language of King David. After briefly imagining King David reading a report on the production of weapons for his own armies, I forwarded it to Governor Herzl, along with a proposal to support his Hebrew Language Committee, which I envisioned as becoming our own Academie Française [6] [7]...

    [1] Historically, Al-Qastal remained an Arab village until 1948, when the site became a key battleground during the Israeli War of Independence. Today it is the suburb of Mevaseret Zion.
    [2] "Iron Hill", located more or less on the original site of OTL's Tel Aviv.
    [3] "Rotshayil" (רוטשייל) is an ITTL Hebraization of "Rothschild", which was favored by the Rothschilds who settled in Palestine. Its use here is a deliberate anachronism.
    [4] "Sheket" is Hebrew for "silence" or "quiet", but can also be used as "shut up". Modern Jews may recall the more polite variant "sheket b'vakashah" ("please be quiet") from Hebrew school or Jewish summer camps.
    [5] One result of this is that ITTL, much of Modern Hebrew's military terminology is borrowed from French.
    [6] IOTL, Eliezer Ben-Yehuda was a prominent figure in the resurrection of the Hebrew language, but his importance has been exaggerated. The Hebrew Language Committee became the Academy of the Hebrew Language in 1953. ITTL, Ben-Yehuda gets formal endorsement from Herzl and Dreyfus, the Academy is created in 1901, and his actual influence mostly matches his renown in popular history.
    [7] The same forces - disdain for Yiddish, the need for a language shared by all Jews - resulted in Hebrew being enshrined as the primary language of Israel IOTL, although the process took a bit longer.
     
    Chapter 6: The Deluge of Palestine
  • From “The Deluge of Palestine” by Edward Said, Columbia University Press, 1991

    …Initially, the establishment of a Jewish authority in Palestine was viewed with surprise by the Arabs, but not widespread alarm. Palestine had been under Turkish rule for centuries, and it had been ruled by Turkish mutasarrifs, few of whom even spoke Arabic. Some of the more liberal Arabs welcomed a greater Jewish presence, believing that the Jews would bring prosperity and modernization…

    …By 1900, attitudes had changed. The Jews were coming in vast numbers, reshaping the country as they went. The Rothschilds bought land from Arab landlords (usually absentee landlords living in Beirut or Damascus) and proceeded to evict the Arab residents. Jewish firms maintained discriminatory policies, preferring to hire Jews rather than Arabs [1]. Families who had lived in the same land for centuries found themselves homeless…

    …Many Arabs chose to leave Palestine entirely during this period. Most relied on tribal connections elsewhere, settling where they could (theoretically) rely upon their relatives for aid. Some participated in the population exchange program, but those Arabs who did so rarely prospered, finding themselves in unfamiliar lands without the benefit of local connections. Often their dialect of Arabic would mark them out as outsiders, assuming they even settled in an Arab region at all. It is hardly surprising that many who chose to participate in the exchanges were radicals for whom the exchanges were a welcome escape from the society they detested. In a particularly famous example, a group of Arabs who settled in a former Jewish neighborhood in Smyrna formed the Symrna Commune. Initially an attempt to implement Communism at a local level, the Smyrna Commune would form one of the key institutions of Greek Communism…

    …Given Jewish deafness to Arab concerns, it was inevitable that some Arabs would choose resistance. Unfortunately, the first organized resistance to Jewish settlement came in the form of setting ambushes for Jewish travelers along the roads of Palestine. Some Arabist historians have painted this as a primarily political maneuver, but the truth is that most of the raiders were initially motivated simply by the prospect of looting carts. The large number of unemployed Arab men provided a substantial supply of manpower for these raids …


    From “My Redemption” by General Alfred Dreyfus (ret.), Judean Military Academy Press, 1928 (translated from the Hebrew)

    …While I was quite troubled by reports of Arab banditry I received almost immediately upon my arrival in Jerusalem, Governor Herzl had assured me that such incidents were scattered and unfocused. I was initially inclined to accept his assurances, but an attack on a convoy out of Tel Barzel in June of 1901 forced me to reconsider. I began collecting all records of bandit attacks, marking them on a map in my office. By September, it became clear that the number of attacks was increasing, and that they were becoming more organized. I ordered Major Giuseppi Arbib [2], a former captain in the Italian army, to oversee a system of cavalry patrols along our roads. I also directed Colonel John Monash [3], an Australian engineer, to come up with a plan for a Judean railway network, on the basis that trains would be easier to protect from raiders than carts…


    From “The Affair: The Case of Alfred Dreyfus” by Jean-Denis Bredin, Plunket Lake Press, 2014 [4]

    The departure of Alfred Dreyfus from France was a major blow to the Dreyfusard movement. Many anti-Dreyfusards saw it as a tacit admission of guilt – surely no loyal Frenchman would choose to serve in a foreign army! An editorial in La Libre Parole argued that all Jewish officers in the French military should be dismissed immediately, lest they pass on secrets to Dreyfus. Even those who believed in Dreyfus’ innocence were now certain that there would never be a revision. Technically, they were wrong, although it would take half a century for Dreyfus to be officially found innocent… [5]

    …Some elements of the Dreyfusard press chose to follow his exploits in Palestine with great interest. Dreyfus’ induction into the Ottoman military received lavish coverage in the French press, and the People’s Daily reported regularly on the emerging Jerusalem Guard. The implication was that France had deprived itself of “one of the most capable and brilliant officers of our generation” in the words of Émile Zola. Years later, the British press would echo Zola’s sentiments, blaming the anti-Dreyfusards for British military failures in Palestine…


    [1] Similar policies existed IOTL in the 1920s, although there it was a deliberate program of the Histadrut.

    [2] A character invented for the narrative, as are most of Dreyfus’ officers.

    [3] IOTL, John Monash remained in service with the Australian military (albeit as a reservist), served with distinction in World War I, and was eventually knighted. ITTL, he was inspired to join the Jerusalem Guard, and is Dreyfus’ top military engineer.

    [4] This is a real book IOTL (although obviously with somewhat differing content) and has been my primary source for information about the OTL Affair.

    [5] IOTL, France would conduct a revision of the Dreyfus Affair in 1906, finally exonerating Dreyfus and Georges Picquart and restoring them both to the French military. This is averted ITTL due to Dreyfus leaving France.
     
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