Jiyu Banzai! A Japanese Timeline

The Road to War IV: France

The Road to War IV: France​


By 1915, the 20-year plan to maximize French self-sufficiency was coming to an end. While France was working to keep the true extent of its efforts a secret from the outside world, leaks, emigrants, and trade ensured that word of the advances made would slip outside and shape the plans of the nations that expected to be in its path.
The most important part of this buildup in the eyes of the world was the French military. After the stellar performance of the French Army in the invasion of Spain, the German General Staff began an exhaustive investigation into its capabilities, a task that would take several years to complete. Studying the Spanish campaign, the battles in which French advisors and weaponry had been deployed in the Balkan War, public reports from the Franco-Italian wargames, and conducting secret interviews with French officers from French West Africa, the General Staff came to the conclusion that French doctrine emphasized lighting swift strikes initiated by fierce, but short, artillery bombardments followed by assaults by infantry. After the infantry had broken through, mobile elements, ideally armored vehicles, would exploit the breakthrough and secure the encirclement of forward operating forces. If all things went according to plan, the result would be an enemy pinned down and systematically eradicated by artillery.
But doctrine alone would not win wars, it required the men behind it to be effected. German estimates put the population of Metropolitan France at around 42 million, of which 6 million were suitable for service and 550,000 were currently under arms. Should France decide to fully mobilize, Germany expected that they would be able to raise an army of 1.3 million in a week and 5 million in six months. While a significant portion of that would likely be tied down for coastal defense, watching carefully for a British invasion, or garrison duty over two thirds of the initial mobilization and over 85% after a total mobilization would be available for frontline deployment. While hundreds of thousands of men would be tied down in logistical roles, the potential strength of the French army left the General Staff extremely nervous.
Fortunately for Germany, their investigation into French naval strength showed it to be practically non-existent. In order to fund the massive growth of the army and immense sums invested into R&D and the economy, naval spending had been stripped to the bone. By all reports even as far back as 1904 the French navy had been left adrift, with the landings on the Balearics only achieved by total surprise on the part of the French. Had the Spanish military not collapsed so rapidly, it was almost a certainty that the French forces on the islands would have been isolated by the Spanish Navy and slowly starved into submission.
Due to the practically non-existent French navy, Germany and its allies would be able to enjoy total naval supremacy. Although no naval invasions were planned, raids of the French coastline were expected to be numerous and a way to whittle down French morale.

While Germany was confident in its estimations of French military strength, they lacked a solid picture of its economic state. Exports from France had experienced a precipitous dropoff since the British blockade of the French Atlantic coast, something that would be a recipe for economic recession for most nations. But France had seemingly weathered the past decade with little damage. Indeed, their economy appeared to be thriving as more efficient modes of production were introduced and employment expanded.
The secret to this resilience lay in their neighbors. As Garibaldi’s Italy was well aware, the majority of French exports passed through Italian auxiliaries to avoid the blockade. Taking advantage of legal loopholes, French goods would either arrive by train or sail into Italian ports before swapping hands. French ships would suddenly begin sporting the Italian tricolor and its crew staffed with men whose Italian had suspiciously French accent as Italian dock authorities, perhaps distracted by the money mysteriously appearing in their possession, seemed to be eternally absent when said ships appeared.
With the establishment of the FRE-AIT government in Spain, France received a new outlet to the world. While Italian ports would remain the main destination for French exports, the ability to enter the Atlantic directly and bypass any potential British security checks in Gibraltar meant that La Coruna would become the main port of call for French exports from Spain.
What the Italians were most concerned about in the case of was wasn’t the pace of whether French goods could leave the country, but if the rate of French exports would remain the same. Based on joint economic discussions and planning, the Italians did not expect the French economy to collapse as it would still have numerous nations around the globe who viewed it as a safer source of industrial goods than other European powers and the now-thriving arms industry. Civilian goods would also make up a significant portion of French exports, with French wines and glassware continuing to be popular with upper classes in nations that viewed it as a bastion of anti-imperialism.
Even if France was cut off in the event of war, the Italians viewed the French domestic economy as strong enough to support the war effort. While the northeast of the country was the center of industrial output, efforts under Beaumont to build up French industry meant that the once rural nation was home to numerous booming cities across the nation that housed their own factory complexes. Utilizing the iron-ore and coal of the northeast, France boasted a production rate rivaling that of its German and Russian rivals and eclipsed only by the economic powerhouses of Great Britain and the United States. Domestic agriculture production meant that it could feed itself while retaining a surplus even during wartime if total mobilization was avoided. It was clear to Rome that in any war, it would not be France to buckle under economic pressure first.

Where Germany concentrated on French military strength and Italy studied its ally’s economic health, the United Kingdom was most concerned with France’s diplomatic situation. While initially isolated, the forty four years since the Revolution had seen French influence and international ties grow. Franco-Korean ties were restored in the 1880s under the Seo-Martel Commercial Treaty, allowing the restart of trade between the two nations, while under Beaumont French efforts to expand its influence saw it gain friends from Tehran to Santiago. Her southern and southeastern borders were secured by friendly regimes, giving France the room to concentrate its strength along the German border. While her naval capacity was pathetic, French West Africa scraped together a fleet strong enough to show the flag when needed.
Although not even half a decade previously Britain was fiercely opposed to French expansion, the Indian Revolt, expansion of Russian influence in China and the Balkans, and a renewed war with the Mahdists in West Africa meant that a realignment in policy toward France was acceptable. Soon after the beginning of the Chinese Civil War, Prime Minister David Lloyd George sent diplomats to Paris to discuss a possible detente and French aims on the Continent.
The British outreach was met with warm arms by Paris, who stated that they were willing to come to an understanding with Britain in exchange for a free hand against Germany. The British were wary about granting this level of freedom to France, but had to start somewhere. Negotiations were able to get the French to agree to a “reasonable” peace with Germany in the event of victory in exchange for Britain loosening its embargo. Further talks would see France agree to halt the sale of arms to Indian rebels while Britain agreed to enforce the demilitarization of the Channel, a move both sides knew meant that Britain would be taking a de-facto anti-German stance in the event of war. It was a high price that Britain felt was necessary to cut off the flow of arms to the Indians, especially as France had threatened to sell heavy weaponry at massive discounts if the deal was not accepted.
The subject of Africa was broached toward the end of conference as Mahdist armies laid siege to the South Nigeria Protectorate and threatened to destroy Britain’s presence in West Africa. Britain’s request was for French West Africa to dispatch an expeditionary force to reinforce the Nigerian Army as Britain would not have reinforcements available in the near future. The Toucouleur Empire had already been beseeched for aid, but their rejection of Britain’s request meant that unless Germany, unlikely due to France's clear desire for war, or Portugal dispatched significant forces, France was their last hope for relief.
The British request for a West African expeditionary force caused the peculiarities of France’s colonial empire to rear its head as French diplomats explained that West Africa’s regime could not simply be ordered around by Paris. Roland Beaumont himself would become embroiled in these discussions as he attempted to hammer out an agreement that Britain would be satisfied with. At the end of the day, the decision remained with Dakar to decide if they would dispatch a relief force. A telegram was sent on May 27, 1914, to see if Dakar was willing to accommodate Britain’s request.
Fortunately for the United Kingdom, Francois Valiere’s successor Paul Joalland was more than willing to help out. Joalland, the son of a naval artillery officer who had moved to Senegal in the years after the Revolution, had followed his father in serving the colonial military and had made his name in numerous campaigns against rebels and bandits in the interior. There, he had come to despise the Islamic fundamentalists who all too often inspired anti-French actions and viewed the Mahdists as the ultimate source of these evils rather than recognizing them as a reaction to French colonialism. In his eyes, if the Mahdists could be destroyed, then European civilization could spread into the West African interior and finally replace the barbarous cultures that called it their home.
Joalland’s affirmation to the dispatch of an army to Nigeria was the final piece needed to conclude Anglo-French talks. A secret treaty was signed between French and British diplomats on the 30th affirming the agreements between the two nations and giving Britain’s assent to the invasion of Germany.

The Brooke-Feraud Pact would be the final major incident before the French initiated Operation Lothar, the French plan for an offensive war with Germany. Lothar relied on the element of surprise, assuming that Germany would be caught in the middle of a hasty mobilization rather than fully prepared, and the support of French paramilitaries covertly organized behind enemy lines, a fact that was by no means certain. The politics in Alsace-Lorraine had been split between the Protesters, who wished for reunification with France, and the Autonomists, who were content with maintaining their position in Germany, and was reminiscent of the old pre-Revolution politics in France itself. The Protesters were a reflection of the old liberal side of French politics, in favor of republicanism and opposed to monarchy, while the Autonomists were filled with those who had supported Napoleon III in his reign.
For the majority of the late 1800s, the Autonomists had been dominant in Alsatian politics as the Protesters were left without a proof of concept due to their rejection of Socialist thought. Allying themselves with the more conservative side of German politics, the Autonomists had tied the Reichsland closer to the Empire, their efforts being rewarded by Alsace-Lorraine being elevated to an autonomous state in 1895. The Autonomists could boast the preservation of French language in the Reichsland and the protection of Alsatian culture from German overreach and socialist degradation, but would slowly lose ground to Zentrum and the Sozialdemokratische Partei.
The election of Beaumont would serve as an earthquake in Alsatian politics as the Protesters were no longer tarred by reunification with France being tantamount to orthodox socialism. Beaumontism’s emphasis on Catholicism and traditional French culture meant that it was far more palatable to the French Alsatians while its diehard republicanism meant that it provided an alternative to the monarchist Autonomists. Although the more liberal Protesters opposed Beaumont’s authoritarian rule, they were gradually pushed out of power as the Protesters converted to Beaumontism. Following an alliance between the new regional branch of l’Esprit du Nation and Catholic politicians, Beaumontism would become the dominant force in both the anti-German and anti-monarchist parts of Alsatian politics.
Reeling from the loss of power to the Beaumontists, the liberal elements of the Protesters fell back and regrouped, taking with them the socialists who were unwilling to support Beaumont’s authoritarian ideology. While still supportive of reunification with France, such a matter was now viewed as an ideal until France was returned to a true democratic regime. Unwilling to see themselves fade into complete irrelevancy, the liberals approached the SDP and asked to join the party in 1900.
At this point, the old division of Autonomist and Protester became more and more irrelevant as the original lines between the two sides became more blurred. Beaumont’s authoritarianism and appeals to tradition swayed many former Autonomists, resulting in an influx of members during the elections of 1903, while the merger of the liberals with the SDP meant that those in favor of cooperation with Germany no longer had to ally themselves with monarchism. The collapse of the old dynamic would see the rapid growth of l’Esprit du Nation in Alsace as it propelled itself forward as the defender of French culture and in opposition to the German Empire. Taking the Reichsland by storm, l'Esprit became the largest party in the Alsatian Reichstag in the 1903 elections.
This ascendancy would prove short-lived as Berlin came crashing down on the province after the French invasion of Spain. In early 1905 the Reichstag banned l’Esprit du Nation as a dangerous threat to national stability and demanded that all members, including those in the Reichstag, renounce their position or be arrested. The party was deserted in droves as people sought to avoid the crackdown, with a new pro-French party styling itself the Parti Radical Alsacien (Alsatian Radical Party) coming into existence and many others jumping ship to the SDP. A handful of diehards would refuse to renounce their membership, including two members of the Reichstag, but by and large the party was erased from existence almost overnight.
Despite the seeming destruction of l'Esprit du Nation in Alsace-Lorraine, Beaumont’s influence was not extirpated. Numerous members of the PRA and those who had defected to the SDP continued to be loyal or sympathetic to Paris, providing French agents a way to continue the infiltration of Alsace-Lorraine. Recognizing the need to step carefully, however, Beaumont ordered cooperation between the PRA and SDP in pursuit of a potential social democracy in Germany as a way to give the former a veneer of legitimacy. Believing that even the limited reform of social democracy to be far away in Germany, Beaumont calculated that this act would allow for increased political turmoil in Germany while building up a base of sympathetic supporters in the event of a French victory.
Where the paramilitary part of this equation came in was with the diehards who refused to abandon l’Esprit du Nation. Although contact with these diehards was extremely limited as they attempted to go underground or maintain their camouflage, the last major order sent out was to prepare “partisan battalions” who would take up arms when the time was right, paving the way for the French army by disrupting enemy logistics and occupying key positions during the initial stages of fighting. Due to the extremely secret nature of their existence, not even a confirmation of if they had been formed was allowed to leak out of Alsace-Lorraine, only that the French would know friendly partisans if they flew the Cross of Lorraine. Germany had searched quite vigorously for any proof of these cells, but if they had found any proof they had kept quiet on it.

But before France could launch its invasion of Germany, it had to get its own affairs in line. Domestically, the result was a rise in anti-German propaganda over the second half of 1914 as the French secretly stockpiled supplies near the border and began launching war games simulating a conflict with an unidentified hostile power invading from the east in which France halted their invasion and drove to a “defensible perimeter” across the border. The exercises with the Italians later in the year drew significantly more attention than normal as they concentrated on if France could rapidly mobilize its reserves and overwhelm the Italian border forces before Italian reserves halted them rather than the more traditional exercises involving just the professional armies.
The largest diversion of French preparations in Europe were French preparations in Africa. Britain had made its stance on the Brooke-Feraud Pact quite clear: it expected French West Africa to fulfill its end of the bargain before Britain would do the same. This was complicated by French West Africa’s small industrial base. Although developed somewhat under Francois Valiere, the colony’s industrial base was geared to low-intensity warfare and peacetime efforts, not equipping and supporting a foreign campaign. Stockpiles of weapons and ammunition were rather low as, outside of border skirmishes with nomads, West Africa’s military had little expectation of fighting and served mainly as an internal police force. France, with the help of British shipping, would send tens of thousands of rifles, hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition, and two dozen artillery pieces to West Africa to ensure the expedition force was properly equipped, an effort that made a fine smokescreen for the gradual increase of French arms production and the shift to a war economy.
After two months recruiting or conscripting new soldiers and giving them a crash training course, the Senegalese Expeditionary Force was finally ready in August 1914. Numbering 14,000 men armed with modern rifles and accompanied by 14 120mm artillery pieces, the force boarded ships belonging to the Senegalese Navy and the British West African Squadron and set sail on their three-day journey from Dakar to Lagos.
The arrival of Senegalese reinforcements was a godsend to the embattled Nigerian garrison. Utilizing naval gunfire to cover their disembarkment, the Senegalese rapidly deployed and set up their artillery on Lagos Island, with their first shell being lobbed into Mahdist positions two days after the initial landing. The Mahdists, who had expected the arrival of the Senegalese but not the presence of field artillery, withdrew from several parts of the city and consolidated their positions by constructing numerous bunkers to protect their soldiers. These bunkers were incredibly rudimentary, often being made of wood, but proved to be quite effective when either built into the ground or covered in copious amounts of mud and earth. Those bunkers without such protection soon made their status as deathtraps infamous as artillery, even if it didn’t destroy the emplacement, would shred everything inside by transforming the ceiling into wooden shrapnel.
Despite the presence of the bunkers, huge portions of the Mahdist army remained in the open and easy targets for artillery. Rather than seeing their forces slowly shelled into oblivion, the Mahdists withdrew all but 20,000 of their soldiers from artillery range until they could devise a way to silence the Senegalese batteries. This withdrawal offered a golden opportunity for the Senegalese-Nigerian forces, who used the first half of September to pry the Mahdists out of their positions in brutal trench warfare. By the 13th, Mahdist forces withdrew from Lagos entirely to avoid their complete destruction and retreated into the interior. France had fulfilled its promise.

With Britain satisfied, stockpiles filled, and mobilization taken as far as it could go without giving away the game, Beaumont decided in late December that the time had come for his move to be made. On January 3, 1915, mobilization orders were sent out as Paris declared a state of emergency and completely shut off travel and communication out of the country. Accusing Germany of oppressing French minorities in Alsace-Lorraine, with the suppression of l’Esprit du Nation’s regional branch, investigations into the successor PRA, and an incident involving a German lieutenant referring to the locals with the slur “wacke” used as proof, Paris sent an ultimatum late on the 4th demanding the withdrawal of the German military from Alsace-Lorraine, allowing French soldiers to occupy the region while French authorities investigated abuses against the locals, and allowing for a French-administered referendum to determine the future of the region. Berlin was given 18 hours to respond and begin negotiations.
The German government had already been in meetings for several hours discussing the blackout from France when the ultimatum came in and immediately scrambled to respond. It was already 19:00 when the telegram arrived, meaning that any potential mobilization would have to wait nearly half a day to even begin. Nevertheless, it took them less than half an hour to decide on mobilization and order the military to be placed on high alert before even considering negotiations. By the time Emperor Wilhelm II, Chancellor Hugo Haase, Chief of Staff Helmuth von Moltke the Younger, and the Cabinet had finished meeting at 23:17, they had already come to the conclusion that the French demands would be rejected but that Germany would drag the process out as long as possible to gain time for mobilization to proceed.
German plans would end up being for naught as French artillery opened up along the border at 10:00. Roland Beaumont, claiming that the German decision to mobilize before beginning negotiations was a sign of Germany’s hostility, had officially declared that a state of war existed between France and Germany not ten minutes prior to a crowd gathered in Paris. As German trains carrying reservists raced westward to their destination, French infantry slammed into German positions and began a race to see if the Germans could arrive before a French breakthrough occurred.

For time immemorial, it has been the way of man to oppress man. To crush them under heel, to exploit their labor, to siphon their wealth until naught but a husk remains. So it has been for thousands of years as the parasites known as landowners, nobility, and merchants have existed since the foundation of civilization itself. Yet like many things, these too shall be discarded in time as the workers of the world see their shackles, see their numbers, and see their power. In time, Frenchmen, the shackles of the world will be undone!
Here in la Belle France, we have already begun the work necessary for this. Since we overthrew the last vestiges of the monarchists in 1871, we have strode forward into a better future. Despite the misled fathers of the Social Republic who wrongly viewed the Church as their enemy, despite the fumbling incompetence of the Center that suceeded them, despite the well-intentioned half-measures of President Boulanger, we have stepped forward into the future stronger and more committed to the ideals of the Revolution than ever before! We will not only advance into the future, we shall do so at the head of a brotherhood of Socialism that stretches from the Andes to the Land of the Rising Sun!
This ideal is no mere dream! Our brave soldiers have already taken steps to affect this world, with our forces liberating our comrades in Spain and supporting the Italians against the diseased Austro-Hungarian Empire! In Africa, our Senegalese comrades fight alongside the people of South Nigeria to drive back the barbarous Muslims of the Mahdist caliphates and protect the Christians of Africa and the very concept of civilization itself! Far away in East Asia, the Viet Hoa of Viet Nam stand as a proud bastion of Socialism and modernity, fusing the benefits of European culture and the virtues of the Orient into a beautiful whole that will doubtlessly be a shining symbol of prosperity spoken about in the annals of history! In Paraguay, the Coalition of National Unity has set aside the factionalism that plagued that backward country for decades and have begun the long and hard journey to Socialist utopia, a project that we are proud to have contributed to! In China, the forces of the Nanjing Government fight for their own Socialist dream against the Russian puppets in Beijing and the Monarchists in Shanxi, a fight in which they are supported by our comrades in Japan and Korea! Truly, the forces of reaction are on the backfoot as the Red Tide advances and sweeps away all those that would oppose the people!
It is for this future that nearly twenty years ago that you elected me to this office! It is for this future that you have continued to support me! It is for this future that I have worked tirelessly to bring about! But this effort is not one that can be done alone, as none of this progress could have been completed without the people of France and their own tireless efforts! Through your hard work, we have created wonders of science, unearthed secrets long abandoned by the world, and created a nation based on relentlessly pushing the boundaries! We have revolutionized agriculture, we have taken immense steps in freeing ourselves of the constraints of natural resources, and we have begun to utilize machines to free the hands of men for tasks more befitting them than mere factory work could ever be!
Yes, it is with these tools that we have turned our nation from a broken country, occupied by the damned Prussians, into a titan of technology and industry. It is with these tools that we have prepared ourselves for the inevitable, for the day that we no longer allow ourselves to be constrained by the past, that we no longer allow for the humiliation of our nation to continue. The time is soon coming in which Sedan will be cast down and shown to the world the abomination that it is!
It was the Treaty of Sedan that turned France into a pariah. It was the Treaty of Sedan that stole Lost Provinces from us. It was the Treaty of Sedan that drained our country dry in a time in which we needed to reconstruct ourselves! IT WAS THE TREATY OF SEDAN WHICH DEIFIED GERMAN TREACHERY AND PORTRAYED FRANCE AS IN THE WRONG FOR DEFENDING ITS HONOR! I say once again, SOON SEDAN WILL BE AVENGED!
Friends, comrades, countrymen, I stand before you today to tell you that today is that day! For too long, we have sat by and allowed the German Empire to abuse our countrymen in the Lost Provinces. For too long, we have tried to be good Christians and hope they see the error of their ways. But such patience has its limits, for even Christ was pushed to anger by the Jews of the Temple violating the holy structure with their beasts and frivolous goods and services. We have given the people of Germany every opportunity to set things right, to undo their mistakes, yet they continue to spit in our faces.
For many years past, Germany has oppressed our people in Alsace-Lorraine, even having the audacity to ban our very own l’Esprit du Nation and threaten Frenchmen showing their support for their country with unlawful arrest! Even when attempting to work with the restrictions placed upon them have been rejected, with Frenchmen being ordered to give up on their independent identity and join with Germans or face persecution, investigation, and arrest! At least one such individual, Georges Weill, has been forced to give up his seat in the Reichstag and flee to his nation for fear of his life! Even after all this, we still attempted to settle things peacefully by opening negotiations on the future of Alsace-Lorraine!
How did the Germans respond? WITH MOBILIZATION! According to our sources, it took the Germans less than half an hour to commit themselves to war, only to turn around and expect us to wait while they gather strength! Just like in 1871, just like in the Congo, just like in the Balkans, Germany has seen itself in the wrong and has elected to turn to the force of arms to silence its critics! It is Germany, not France, that chooses war! We GAVE them a chance for peace! We have given them far too many chances for peace! And they still choose war! My countrymen, what shall we do with such a beast as this?!
I’ll tell you, my countrymen. WE STRIKE FIRST! We will not allow the Bosche to defile our homeland yet again, to find some excuse to pry more Frenchmen away from their homeland! In a matter of minutes, the French military shall cross the border into Alsace-Lorraine and engage the German hordes in a fight for the future not only of France, but the future of humanity itself! Your brothers and sisters, sons and daughters shall soon commit themselves to ensure that the flame of Socialism does not die under the German serpent! I call upon you, the people of France, to give your all in support of this grand crusade! I call upon you to show the indefatigable strength of a nation roused to righteous anger! I call upon you to commit yourselves to a war more total and radical than any before it! Even the Great Wars of the Revolution and Napoleon shall pale in comparison to this struggle! Now, people of France, rise up and storm, break loose!
 
There is some issue in theadmarks?

Also Indians are getting their weapons from Vietnam and Burma. Not France after all.
France has the capacity to pressure the Vietnamese into stopping, which is what that’s referring to. Vietnam is viewed as a French puppet even though geographical distance and Frances’ lack of power projection means that the relationship is more akin to France being a big brother to Vietnam.
Now it is worth noting that Vietnam does what France asks them to do in this case, although exactly how that shakes out will be looked at when we return to either India or Indochina.
 
What is the position of Muslims with congress? Also is Burma providing arms to Congress?

I am surprised Vivekananda and other spiritual leaders not targeting dalits in south to boost their appeal.
 
Wow not even a pretence this war was anything but France being the blatant aggressor. If this really ends up being the first world war, as it looks to be, it is going to have massive consequences for international relations regardless of who wins.

If France then it is going to validate worldwide every single ideal favouring all-out offensives and disregard of other polities as meriting any sort of diplomacy or good faith negotiations(doesn't matter France carefully set up the board with others, people in general only look at the big impact and would be the war), which is going to result in many many bloodbaths and lot of instability likely making OTL's first half of the 20th century look peaceful in comparison.

If Germany they got handed the perfect casus belli to utterly cripple their main rival and be seen as the reasonable side in the doing, which could be leveraged into massive amounts of soft power, and likely guarantee the British will spend the next decades doing everything they can to undermine them to obvious terrible consequences for a lot of innocent people.
 
What is the position of Muslims with congress? Also is Burma providing arms to Congress?
The INC is in favor of a united India, including Muslim parts, so they are accepted. Burma transports arms through their territory to the Indians, but they aren't selling them any weapons. Not enough surplus production for it to be safe since Burma barely has any industry.
I am surprised Vivekananda and other spiritual leaders not targeting dalits in south to boost their appeal.
There are spiritual leaders in the south, but the ones with a sizable following among the nationalist elements of Indian society are in the north since the British might arrest or shoot them otherwise. It's less "The south isn't important" and more "Being in the south could easily get us killed."
Wow not even a pretence this war was anything but France being the blatant aggressor. If this really ends up being the first world war, as it looks to be, it is going to have massive consequences for international relations regardless of who wins.

If France then it is going to validate worldwide every single ideal favouring all-out offensives and disregard of other polities as meriting any sort of diplomacy or good faith negotiations(doesn't matter France carefully set up the board with others, people in general only look at the big impact and would be the war), which is going to result in many many bloodbaths and lot of instability likely making OTL's first half of the 20th century look peaceful in comparison.

If Germany they got handed the perfect casus belli to utterly cripple their main rival and be seen as the reasonable side in the doing, which could be leveraged into massive amounts of soft power, and likely guarantee the British will spend the next decades doing everything they can to undermine them to obvious terrible consequences for a lot of innocent people.
To be fair to France, they haven't technically broken any agreements with Germany. Violated international norms by invading another nation with little to no provocation for the second time in as many decades? Sure, but they never made an agreement not to do so.
 
What happened to Muslim and hindu hardliners? Also how muslims view Vivekananda's Just War Theology?
Muslim and Hindu hardliners have been sidelined as harmful to Indian unity (although they still have some influence). The Muslims in the INC mostly ignore Just War, either viewing it as a type of Jihad and then moving on or refusing to acknowledge it at all.
Any impact on baha'I in this timeline?
Unfortunately, the followers of the Bab are still oppressed. Not much has changed for them.
 
This is a really fascinating timeline. I've only just caught up, so apologies if you've already answered this, but how's the Yellow Peril discourse doing in the Euro-descent countries? Also, in our world the Catholic church of the time period considered even liberalism to be horrible, putting it in the same category of modern evils such as socialism and rationalism. How is the church handling a socialist France claiming to be on the side of Catholicism?
 
This is a really fascinating timeline. I've only just caught up, so apologies if you've already answered this, but how's the Yellow Peril discourse doing in the Euro-descent countries?
I actually haven't had a place where I felt I could delve into the Yellow Peril, but I have planned it out. In short, it's become a lovely mix of anti-Semitism and anti-Asian xenophobia that believes the Jews are manipulating or are in alliance with Japan to conquer Asia and use its people, who are naturally inclined to servitude, to conquer the world. The "proof" of this is literally just Japan not viewing Socialist thought as an abomination to be hated.
That's just the most popular version, however. There are some variants that simply believe that Japan came up with using Asians to conquer the world on their own, and view Japanese anti-imperialism as merely a ploy to weaken Europe and its empires. Somehow both China and Korea, despite the former being a respectable power (sans civil war) and the latter being Japan's equal, are merely puppets of Japan because something something Confucian ethics while Japan is a warrior race hiding its power level.
Also, in our world the Catholic church of the time period considered even liberalism to be horrible, putting it in the same category of modern evils such as socialism and rationalism. How is the church handling a socialist France claiming to be on the side of Catholicism?
The Church has a... complicated relationship with France. They like Beaumont and publicly support him, but make sure not to forget that France's pro-Catholic stance is solely down to him and his supporters rather than the French government being pro-Catholic. As such, they are careful to only decry certain types of socialism as evil while Beaumontism and its variants are something they can work with. There is very much a clear "Godless atheists and Righteous Christians" dynamic in Socialism as far as the Church is concerned.
 
The Rhineland Campaign

The Rhineland Campaign​


The German Army at the start of 1915 stood at 600,000 men spread out across its territories in Africa and Europe. Its eastern and southern flanks secured by friendly Russian and Austrian states, the majority of the German Army was able to concentrate in the west of the country, with 100,000 men in Alsace-Lorraine alone. A further 150,000 men were deployed in the Rhineland and neighboring provinces, creating a large reserve force that had been in a heightened state of alert ever since the blackout across the border.
Against this force, 800,000 Frenchmen had been assembled. Thanks to French efforts to conceal their mobilization, they enjoyed a huge advantage in both numbers and stockpiles of supplies. Included in this number were the 80,000 men of the Legion Mecanique, the motorized part of the French Army. Since the Spanish Campaign, the Legion Mecanique had undergone further reforms to increase its lethality, resulting in a slew of newly-introduced equipment. Chief among them were the Badawi and Milhaud armored cars, mechanical marvels that the French believed would revolutionize warfare. The Badawi was armored only enough to resist small arms fire and sported a mounted machine gun whose job was to harass, scatter, and overrun enemy infantry in a modernized version of cavalry. The Milhaud was more heavily armored, designed with the purpose of driving into enemy fire and deploying mortars to shell enemy positions at point blank range.
The French infantry was also concentrated on mobility, with their equipment lacking in entrenchment tools and numerous grenades used to blow the enemy out of their own fortified positions. To support these were a large amount of light artillery guns, which had the ability to rapidly pack up and redeploy with the help of the cavalry corps.
The French emphasis on mobility and easily deployable weaponry meant that they had a heavy artillery force far smaller than one would have expected from their army. The situation was so bad that the army had only been able to convince Roland Beaumont to pursue the development of modern heavy guns in 1907 after the Italian army inflicted a decisive defeat on French forces in their war games due to insufficient firepower. While France had attempted to make good the gap, the project would constantly struggle for funding as the budget was redistributed to more “modern” weapons such as the armored cars.

This French overemphasis on lighter weaponry would prove to be a detriment as they began their offensives into Germany. Despite being outnumbered on the border, German forces were able to hold up the French for over a day across the frontier before being forced to fall back against superior numbers. The French would launch a dogged pursuit, with their motorized forces disrupting the German withdrawal, ensuring they never had a moment to entrench before the infantry arrived.
This state of affairs would continue for two days before French forces managed to break through in the south against German forces attrited almost to non-existence. Surging forward, they would capture Mulhouse on the 10th and reach the Rhine a day later, taking the town of Neuenburg am Rhein on the right bank before German reserves arrived and halted their drive. After waiting for sufficient reinforcements to arrive, French motorized forces would return to the left bank and concentrate on consolidating their control in Alsace.
Further north, French forces would trap some 30,000 Germans in Metz as they outflanked the city and marched further into Lorraine. On the 14th, they crossed into the Saar and assaulted German forces regrouping in Saarbrucken, with specialized infantry infiltrating the enemy rear and blowing the rails into the city. The city garrison, not wanting to get trapped like their comrades in Metz, withdrew northward on the 20th, with French soldiers entering Saarbrucken the following day.
Saarbrucken would prove to be the extent of the initial French advance in the north, however, as reinforcements poured into the area and dealt the French a sharp defeat near Homburg. Utilizing their advantage in artillery, the Germans destroyed numerous armored cars and threatened to encircle the advance French forces before they withdrew. After French infiltrators managed to sneak in and destroy several artillery pieces, the Germans halted their pursuit to seal off the front and hunt down any saboteurs behind their lines.
The area the Germans had the most success early in the war was in the center of the Reichsland, where German forces were able to withdraw in good order and force the French to bleed for every bit of territory. It was only when their southern flank collapsed that they elected to withdraw to Strasbourg and avoid potentially being cut off. German forces would narrowly beat their French enemies to the city, beginning to dig in on the 19th while French forces arrived late in the night. Throwing back the exhausted French, they were given time to receive reinforcements and rotate in new formations to hold the line as the French brought up their artillery to begin bombarding the city.
By the beginning of February, the frontline had begun to settle as Germany mobilized more soldiers and the French halted to regroup. Despite the unexpectedly fierce German resistance, the opening offensive had gone incredibly well for the French, who had seized the majority of Alsace-Lorraine, secured a foothold on the right bank of the Rhine, and had pushed into the industrial heartland of Germany. Paris was confident that within the next two weeks the French Army would be in a position to continue their offensive and throw the Germans back across the Rhine.
As much as the French may have wanted to deny it, the fighting had not been without its setbacks. Losses had been heavy, with the first month of fighting costing 80,000 casualties and the Legion Mecanique receiving a savage mauling from German artillery. Although the French doctrine worked while the Germans were in the field, as soon as the fighting shifted to a less mobile setting, deficiencies began to show. The German forces in Metz had managed to hold the city against French attacks with the help of local fortifications French artillery struggled to deal with, a story repeated in Strasbourg and Homburg. French ingenuity and determination had managed to pry the Germans out of the majority of their fortifications, but if initial attacks failed there was very little France could do short of attempting to storm them.
That wasn’t to say that the German performance had been stellar. Although initially caught off-guard, the Heer was able to rapidly regroup and conduct a fighting retreat in most areas. Thanks to the efforts of French saboteurs and motorized infantry, attempts to bring forward mobilized forces had been severely hindered, however, resulting in the outnumbered forces along the frontier being bled dry and overrun in many cases. German casualties were estimated by the General Staff to be around 95,000, with a further 50,000 German soldiers trapped behind French lines in various pockets such as Metz. The scale of the French offensive had taken them by complete surprise, and the loss of much of Reichsland Elsass-Lothringen and the Saar was a stinging blow to both morale and public confidence in the military’s ability.
Nonetheless, the Germans were confident that they had halted the French drive and, after a buildup, would be able to drive the French out entirely before marching on Paris and ending the Socialist experiment in France. With support from their Austrian and Russian allies, who had declared war on France the day after the invasion began, Germany’s economic resources were far larger than what France could possibly have at their disposal. It was hoped that the war would be over by Christmas at the latest.

Both sides spent the first weeks of February strengthening their positions, with minor skirmishes breaking out along the front. French efforts were concentrated in the Saar region, with the plan being to push into the Rhineland and capture the left bank of the Rhine and several river crossings before driving further east. The Germans, viewing the attack into the Reich proper as the most pressing matter, concentrated their reserves in the same area as their soldiers worked overtime to fortify their positions.
The French launched their renewed offensive on February 13th, throwing 500,000 men into what they expected to be an easy win. The Legion Mecanique, although still significantly understrength, was attached to the offensive alongside the majority of France’s stockpile of heavy artillery. After a few hours of bombardment, the French surged forward and began the grueling task of breaking through the German lines. The initial advance went well, with German forces giving way in front of them in a matter of hours and resistance not solidifying until Homburg. Casualties were light, as German forces in the area seemed understrength, lacking in morale, and prone to panicky flight soon after contact. General Louis Franchet d’Esperey, in charge of the offensive, was uneasy about the whole affair and ordered his men to halt their attacks and consolidate.
This proved to be the correct move, as the Germans unleashed a powerful counteroffensive on the 17th. Backed by dozens of artillery pieces, the German attack smashed the French and drove them back nearly 40 kilometers and out of the majority of the Saarland. It was only thanks to the expert leadership of d’Esperey that the French forces avoided being encircled and annihilated at Saarbrucken. On March 14th, a week after the offensive ended, the French would elect to concentrate on securing the south while they searched for other ways to advance in the north.

The end of the Battle of the Saarland would also see the Germans shift their focus southward. With the French blunted in the north, Strasbourg still in their hands, and the French bridgehead at Neuenburg am Rhein, it was looking like the south was the last place the French could assault before the lines solidified to the point that German equipment held an advantage over their more mobile foe. The garrison in Strasbourg was reinforced while the main effort was gathered to slowly blast the French out of Neuenburg am Rhein.
They were not the only ones to view the south as the new decisive theater, as the French deployed their strongest forces against Strasbourg in preparation for their own offensive. Beating the Germans to the punch by three days, French forces began attacking along the Rhine on April 18th in an attempt to cut off the city and Germany’s last link to the left bank of the Rhine in Alsace. The Germans calculated that Strasbourg would hold out long enough and tie down enough French reserves that they could proceed with their own attack unabated. Establishing a small reserve for Strasbourg, German guns opened up on Neuenburg am Rhein on the 21st just as scheduled.
For the first time in the war, it was the Germans’ turn to be surprised by the strength of their enemy’s defenses. French forces had been in the region for over three months and had taken the time to dig in as deep as the ground would allow, with trenches and crude bunkers dotting the forest surrounding the town where the French had set up killboxes utilizing clearings both natural and French-made. The result was a slaughter as German artillery, afraid of turning the forest into shrapnel against their own soldiers, fired behind the lines and forced infantry to attack into positions that had faced very little softening up. The French, who had no compunction against using their mortars to turn the trees into air-burst grenades, reaped a terrible toll on the Germans before attacks were called off. German infantry withdrew to friendly lines as their artillery unleashed a deadly hail into the forest.
While the Germans struggled, the French had limited success in their goals. Infantry slowly advanced along the Rhine, coming ever closer to the bridges that supplied the defenders, but attacks on Strasbourg itself floundered in the face of German resistance. Fighting in the city’s outskirts would particularly play into the German’s strengths, as French mobility was cut down on and their artillery proved to lack the punch required to blast the Germans out of their positions. The result was the scything down of French soldiers as they tried again and again to capture German positions.
Of the two offensives, the French one was achieving more success as more and more of the Rhine’s left bank fell into their hands. This proved ill comfort to the French soldiers holding out in Neuenburg am Rhein, as the German decision to shell the forests directly turned their trenches into small slices of hell as they were forced to stay in dugouts, whose integrity was often inadequate, to avoid the murderous shrapnel overhead, a terror only punctuated by either brief reprieves or a sudden effort by German soldiers to take French positions. By May 10th, French casualties in Neuenburg am Rhein had climbed to over 13,000 while the Germans had suffered 14,500. Even worse from the perspective of the generals, the German pressure was succeeding in pushing back French lines outside the Black Forest. French counterattacks proved to be ineffective as superior German artillery suppressed French movement and inflicted heavy casualties on anybody unfortunate enough to leave their defenses.

By late May, French forces were winning the race to achieve their objectives as the German choice to reinforce Strasbourg as little as possible resulted in the depletion of German formations even as they wrought a terrible toll on their French attackers. French attackers had reached the previous location of the Strasbourg Citadel and nearly cut off the final link to the right bank and had begun lobbing shells toward the bridge. The Germans, unwilling to condemn another city to a prolonged siege and its garrison to capture, organized a withdrawal from Strasbourg. It would be a fighting retreat, with German forces withdrawing in waves over the next four weeks under fierce French attacks only held off by artillery support and counter-battery fire drawn from Neuenburg am Rhein.
The increased French success came at a cost further south. In order to ensure German reserves weren’t freed for operations in Strasbourg, reinforcements had been poured into Neuenburg am Rhein and ordered to launch constant counterattacks. The result was a bloodbath as French and German forces clashed along the short frontline, both sides able to feed in men at almost a moment’s notice when they thought they had an advantage. By the time the Germans had begun withdrawing from Strasbourg, the fighting had inflicted over 40,000 on both sides
Mutually exhausted by the desperate struggle, fighting died down for a week in mid June before another German offensive, now at full-strength with the withdrawal from Strasbourg, smashed into the unprepared French. Although the French fought back fiercely, German forces advanced rapidly and forced the French to withdraw from their own bridgehead over the Rhine. The French blew the bridge behind them as they retreated, ending any hope of a breakthrough in the region as both sides of the Rhine became fortified by their respective armies.

All told, the opening phase of the War had gone in favor of the French, who had managed to conquer nearly all of Alsace-Lorraine and held several footholds in the Saarland and Palatinate in the face of stiff German resistance. Despite the defeats at Homburg and being driven back across the Rhine at Neuenburg am Rhein, they held a strong position inside German territory. French strength stood at 1.4 million men against the 1.2 million man German army, with French casualties amounting to 460,000 and German casualties at 510,000. The capitulation of Metz on June 19 would bring this number up to 537,000.
 
Oblique Attack Tactics

Oblique Attack Tactics​


The stalling of the Rhineland Campaign in June would see a lull fall over the frontline as both sides tried to figure out how to proceed. The intense fighting of the first months of the war had left both sides exhausted, but it had a much larger effect on the Germans than the French. France had spent nearly a generation preparing for war by its beginning and had a vast stockpile of equipment for a long war in which France’s industry would potentially be crippled in some way. On the other hand, Germany had expected any war with France to be short due to the belief that it would be part of a coalition composed of itself, Austria-Hungary, Russia, and the United Kingdom against an isolated France. Britain’s sudden exit from this potential coalition and its allies being tied down by threats from Italy, the Balkans, and China meant that Germany’s expectation was shattered.
The result was that now Germany had to face the daunting challenge of fighting France on its own. Although both Austria and Russia would send expeditionary corps as a show of solidarity, it would mainly be German strength that would determine the future of Europe. The nation mobilized to an extent never seen before as the government prepared itself for what was likely to be a long and grueling war.
The largest problem staring Germany in the face at the moment was about artillery shells. Germany’s heavy reliance on its artillery, the one place it was superior to France, meant that it had expended hundreds of thousands of shells at a rate it was in no way capable of keeping up with at its current level of production. While its allies were supplying what they could, Germany would run low on shells in a matter of weeks if fighting returned to anywhere near the intensity of the Rhineland Campaign.
The German government’s response was to mobilize all available resources to produce more shells. While new munitions factories were constructed, any industry that could be spared was converted to shell production as Germany desperately purchased whatever they could afford from abroad.
The lull in fighting was exactly what Germany needed with the production issues it faced. With fighting limited to small skirmishes and occasional artillery duels over the Rhine, Germany was able to make progress toward restocking itself as it continued mobilizing new soldiers. The army would grow to 1.8 million over the lull between late June and September as the Germans prepared for an offensive in the Saarland.

The French did not have to worry about a shell shortage, but they did have to worry about the horrendous losses suffered by their elite forces in the Legion Mecanique. Although the Legion Mecanique’s equipment was designed to survive in modern warfare, the armored cars proved to be far too vulnerable in the face of artillery and even sustained small arms fire. They had proven their effectiveness at their intended role, but it was clear that a massive overhaul was required if the Legion Mecanique was to lose its current reputation as a deathtrap.
The first step to this was reorganizing the structure of the divisions of the Legion Mecanique. Armored cars were concentrated into regiments rather than the individual battalions with practically limitless autonomy. Rather than the much smaller units roaming around that would often find themselves in ambushes or assaulting heavily-armed positions, it was planned that the more concentrated columns would be able to support each other and provide the necessary tools to overcome any obstacle.
Another tool the French had a renewed appreciation for was the heavy artillery piece. German artillery had played havoc on French positions whenever it had the chance to deploy while also being able to both outrange and outgun the lighter French artillery. After facing a revolt from his generals, Roland Beaumont was finally forced to fully acknowledge the utility of German-style guns and allow the development of French heavy artillery without sudden budget cuts or micromanagement from above. Orders for British and Italian heavy artillery were sent out as the French worked on building up their domestic supply.

Paris was also preparing its own offensive during the lull. After determining an attempt to cross the Rhine would be a disaster at the current stage and the Saarland would be a bloody slog at best, alternative paths through neighboring countries were sought. Cajoling Italy into the war was discarded as it was determined its neutral status, permanent sink for Austrian forces, and the nightmarish terrain along the Alpine border with Austria-Hungary meant it would likely do more harm than good. An attack through Switzerland was rejected for similar reasoning, as the Franco-Swiss border had become quite well-staffed since the outbreak of war.
That left the Low Countries, and even that would not be an easy feat. Belgium had long since fortified the border and had partially mobilized within hours of the French invasion of Germany, fearing exactly what Paris was considering. Despite that fact, Belgium’s terrain was the most conducive to an offensive and, if successful, could potentially encircle German forces in the Saar. The complete conquest of Belgium would not even be required, as a decisive blow against Germany would surely convince the Belgians to accept whatever peace France offered them and if not they would be unable to resist the full might of the French army.
After several days of looking for a way to avoid expanding the war through alternate routes, including a hairbrained scheme involving the use of dirigibles to land three divisions behind German lines that went as far as testing before being shelved, the decision to invade Belgium was finalized on July 21. Planning quickly advanced as the French army began shifting its more elite units off the front and gathered a reserve in Picardie, with the plan being to push the Belgians across the Meuse and hemming them in while the main thrust continued into Germany. Spies were dispatched across the border to ascertain as best they could to discern the positioning of Belgian forces and if any of the Francophone population or Socialist elements would be receptive to French occupation.

While the French went about their preparations to invade Belgium, they were approached by an unexpected party: Luxembourg. While initially only concerned about the Franco-German war, the rapid advance to the Grand Duchy’s borders turned that concern into a palpable fear as martial law was declared. The fear of a French invasion, and inevitable occupation, caused Grand Duke Henri to approach Paris in late May to discuss the status of Luxembourgish neutrality. After several days of waiting, Roland Beaumont gave permission for diplomats to travel to Paris under armed guard.
The decision to engage in diplomacy with Luxembourg came primarily from seeing the extremely negative reaction that the West had to France’s invasion and a desire to rebuild French credibility in the eyes of the world. It was hoped that by treating a nation as weak as Luxembourg as an equal and holding to its treaties, France would prove itself an honorable nation to those that worked with it and a terrible foe to those who garnered its wrath. The result was, much to Henri’s pleasant surprise, a genuine effort to hammer out a deal that treated Luxembourg as an equal partner to France.
The Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine was signed on June 14 and officially created a military alliance and economic union encompassing France and Luxembourg, with France promising to defend Luxembourgish sovereignty against aggression. As part of this treaty, France’s military would be allowed to travel through Luxembourg, although it was not allowed to move into territory controlled by powers not at war with Luxembourg, and station up to 5,000 men in the Grand Duchy during peacetime, with additional troops allowed upon Luxembourg’s request. France would also subsidize Luxembourg’s budget to the tune of 200,000 francs annually, a lavish supply of money supposed to convince the Grand Duchy’s people of France’s good intentions.
The Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine failed in its purpose as a propaganda victory, but it did a world of good for France’s military situation. Germany, who didn’t believe for a second France would abide by the treaty’s terms, was forced to extend its line to block potential French attacks while the line of fortifications along the Belgian border were suddenly outflanked and much less useful. Wary of being cut off in the south like so many German soldiers, Belgium withdrew forces from the south to act as a reserve and stiffen defenses further north.
As Grand Duke Henri recognized that his decision had placed his country in grave danger (although less than he believed it would have been in otherwise), he officially allowed for up to 500,000 French soldiers to be stationed in the country. While that number was never reached, 150,000 French soldiers arrived in the small nation over the next couple months as part of the French buildup to invade Belgium and ensure German forces did not cross the border. The result was that Luxembourg became a place where battered units would be redeployed for rest and recuperation before being shifted back into the line further south.
For the Germans, the movement of the French into Luxembourg proved to be a nasty surprise, but not one that convinced them to change their plans. Rather than wasting their time pushing into what was effectively a salient, the Germans planned to strike toward Metz before swinging around to retake Longwy, either forcing a French withdrawal or isolating potentially hundreds of thousands of French soldiers to wither on the vine. Germany’s planning for this offensive went forward quite quickly, with 300,000 men gathered for Operation Michael.

For the first time in the war, Germany managed to beat the French to the punch. Operation Michael began on September 4th with a massive artillery barrage near the village of Uberhern that lasted four days as Germany burnt through its new shell reserves. As the artillery fell quiet, German infantry left their trenches and advanced on French positions, positions that had proved far more intact than expected. Having learned from the German’s designs and their own mistakes, French trenches had survived the bombardment in decent condition as soldiers retook their positions. French artillery, which had remained silent due to lacking the range to engage in a worthwhile artillery duel, opened up and showed just how deadly they could be when performing their intended purpose of shelling an enemy in open terrain.
The result was a slaughter. Over 35,000s fell casualty to machine guns, mortars, artillery, land mines, and rifle fire in the first days of the offensive as they advanced into the teeth of French defenses. Although their own guns attempted to silence French batteries, they proved insufficient to silence the withering fire that tormented the infantry. Despite the heavy losses, German forces continued to slog their way forward. By the 20th they managed to claim an advance of 4km into French lines and seemed on the verge of breaking through.
Then the French counterattacked. German forces, unable to call upon reserves as quickly as their foes and facing communication issues due to the ravaged ground disrupting movement, were driven back by fresh French units, only being allowed to retain some of their gains so that Germany would continue to pour resources into the battle. The Germans, having regrouped over the days after the French counteroffensive, launched a counter-counterattack on the 28th that managed to re-reconquer territory lost in the counteroffensive. The French responded with their own counter-counter-counterattack, setting the pattern for the back-and-forth as the French sought to tie the Germans down at Uberhern. As the month of September ended, the French had taken 46,000 casualties and the Germans 72,000.
The reason the French wanted the Germans to stay in Uberhern was that their invasion of Belgium was almost ready. 600,000 men, over a fourth of the now 2 million strong army, was deployed along the Belgian border, with 450,000 prepared to attack along the main axis of advance. Alongside them was the majority of France’s newly-acquired heavy artillery, the reconstituted Legion Mecanique, and a secret French weapon: the La Chapelle biplane.

Ever since the invention of a heavier-than-air flying machine on Jeju by Korean inventor Jeong Kim in 1912, nations all over the world sought to exploit the near miraculous discovery. Although the Korean government sought to limit the spread of the new “aeroplane” to most countries, it allowed its friends and allies to view an exhibition of the new machine’s capabilities. The French delegate, Eugene Pegoud, was entranced by the machine and offered to trade the secrets behind France’s automobile engines, much stronger than normal in order to support armored cars, for the aeroplane schematics. The Koreans, who had been interested in French designs for their own potential campaigns in Russia and China, accepted.
The French moved quickly to militarize the design, establishing a secret joint designing committee with the Koreans to do so. By 1915, their efforts bore fruit in the La Chapelle and Kim model airplanes, with the La Chapelle being for the military and the Kim being for civilian use. As the war in Europe fell into a lull, the French Air Corps, staffed by pilots who had trained for months on prototypes and pre-existing models, were equipped with a total of forty La Chapelle aeroplanes constructed as quickly as possible in Bayonne since the beginning of the year.

While the Germans continued to doggedly pursue a breakthrough at Uberhern, the French finally entered the final preparations to invade Belgium. Having learned from the diplomatic backlash against the German invasion, French diplomats made one last attempt on October 1 to lure the Belgians to their side by promising territorial gains against Germany and potentially the Netherlands in exchange for joining the war or at the very least allowing the passage of French soldiers through territory to the east of the Meuse. The Belgian Parliament, after a few tense hours of debate, rejected French terms and ordered full mobilization. The 2nd would begin with several nerve wracking hours passed as French soldiers waited to learn if there would be war, with the final confirmation arriving at 6 AM. At 8 AM, the first French guns opened up along the Belgian border. At 9 AM, the first French soldiers set foot on Belgian soil.
The French invasion advanced rapidly in the east, with Arlon falling in a day and Bastogne falling on the 5th. Supplies and soldiers stationed in Luxembourg crossed the border as soon as French soldiers secured the appropriate roads, allowing them to retain momentum and ensure Belgian forces never got a chance to recover. Seemingly endless and indefatigable waves of Frenchmen swept away resistance as they advanced toward the German border. The fall of Liege on the 19th cut off the last land connection to their new German allies.
To the west, French efforts were less successful without readily available reinforcements. The advance toward Charleroi was at a snail’s pace while the Battle of Mons resulted in a French defeat on the 11th. A larger concentration of Belgian forces and the majority of French striking power being in the east meant that the effort was significantly weaker. The frontlines solidified even further as Belgian reservists arrived on the frontline. By November 1, the Belgian Army had expanded to 600,000 men and had stabilized the frontline, although a lack of artillery meant that they lacked significant offensive power.
The limited advances in Flanders were of no concern to the French, who hadn’t planned on taking the whole country in one swoop in any case. The most important axis of advance, toward Germany, was advancing at a rapid pace. Pepinster fell on the 21st, with French forces crossing the Belgian-German border the next day. Vitally to French plans, the rapid advance had captured Belgian rails intact and allowed for a force of 100,000 to be deployed to the German border for the crossing, an action that Germany managed to gather 85,000 men to oppose.
The German response to the invasion of Belgium was to ignore the advance in the opening days, believing that the French lacked the strength to launch a significant offensive while simultaneously fighting at Uberhern. The rapid advance soon convinced them that they were wrong, but they proved unable to fully extradite themselves or the 500,000 men invested into the Saarland, resulting in the deployment of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian Expeditionary Corps, who boasted 40,000 and 30,000 men respectively, alongside 15,000 Germans to halt the French advance.
The French began their advance into Germany with a thrust toward Aachen. Austro-Hungarian forces, drawn entirely from the KuK Landwehr, were the first in the line of fire and the first to experience the use of aircraft in warfare. La Chapelle fighters, which had been spotted in Belgium in a reconnaissance role by Belgians who had no idea what they were seeing, were ordered to launch air strikes on enemy forces in support of the advancing French soldiers. The Austrians, who had barely a week to dig in, were unprepared for the French offensive yet still held on grimly. It was only when the La Chapelles appeared and sprayed Austrian trenches with machine gun fire that their morale began to waver. The arrival of the Legion Mecanique proved to be the breaking point, as the assault from the air and from the ground by technological marvels proved too much for the Austrians to handle.
The collapse of the Austrians in the Battle of Eupen resulted in the near destruction of the KuK forces in Germany as the disintegrating corps was taken prisoner en masse. Although the Russians and Germans attempted to rally their allies and reestablish a semblance of a front, French assaults were relentless and made attempts to reorganize all but impossible. Aachen fell on November 8, French forces not running out of westward momentum until reaching Zulpich.
The breakthrough in the north finally forced the Germans to bring the Battle of Uberhern to a halt after over two months of fighting as they rushed to redeploy forces northward. These efforts would be significantly hampered by the French, who had rotated their battered divisions to rear areas and less active fronts for fresh ones. These fresh French soldiers launched an offensive against their more disorganized counterparts. The German forces in the region, although initially surprised how quickly the French were able to return to the offensive, quickly rallied and halted the French, but only at the cost of being unable to redeploy as many reserves as they wanted northward.
The German forces that could be redeployed northward were able to halt the French advance around Trier, anchoring their defenses on the Moselle. The French responded by shifting toward the Luxembourg border, crossing the Moselle at Konz at a frightful cost. Receiving reinforcements from Luxembourg, French forces continued the assault further down the border, eventually linking up with forces advancing from the south to completely encircle the Grand Duchy in French-controlled territory.

The front would quiet down once again at the end of November as both sides sought to adjust to the new reality. The Germans immediately fell into recriminations and attempting to find out exactly had resulted in the second disastrous campaign for the German Heer in less than a year. The loss of almost all of Elsass-Lothringen and now French advances into the Rhineland meant that someone was going to pay.
SDP Chancellor Hugo Haase was determined that his party would not be the one stuck with the bill. Instead he accused his opposition of stonewalling several key actions, such as the creation of the Ministry of Armaments and Production, as part of cynical partisan politics and the German officer corps of underestimating the French and being careless with the lives of German soldiers. Declaring snap elections over the vehement objections of his own party, Haase burned his bridges in a desperate attempt to secure his position. It was worth the risk, Haase said, as surely nobody would vote out the government during a war of national survival.
While the German public had been willing to continue under the SDP in the name of wartime unity, Haase’s actions alienated many of his former supporters. Anti-Haase sentiment would become so bad that the SDP would force him to step down before elections were even held, instead running Karl Liebknecht as their choice for Chancellor. This was able to minimize the damage, but the SDP still saw a massive hit to their position, with the Zentrum under Matthias Erzberger taking control of the government on January 4.
The choice of date for the new government was no coincidence. A year out from the French ultimatum, Germany was preparing for a redoubling of its efforts to liberate its lost territory and claim Endsieg. The first action undertaken under the new Zentrum government was a declaration of a united front by all parties in the Reichstag in the face of French aggression. This policy of Burgfrieden would be the basis of governmental policy going forward.
Although initially hoping to avoid the attention of the government due to Haase’s election, the military would attract civilian attention soon after the rise of Erzberger. With the support of Emperor Wilhelm, Erzberger sacked Chief of Staff Helmuth von Moltke the Younger and replaced him with new blood. General Albrecht Blaskowitz was a relatively young officer at 46 who had proven himself to be incredibly capable during the fighting in Strasbourg. Utilizing his incredibly limited resources, he was able to hold off the French for months before finally being forced to withdraw under threat of encirclement. His resistance had bought the Germans time to crush the French bridgehead at Neuenburg am Rhein and evacuate some 200,000 refugees from the city. It was this new national hero that Erzberger placed his hopes on to turn the war around, or at the very least halt further French advances.
Blaskowitz immediately set to work, clearing out several senior officers in his first days as Chief of Staff and replacing them with officers who had proven themselves in the first year of the war. In an effort to improve morale that had been crumbling after a year of seemingly unstoppable French advances, he improved pay, increased the quality of rations, increased leave time, and issued orders to rotate units out of the line more frequently than they had been in the past. He also ordered a moratorium on offenses for at least two months to ensure the German Heer was in condition to conduct them effectively.
The most controversial action undertaken by Blaskowitz was in his initiatives to study the French military for what lessons Germany could learn. The army under Moltke the Younger had dismissed the French reforms as being more suited to colonial warfare (the exact phrase used was “fit more for camel riders in the desert than Europeans”) and new French equipment as expensive toys. Overconfidence in the availability of German allies had resulted in a lethargic command structure that believed France could be crushed in an endless war of attrition, with the result being Germany’s inability to match the French in anything resembling mobile warfare.
Blaskowitz was not willing to let this continue. The French way of war was clearly one worth studying, as it had conquered an entire country in a matter of weeks in 1905 and was now on track to advance to the Rhine and beyond. The effectiveness of their Legion Mecanique proved that modern war would need to evolve beyond horse and foot while the appearance of enemy forces in the very skies themselves made it imperative that Germany develop a response. Ceding the skies to France would be tantamount to allowing them unlimited sight and opportunities to attack everywhere.
Blaskowitz’ solution to closing the technology gap was to convince the government to purchase blueprints from Korea for aeroplanes while German engineers studied captured French armored cars. The government was extremely reluctant to do something that seemed to be admitting the French were better than them at anything, a sentiment seemingly further justified when Korea proceeded to refuse to sell Germany anything related to aeroplanes. Despite this setback, Blaskowitz would continue his search for an answer to the La Chapelles before receiving his answer from across the sea.

The United States of America was home to a large German immigrant community, one which German-American inventor Sepp Astor was part of. For years, Astor had been working on the development of heavier than air flight in parallel with Jeong Kim and was extremely bitter about losing the race, a feeling he expressed with some choice words to his local newspaper. Nonetheless, he continued to pursue his own model, with it finally coming to fruition in late 1914. The US government quickly gave him the patent, although Astor was unable to do anything with it as his device was viewed as a novelty at best, inferior in nearly every way to Kim’s design.
His fortunes would begin to turn in February 1916 when German agents, who had heard about an American aeroplane, approached him for potentially working for Germany. Jumping at the opportunity to be taken seriously, Astor moved back to his parent’s home region of Saxony and founded Astor Flugzeugwerke (Astor Aircraft Works) with funding from the German government. By May, a handful of aircraft were already produced by AFW for training purposes and a prototype fighter to challenge the La Chapelle was well under way. Due to the ongoing French offensive in the west, AFW was pushed harder and harder to complete their design, which they finally finished on May 29. On the 30th, the Imperial German Air Force was officially created, receiving its first Astor M.3 fighter aircraft two weeks later.
The Luftwaffe had arrived on the scene.
 
Twilight

Twilight​


The front near Zweibrucken was quiet by the standards of the current war. Although they could hear the occasional rumble of artillery fire in the distance, the crack of a rifle shot, or the spurt of a machine gun, French and German forces in the area mainly stayed to their trenches and left the other alone. It was quite the juxtaposition, the fierceness of the fighting in the Saarland contrasted with the dull monotony of Zweibrucken.
This quiet was shattered on February 19th when French artillery launched a two hour barrage, followed by an assault on German trenches. The Germans were taken by surprise, resulting in a lack of a coordinated defense as soldiers kept to their strongpoints. The French were able to make limited advances, but were unable to quickly evict the Germans from their strongpoints. Although some French forces managed to advance as much as 8km in the first two days, the resistance in their rear bogged down the attackers for days as the Germans mustered their reserves and plugged the gaps. A counterattack allowed for the Germans to link up with their embattled comrades, allowing for the majority of them to withdraw or fight their way to friendly lines before French soldiers sealed off the line.
With their offensive near Zweibrucken a failure, French efforts shifted away from pursuing a true breakthrough and instead concentrating on a series of smaller raids that would systematically pry the Germans out of their defenses and keep them off-balance. The result was a series of skirmishes along the entire front in the Saarland, with French aerial reconnaissance allowing them to cancel attacks and dig in whenever reserves arrived. The Germans, utterly perplexed by the situation, responded by pouring in reinforcements and attempting to strengthen the line across the entire front. Limited counterattacks were also authorized when French forces seemed particularly vulnerable, allowing the Germans to retake ground they had lost in bits and pieces.

This period of constant fighting would finally end in mid-March with attacks and counter attacks tapering off as both sides began to run low on supplies. The French had only captured a small amount of territory in exchange for expending immense amounts of supplies and taking casualties far higher than expected. The French viewed the operation as a failure, with the high command demanding a pause in the fighting to plan for the future. Beaumont, who had begun concentrating on renewed internal reforms, gave his generals the go-ahead to run the military side of the war effort how they viewed best.
The German reaction to the French offensives was nowhere near as calm. Despite the fact that the French had at most advanced a handful of kilometers before being pushed back, Chancellor Matthias Erzberger was spooked by the rapidity that France was able to shift attacks along the front. Fearing that the next time France tried such a tactic would result in an overstretched German line breaking and wanting to prove his new government, Erzberger summoned Albrecht Blaskowitz to the Chancellery to discuss the war. There, Erzberger demanded immediate action from Blaskowitz, threatening to cut funding for Astor Flugzeugwerke and their aeroplanes and the budding German armored vehicle project unless his terms were met. After failing to persuade the Chancellor that an offensive would be premature, Blaskowitz reluctantly agreed to an offensive by April 14.
Rather than fighting in the blasted ruins of the Saar, Blaskowitz elected to drive the French back from the vital industrial cities of the Rhineland. To confuse the inevitable French reconnaissance, hundreds of wooden guns were constructed in the Saarland as whatever trains could be spared were run into Saarbrucken constantly, unloading empty crates to stock dummy supply depots while actual German resources were transferred northward under the cover of darkness.
The German deception worked, with French planes being gathered in the Saarland to keep track of the buildup after spotting the first supply dumps being refilled. With their aerial resources on a wild goose chase, the French were left functionally blind to the real German buildup around Cologne. Even after trains were spotted moving northward on multiple occasions, the French remained convinced that the Germans would once again attack in the Saarland and concentrated their forces to oppose this move.
Blaskowitz would be unable to exploit this misinformation coup, however, as the buildup near Cologne was repeatedly hamstrung by political limitations. Despite Blaskowitz repeatedly explaining that the insistence that a sizable reserve be kept in the Saar and Palatinate was stripping the Rhineland offensive of men it needed to be successful, the ruling Zentrum government refused to release the divisions requested. The result was that the fake supply dumps were forced to become quite real, stripping away logistical support needed to finish the buildup on schedule. The order that artillery would not be released either on May 29 put a further dampener on German efforts, denying them firepower they would desperately need to blast apart French lines on a wide front. Regardless, Blaskowitz and his staff pushed ahead as they struggled to finish preparations by the agreed upon start date.
The German offensive began on schedule with a two-day artillery barrage. Having less ammunition than wanted and attempting to buy more time for mobilization without alerting the French that something was abnormal, the barrage was initially very light and concentrated on keeping French soldiers from resting than actual damage. The barrage would increase quite suddenly in intensity overnight on April 16, with the offensive beginning in earnest the next day.
Despite the difficulties on the Germans’ end, their infantry were able to shatter French lines along a 10km front under the weight of their numerical superiority and advance rapidly in the face of limited French reserves. From their starting positions northeast of Duren, the Germans were able to cover 12 kilometers toward Aachen in the first two days of the offensive. Despite stiffening French resistance, they had managed to push to the city’s outskirts by the 23rd, a startling advance far beyond what anybody in Germany had expected. As Chancellor Erzberger crowed to Chief of Staff Blaskowitz that his warnings were the results of paranoia, reports began to come in from Aachen that the divisions tasked with holding the flanks were facing increasing pressure, the men in Aachen were running low on ammunition, and French reserves had poured into the region. The 300,000 men advancing on Aachen were in danger of being encircled, and the requests to halt and fix the situation were being rejected as needlessly pessimistic.

The French response to the attack on Aachen was delayed for several days as the high command remained convinced that the real attack would occur in the Saar and that the Rhineland operation was merely a feint. It would not be until reports that Germany was indeed approaching Aachen that French reserves were released en masse to the north. Arriving by the tens of thousands between the 21st and 25th, French soldiers rapidly deployed around Aachen and stalled the German attack as the Legion Mecanique deployed to the flanks and began pressuring the Germans. As more infantry and artillery arrived to support operations, the French were able to launch a proper counteroffensive on May 3. The Germans, lacking the necessary reserves and regularly running into ammunition shortages as the limited supply was pushed to the tip of the spear, were pushed aside after several hours of brutal fighting. Advancing rapidly into the German rear, the French recaptured coal-mining town of Eschweiler on the 6th before being forced to dig in as German forces pivoted from Aachen to break the impending encirclement.
Berlin’s response to the impending disaster at Aachen was to order a counterattack in the Saarland with the forces they had kept there. Once again overruling Blaskowitz’ objections, the renewed Saarland offensive faced all the problems of the Rhineland offensive and very few of the benefits. After an insufficient artillery barrage caused by a lack of ammunition, German forces advanced into minefields and kill zones set by the French in the weeks they had dug in for a new attack. The result was once again a slaughter as the Germans bled fiercely for negligible gains even against French lines without sufficient reserves. By May 8, a mere two days after the attack had begun, German forces in the Saar had seen their attack power crippled.
It took the French less than two weeks to prepare a counteroffensive of their own, with French artillery launching a barrage of only four hours before the assault proper began. German forces, thoroughly demoralized and lacking reinforcements due to the unfolding disaster at Aachen, gave way in the face of the French infantry. The Germans were able to reform their lines after retreating ten kilometers, but were forced to abandon their artillery to the French advance. Despite the Germans managing to render significant amounts of their artillery unusable through sabotage, the French had managed to capture hundreds of guns and tens of thousands of artillery rounds. Among these prizes were over one hundred heavy artillery guns, a key weapon that France still lacked in necessary quantities.

Parallel to the defeat in the Saar, German forces were facing disaster at Aachen. With French forces rapidly strengthening the vice around the advanced Germans, a final breakout attempt was prepared to save as many soldiers as possible. The highest-ranking officer near Aachen, Oberst Erwin Flatz, had taken the authority to order the breakout upon himself after over a week of no contact with the rest of the Heer and, in coordination with other officers in the pocket, mustered German strength near the town of Stolberg. Minimizing combat operations to conserve ammunition, Flatz began his breakout attempt on the 15th with an artillery barrage that expended nearly a fourth of his remaining shells in five hours. Shifting his artillery to the flanks of the schwerpunkt, German forces were ordered to break out at all costs.
The Battle of Eschweiler would be the most desperate fighting of the entire war as terrified German soldiers fought not for victory, but for freedom and to avoid captivity. The result was, despite French resistance and artillery reaping a terrible cost on the attackers, nearly 100,000 Germans were able to break free and reach friendly lines before the breach was closed off once again four days later. The remaining Germans in the pocket attempted another breakout on the 25th, but a lack of artillery support, expended in the first attempt, meant that the French were able to repel it while inflicting heavy casualties despite a relief attempt by Blaskowitz on the 27th.
By June, it was clear that the remaining 160,000 Germans around Stolberg would not be escaping anytime soon. The French encirclement had managed to thicken to a full twenty kilometers by pushing back the disorganized Germans to their positions in April, and a ring of trenches had begun to encircle Flatz and his men. After several attempts to find weak points in the French lines or sneak through them resulted in bloody casualties, Flatz and his commanders called for a ceasefire to negotiate terms with the French. The negotiations were short, as the Germans were rapidly running out of ammunition and were already experiencing food and water shortages that rationing could not sufficiently alleviate. Receiving the word of Roland Beaumont himself that the Germans would be treated decently, Flatz officially capitulated on June 10.

The twin disasters at Aachen and in the Saar would shift the strategic initiative to the French as the Germans struggled to rebuild their devastated armies. Aachen had cost them enormous amounts of their regulars while the Saar had seen the loss of nearly 1,000 artillery pieces of various shapes and sizes. Both losses could be recovered from, but they would take time. Time, if the new Luftwaffe was correct, Germany did not have. The Luftwaffe’s reconnaissance flights had spotted several massive buildups along the front and had gotten into numerous skirmishes with their French counterparts between the end of June and mid April. If the aerial photography, a uniquely German innovation, could be believed, French preparations were already well underway and were likely to be complete in a handful of weeks.
Contrary to what many Germans feared, France was not in a position for an offensive across the front. Far from the outward image of an indefatigable army capable of taking punishment and dealing it back far worse than they had suffered, the French were beginning to feel the strain of the war. Over 400,000 Frenchmen had died over the course of the war, with a further 300,000 being lost either as prisoners or too wounded to be reintegrated into the military. Rising tensions in the government were also drawing away more and more soldiers being recalled to the homefront to strengthen Beaumont’s hand, a problem that exacerbated France reaching the end of the reserves of men they could tap without having a major negative effect on the economy. Women were being introduced into the workforce at ever greater rates, but even this measure wasn’t enough to free up the necessary number of conscripts. Unless France could win a decisive victory soon, they looked to be staring down either an economic or manpower crisis.
It was in this environment that France found itself planning an offensive in Palatinate. The idea was no longer to win a total victory over Germany, but to push them across the Rhine and use the conquered territory as either a security buffer or a bargaining chip for the official return of Alsace-Lorraine. The first step of this plan would be the current offensive. Aimed at Trier, it would roll up the Germans along the Moselle and take as much territory as possible.
French preparations were methodical, with the officer corps drawing up and gaming out plans to determine the ideal plan of attack. While these behind-the-scenes preparations were undertaken, the stockpiling and mobilization of resources in Palatinate proceeded under the utmost secrecy. Analyzing lessons learned from the Germans’ own successful misinformation campaign, the French set up alternate timetables and stockpiles across the frontline, disorientating the Germans and leaving them confused at the actual target. To make up for freight shortages, the first use of a motorized logistics train in history occurred as thousands of trucks were used to transport goods to Konz under the cover of night. The final French plan of attack was decided upon in mid-August, with the window for Operation Julius’s start being in late September. The majority of France’s remaining strength would be put into the offensive in an attempt to totally overwhelm the German defenders and deliver a smashing blow.
German intelligence was able to finally piece together the true location of the imminent French offensive in late August after a reconnaissance flight managed to slip past French patrols and snapped pictures of multiple convoys of trucks headed to Konz. Despite Blaskowitz and his fellow officers’ preference to draw the French into an attritional battle to buy more time, Chancellor Erzberger pushed for a spoiling offensive to rebuild confidence in both the military and public faith in his government. Orders were sent to local commanders to prepare for a limited offensive on August 30.

German morale was extremely unstable throughout 1916. The lull in fighting at the beginning of the year and a sense that Chief of Staff Blaskowitz was putting them on even ground technologically with the French created an atmosphere of cautious optimism. The initial breakthrough in the Rhineland had turned that optimism into tangibly higher morale, with the high brought from victory making a French defeat seem like a possibility rather than just a theoretical outcome.
The recovery of German morale would come crashing down with the loss of 200,000 men at Stolberg and the reckless offensive in the Saar. Rather than being on the cusp of victory, the interference of the damned politicians had sent tens of thousands to their deaths and ruined the best chance they had to win. The situation was so bad that when Chancellor Erzberger visited the front near Cologne in early August, he was jeered by soldiers and received the encouraging advice from a gefreiter that he could improve morale by catching a French shell to the chest.
It was in this mood that the order to prepare for yet another offensive arrived in Palatinate in August 1916. At first the resistance to Berlin’s commands were small-scale, with communications officers pretending to lose initial communiques and Generalmajor Friedrich Hoffmann asking for repeated confirmations and clarifications of orders. The next signs of resistance came from the junior officers, who dragged their feet at every opportunity. Orders finally percolated to the bottom ranks after several days, where the resistance against the impending offensive turned to open mutiny. The soldiers, having organized into councils, refused to engage in anything but defensive operations.
The mutiny began to escalate when Generalmajor Hoffmann refused an order to arrest the mutinying soldiers and stated that he would not allow for any harm to come to the men under his command. When Erzberger ordered during an emergency meeting for Hoffmann to be sacked and placed under court martial, the mutiny officially spread to the upper echelons of the Heer when Blaskowitz rejected Erzberger’s orders in an insult-laden tirade that accused Zentrum of pushing the army past its limits due to playing politics. Declaring that he would not launch another offensive until he felt the military was ready, Blaskowitz stormed out of the Chancellery and moved his headquarters from Berlin to Frankfurt.
News of Blaskowitz’ outburst and relocation spread through Germany like wildfire despite the government’s efforts to censor it. Wild rumors of all stripes abounded, ranging from Blaskowitz planning to launch a coup to Erzberger organizing thousands of Landwehr to march on Frankfurt and arrest the military high command. While Erzberger was attempting to regain control of the situation by appealing to Emperor Wilhelm II, neither side was preparing to solve the situation by force as both could see how disastrous a civil war would be. The military wanted the civilians out of war planning while the civilians wanted to ensure the generals knew how the domestic front was affected by the course of the war.
The average German was unaware of what was actually going, breeding an atmosphere of dread and fear as nobody knew what the future held. This feeling was multiplied tenfold at the front, where soldiers also had to contend with the realities of trench warfare and a governmental crisis simultaneously. Morale bottomed out along the front as soldiers began questioning why they were at the front while their country seemed to be falling apart at the seams. Talks of desertion became rampant as new rumors claiming that Berlin had asked for Russian and Habsburg help in reasserting its authority reached the front. Despite the lack of any evidence to support them, its publishing in several newspapers popular among the soldiers gave it a strong sense of credibility to an increasingly fearful mass of men.

Before the ongoing breakdown of civilian control over the military could progress any further, a new crisis struck Germany as the French offensive began on September 25. German defenses, underprepared due to the ongoing political crisis distracting the high command from mobilizing the necessary resources and struggling with morale issues, quickly began crumbling under an unprecedented level of firepower. The French, utilizing many of the guns they had captured months prior, unleashed a barrage that combined massive volumes of fire, with over a million shells fired in eight hours, with experimental aerial artillery spotters to create an oppressive bombardment that left the Germans with little time to react. By the time the infantry began their assault, dozens of artillery pieces were unusable due to their barrels being so hot they threatened to cook off shells if placed in the barrels. German attempts to reorganize were plastered by heavy artillery fire as French spotters provided their coordinates within an hour of mustering.
French forces managed to break through the hellish moonscape that had been German positions after five hours of brutal fighting and into the open terrain beyond. Following combat engineers laying down a usable road surface through gaps in minefields, the Legion Mecanique crossed German lines two days after the offensive began, finally forcing the Germans to abandon their positions and retreat as French motorized infantry began marauding in their rear.
The mixture of political and military crises proved too much for the Germans. An initially organized retreat swiftly became a rout as individual units broke under French pressure, creating a cascading chain as French forces expanded their breaches. In a scene that would rapidly become a recurring nightmare for the Germans, units would see a significant number of soldiers from local areas desert to protect their families while refugee columns clogged the roads. After over two weeks of failing to reestablish a defensive line, the order came down to withdraw across the Rhine in the south and to a new defensive line in the north.
Much like the initial breakdown in the south, the retreat in the north soon turned into a rout. Rumors that the French were about to launch a massive offensive swept through the ranks, causing many local soldiers to once again return home while officers, swept up in the hysteria just as much as the rank and file, could barely keep their units together by promising them safety beyond the Rhine. By the time the French had realized just how badly their enemy had collapsed, the Germans had fled across the Rhine and the only resistance that remained was ad hoc units and militia defending their homes. Although there were some fierce battles in Cologne and Dusseldorf, the French army had consolidated their control of the entire left bank of the Rhine by December 1.
French forces would attempt to cross the Rhine several times over December, but German forces, finally reorganizing after a month of chaos and reinforced by nearly 150,000 Austro-Hungarians pouring in to rally their allies, were able to hold firm. With the Rhine serving as a moat, defeatist officers being sacked daily, and a totalitarian crackdown on rumors, the rank and file were being forced back into shape. The Luftwaffe was given the task of launching aerial raids against French positions, signifying Germany’s continued determination to resist and that they were not simply waiting for France to come to them.
 
An Island Lost to the Sea of Time

An Island Lost to the Sea of Time​


The Kingdom of Ryukyu’s transformation from Satsuma vassal to independent nation was not as complete as some had expected. Economic realities and concerns about national security continued to tie the islands to Japan even as Kyoto formally acknowledged their sovereignty. Tightening cultural ties as a newly liberated Ryukyuan elite began openly indulging in Japanese products and visiting their former overlords further complicated the situation.
The second half of King Sho Tai’s rule was defined by this relationship. Using Japan as an intermediary, the Ryukyuans were able to renegotiate the initial treaty forced upon them when the United States opened the kingdom in 1849. The 1871 Ryukyuan-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce rewrote ties between the two nations, the treaty recognized Ryukyu’s increasing integration with the Japanese economy and agreed that, as part of a customs union with Japan, trade relations between the two countries would align with Japanese-American relations. The treaty also officially acknowledged Ryukyuan sovereignty and pledged the United States would support Ryukyuan territorial integrity against foreign powers, a thinly-veiled threat toward China. The Tsushima Conference between Korea, Japan, and Ryukyu would further serve to tie Ryukyu to its former overlord as Japan and Korea pledged themselves to Ryukyu’s defense.
Ryukyu’s cultural landscape would face further upheaval in 1879 when the Qing dynasty was decisively defeated by the Korean-Japanese-Russian alliance. The defeat of China had damaged the legitimacy of Confucian ideology while the victory of Western-inspired thought seemed to prove its superiority. Sho Tai, newly adrift both diplomatically and ideologically, began efforts to reform the kingdom’s administration into a more modern reform. In this, he would look to the parallel efforts in both China and Japan for inspiration. “From our mother, we shall learn Confucianism anew. From our father, we shall learn the qualities of the West that best suit our realm.”
Sho Tai’s initial reforms sought to facilitate an ongoing shift in Ryukyu, with the rise of bureaucrats educated at Shuri National Academy slowly replacing the yukatchu aristocratic class. The yukatchu, swollen by the addition of people who had helped the cash-strapped government in decades previous, were to be slowly phased out of governmental positions and their privileges reduced. In exchange, Ryukyu would establish a national diet in which the yukatchu would be represented and be allowed to contribute to national policy.
The response to Sho Tai’s attempts at melding Chinese and Japanese reforms into a cohesive whole that Ryukyu could adopt was not met warmly by the yukatchu. The kuro-to (Black Faction), originally created as a pro-Chinese force during the last days of the Tokugawa Shogunate, reconstituted itself once again as an anti-Japanese organization. Viewing Japanese influence as corrosive, they pushed for a renunciation of Ryukyuan-Japanese treaties and the reestablishment of a tributary relationship with China. Opposing them was the kaika-to (modernizing faction). Unlike its pro-Japanese predecessors, the kaika-to drew the majority of its support from the newly-empowered bureaucrats and from a minority of yukatchu who viewed modernization as the only way to ensure Ryukyu would be able to thrive in the modern age.
In contrast to the modernizing reforms of Sho Tai, the kuro-to pushed for a return to tradition as a way to strengthen Ryukyu. Viewing the Chinese-inspired reforms as harmful to Ryukyu’s cultural traditions, they supported a return to the old tedako ideology that had been developed under Sho Shin, the third ruler of the Second Sho Dynasty. Tedako was remarkably similar to the Kokutai ideology of Edo Japan, although it predated it by several centuries, and proclaimed the ruling dynasty was a descendant of the Sun. Although a priestess known as the kikoe-ogimi had traditionally served as an intermediary between the Sun and the King, reforms to royal ceremonies over the centuries had steadily stripped this female position of much of its power as tedako was gradually superseded by Confucianism.
Kuro-to tedako was not a full return to its original form, as the yukatchu wished to retain the more male-centric society that Confucianism had created. Their new vision called for the King to be recognized as divinely ordained and having a direct connection to the Sun. Confucianism would be reconciled with this new direction by replacing the bureaucrats of Shuri National Academy with yukatchu children being taught there instead.
Sho Tai would reject this ideology out of fear that it would result in something akin to the National Protection Alliance, viewing their cult of the divine king as far too similar to the ideology of their former masters. He would attempt to politically outmaneuver them in pursuit of his limited reforms, something helped by the fear that Japan would intervene if the political situation became too hostile to it.
Beneath this political struggle at the upper echelons of government was the lives of the average Ryukyuan subject. For centuries, their lives had been strictly regulated by the confiscation of weapons and the decree that peasants could not move of their own volition. Although freedom of movement was granted in 1885 as part of Sho Tai’s reforms, it did not result in any appreciable improvement of living standards for the peasantry. Now freed from their lands, impoverished peasants sold their lands en masse and began moving to the cities. Naha, the center of Ryukyu’s economy, rapidly increased from around 20,000 in 1880 to 47,000 in 1896 as people began migrating from the countryside in pursuit of economic opportunities and social mobility.
The growth of Naha did not help alleviate Ryukyuan poverty. Despite the arrival of some foreign capital, Ryukyu’s economy continued to be dominated by sugarcane and other agricultural products, with the island’s population becoming increasingly reliant on imported food to support itself. The establishment of a Japanese military base at Urasoe in 1893 would help improve the local economy, but the kingdom still faced significant issues concerning the lower class.
Cracks began to show in the foundations of Ryukyu society in the last years of the 1800s, when unrest spread to Naha. The promises of a brighter future were replaced by a cold drudgery of continued poverty and extortionate rents. The rising merchant class, made up of well-to-do former bureaucrats and yukatchu, bought up numerous houses and sponsored the construction of new Western-style apartments on the outskirts, utilizing predatory contracts and exorbitant rent rates to help make up for the decreased income from the countryside.
In August 1896 the water supply system in Naha was damaged by careless construction, resulting in a spike of water prices for several days while rain collectors and wells were repaired. While the time it took to restore systems was short, the price gouging stretched the already small budgets of many of Naha’s citizens, resulting in widespread calls for reform and for the government to step in. When rumors that the government was going to be rationing water spread, fears that the majority of it would be retained for the upper class resulted in thousands taking to the street to demand a change. The situation rapidly began spiraling out of control when the protestors, parched by the hot Ryukyu sun and humid air, came upon dozens of water barrels being unloaded at a villa. The protestors lost all restraint and began rioting, looting the merchant district and making off with hundreds of barrels of water.
It took less than 20 minutes for a messenger to bring the news to Sho Tai’s court, located a mere 5 kilometers away at Shiro Castle. The king rallied the hiki, Ryukyu’s military, and marched down the Pearl Road to put down the rioters. Upon arrival, the hiki secured the merchant quarter, halting further damage but unable to quell the raging fires, before moving out to secure the vital port. Over the next several hours, they would brutally suppress the riots amidst the fires engulfing the city.
The Water Riot had a profound effect on both Naha and Ryukyu as a whole. Naha had suffered catastrophic damage, with over 80% of the city burning down before the flames could be brought under control. The kingdom, already cash-strapped, lacked the funds to sponsor a reconstruction effort, instead appealing to Japan to provide aid. The new Rikkento government proved amenable to the Ryukyuan request, creating a relief fund to reconstruct Naha and ordering the soldiers at Urasoe to provide humanitarian support. For the first time, Japanese companies would establish permanent headquarters on-island as they engaged in reconstruction efforts.
The Water Riot would serve as a wakeup call for the government on the state of the lower classes. While for centuries civil unrest had been minimal, the near destruction of their economic heart was something that could not be repeated. In its first major action, the Ryukyuan Diet passed a sweeping series of reforms designed to improve the lives of the peasantry that included land reform, rent caps, and building codes to ensure the new Naha was more respectable than the one lost.

Japanese-Ryukyuan relations would become closer in 1899 when the Ryukyu-Japan Treaty for Free Movement was signed. Despite decades of open trade between the two states, the movement of people between the two states had remained regulated. The 1899 treaty finally removed these borders, allowing both Japanese and Ryukyuan subjects to freely travel between the two, immigrate, and purchase property.
Almost as soon as the borders were opened, Ryukyuans began moving to Japan. Kagoshima and the surrounding area would soon see a rapidly-growing Ryukyuan community as nearly 12,000 Ryukyuans moved to the region between 1899 and 1910. Osaka, Yokohama, and Fukuoka would also see sizable Ryukyuan communities as some 60,000 left the kingdom. Most Ryukyuans found work in industrial jobs, although some were able to earn a living by selling Ryukyuan cuisine or displaying Ryukyuan culture.
Compared to the exodus from the kingdom, the immigration of around 1,000 Japanese was paltry. Most immigrants were simple businessmen, seeking to expand into new markets, but a small minority had moved to the kingdom to help the locals. The Japanese Red Cross would set up a chapter in Ryukyu, as would numerous other philanthropic organizations. The Young Brothers’ Society, an anarchist movement based in Matsuyama, Shikoku, would become extremely famous throughout the kingdom as its members helped bring in new agricultural techniques and provide legal support for those whose land was threatened. The 26 Martyrs Society, a Catholic organization, worked with locals to create missionary schools and translate the Bible into Ryukyuan in 1904.
The Ryukyuan government was generally favorable to these organizations as they improved the lot of the peasantry without requiring government resources, but they would make sure to keep an eye on them to ensure no untoward ideas were making their ways into the heimin zeitgeist. Several Japanese would be deported from the kingdom after being found to be spreading disruptive ideas, sparking minor controversies in Japan, but most would avoid ruffling official feathers. Despite the warnings, several groups took the opportunity to spread liberal and socialist ideas, with the Young Brothers’ being responsible for the foundation of Ryukyu’s first union, the Farmers’ Union, in 1909 and the Amaterasu Society encouraging a return to the old ways of high-ranking priestesses.
With Japanese ideals and culture spreading not only among the upper classes but among the commoners as well, Ryukyu’s political class was forced to contend with the fact that Japan was irrevocably tied to Ryukyu’s fate. The kuro-to, now almost solely composed of elderly yukatchu from before the Japanese Revolution, continued to push for reconciliation with China and a full break with Japan. The more grounded Seishin-to supported continued cooperation with Japan, but wished to reassert Ryukyuan independence and wean themselves off Japanese dominance. In this they were supported by King Sho Ten, who had risen to power after his father’s death in 1903. The final faction, the Chuukou-to, viewed Ryukyu as non-viable on its own and pushed for full integration into Japan. Where the kuro-to and Seishin-to were made up of more conservative yukatchu, the Chuukou-to were composed of merchants and those who made their money off trade with Japan.
Under Sho Ten, Ryukyu worked to establish a distinct identity from Japan by patronizing Ryukyuan culture and language. The resistance to the Satsuma invasion in 1609 and the influence of China were used to support Ryukyu’s identity as its own people. The Ryukyuan language became the sole language of the court, replacing the Chinese dictations that had been previously used. For the first time in 1908, the Rekidai Hoan was written in Ryukyuan rather than Chinese.
These attempts to foster Ryukyuan nationalism failed to permeate among the lower classes as the government lacked a proper means of distilling them. The country lacked enough educated people willing to teach in the countryside, with bureaucrats and yukatchu refusing to lower themselves to such a position. Instead, Japanese-organized schools would remain the primary source of education for commoners, spreading Japanese ideals and creating a culture of brotherhood between the two peoples. Although many continued to identify themselves with either local identities or as Ryukyuans, Japan was increasingly viewed as a more worthy patron than Shuri.
In response to these growing feelings, Sho Ten and the Diet passed a decree in September 1913 nationalizing all Japanese-ran schools and demanding their teachers teach government-created curriculums. Japanese organizations faced a crackdown and many were expelled with no explanation. The result was protest both from Kyoto and from the people. Kyoto would officially object to Ryukyu’s violation of the 1899 treaty, demanding an apology and that all those expelled be allowed to return if they so wished. Simultaneously, a petition with tens of thousands of signatures, gathered from over a hundred villages, arrived at Shuri Castle requesting the decree be repealed.
Sho Ten attempted to save face by requesting secret negotiations with Japan on how to reach a satisfactory conclusion to the current incident without seeming to backtrack. The Jinmito government, who had been keeping tabs on Ryukyu since its election, refused to budge and threatened to demand reparations for nationalized property if Sho Ten did not acquiesce soon. Korea would soon weigh in on the side of Japan, putting further pressure on Ryukyu as protests began appearing infrequently in Shuri.
Sho Ten had hoped that a foreign power would be able to come to his rescue, but none did. The United States referred to the matter as “between Ryukyu and Japan”, Britain rejected appeals before they could even be made, and Russian terms for support, a severing of all ties with Japan and the establishment of Russian bases in the Kingdom, were patently absurd. In December it became clear that this final hope for deliverance, China, would be unable to do anything as the Taiyuan Incident consumed the attention of the Chinese leadership. After several months of hemming and hawing, Sho Ten was finally forced to capitulate to Japanese demands.
The return of Japanese philanthropic groups to Ryukyu proved the death knell of Ryukyuan independence. The failure to stand up to the Japanese and the tangible pro-Japanese sentiment among the population slowly but steadily swung political power to the Chuukou-to. Relying on popular support and establishing alliances with Japanese businesses, the Chuukou-to forced through key laws over the next eight years encouraging further integration with Japan’s economy.

In Kyoto, the rise of the Chuukou-to was met with some apprehension. The Statute on the Status of the Kingdom of Ryukyu allowed for Ryukyu to join Japan should it ever want it, but the Kingdom was an economic backwater whose main attraction, its strategic position, was already fulfilled by the stationing of Japanese military assets on its soil. The political system was also incompatible with Japan’s, and the local elites would likely want concessions in the event of annexation. To make matters worse, the population was by and large uneducated, a matter that had only seen limited improvement in recent years. Even in the poorest regions of Japan, literacy was at least 70%. In Ryukyu, it was 38%.
To pre-empt the inevitable headaches caused by annexation, Jinminto Prime Minister Nagisa Fukuhara created an exploratory committee to investigate necessary measures to successfully integrate Ryukyu. The Ryuheitori (Ryukyu Integration Commission) was officially authorized by the Diet in March 1915 to begin working with Ryukyuan officials on the terms of integration and what steps would need to be taken before Ryukyu would be accepted into Japan.
This presumptuousness from Kyoto was the final straw for Sho Ten. Despite all his efforts to modernize the nation and establish a national identity, politics had conspired against him and now even the supposedly allied Japan was openly viewing annexation as inevitable. Unable to do anything to change the current course of events, Sho Ten chose to state his displeasure by abdicating the throne. In a proclamation on March 29, 1915, he officially renounced his right to be king and appointed his brother Sho Jun, an outspoken Japanophile, his official heir. Sho Ten would spend the remainder of his years in exile in Vladivostok, swearing not to return home until his kingdom’s independence was secured.
Sho Jun’s reign would begin by organizing the long-awaited referendum on Ryukyu’s fate. Taking half a year to establish the necessary infrastructure, the referendum would take place between October 3rd and 20th. On it were two simple questions: “Do you support the annexation of the Kingdom of Ryukyu into the Empire of Japan?” and “If yes, would you prefer for Ryukyu to retain autonomy or for the Kingdom to become a normal province?” Out of the 85,531 votes casted, 61,444 were in favor of annexation. A further breakdown would see that over 85% of the “yes” ballots wanted autonomy.
With Ryukyu officially voting for annexation, talks officially began between Shuri and Kyoto about the necessary steps for annexation. A ten-year plan was laid out for the Kingdom’s annexation, involving reforms such as introducing fully democratic elections and civil rights in line with the laws of Japan. While the yukatchu would not be abolished, their privileges would be severely restricted and they were to become in essence normal citizens with an extra title on their documentation.
Widespread economic reforms were also to be undertaken, with radical land reform being the main focus. The communalization of village land and the nationalization of the remainder would take several years to complete and would include a failed rebellion by nobles furious with being neutered, but the end result would be the implementation of Japanese land rights in Ryukyu. Changes to labor laws and building codes would also see resistance from the upper classes, with many in the Chuukou-to suddenly realizing they wouldn’t be able to have all the advantages of being Japanese with none of the downsides, but the presence of Japanese soldiers in Urasoe ensured that any attempts at overthrowing the government were doomed to failure.
Although in the future King Sho Jun’s reign would be viewed by many as merely a transitional period to annexation, he made numerous efforts to improve his kingdom in its last years. Hiring engineers from Algeria, Sho Jun would kickstart Ryukyu’s solar power industry in 1922. Although production was challenged by the regular rainstorms, Ryukyuan solar energy would be used to power desalination plants and factories.
Sho Jun would also bring over many other parts of the modern world, with Ryukyu’s first newspaper, owned by the royal family, opening in Naha in 1918. The tractor, railways, and automobiles would also come to Ryukyu during his reign. Although cars would be limited to a recently reconstructed Naha, Ryukyu’s railways would quickly reach the north of the island and help stitch together the region. Roads would see major overhauls as well, with well-paying jobs subsidized by the Japanese government allowing money to flow into the normally impoverished countryside.

Ryukyu’s transitional phase would finally end on February 3, 1926 with an official ceremony occurring at Shuri Castle in which both Japanese and Ryukyuan officials signed the Treaty of Unification. Under the terms of the treaty, Ryukyu would retain autonomy and would be allowed to use Ryukyuan as its primary language instead of Japanese, retain its nobility (a unique situation in all of Japan), and would continue to be a kingdom inside the greater Empire. The Sho and Yamato dynasties would also be unified by the marriage of Emperor Yatsuhito with Sho Ten’s daughter Sho Noboku. Japan’s official name would be changed to The Empire of Japan and Ryukyu to signify the personal union, although this change would mainly be limited to official documents.
Ryukyu’s annexation would be met with celebrations in Ryukyu itself, but abroad it would not be so welcome. China would refuse to acknowledge the annexation, claiming that as Ryukyu’s overlord it had not consented to such a decision. Russia would hold the stance that Sho Ten’s abdication was under duress, therefore it and any action undertaken by Sho Jun was illegitimate. Germany and Austria-Hungary would support their ally in this stance, straining relations between them and Japan.
 
I don't see why that would be so. Ryukyu might be an economic backwater, but there's nothing that would make them seem weird to the wider populace.
Florida has very open public records, meaning that the media can publish a story pretty much as soon as the police can type the report. This is a large part of what makes Florida seem so outlandish, though the fact that it is a boiling swamp populated with Americans doesn't help.
Anyway, the first part can easily be replicated in Ryukyu. And once a reputation has been established it doesn't really matter if it's true or not.
 
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