Cool, this is shaping up in a good way so far. Don't feel you need to rush it on our account.
Heh heh. Nice reference to 'Silent Cal' there. What about the reaction in the UK? What does Stanley Baldwin think about this?
Jarres Goes For It
- Thread starter SteveW
- Start date
Cool, this is shaping up in a good way so far. Don't feel you need to rush it on our account.
Heh heh. Nice reference to 'Silent Cal' there. What about the reaction in the UK? What does Stanley Baldwin think about this?
Thanks very much. Baldwin's response is somethign I haven't decided yet. Going to hopefully give most major countries and many of the minor ones a good fleshing out.
"President Ebert's ban on the wearing of military uniform in public remains in force, and I shall not be repealing it" thundered President Jarres on the 6th July 1925. Aimed partly at keeping a lid on paramilitary groups, the ban was a bone of contention on the extremes of Right and to some degree Left. The news was enthusiastically welcomed by a number of foreign leaders, who took it as a sign of good faith on Jarres's part.
Aware of the need to keep such good faith going, Jarres nonetheless had been elected on a right-wing platform and had a constituency to appease. He thus resolved, in consultation with his fellow DVP man Stresemann, to launch an inititative once the deals at Locarno were sealed. That was to be a meeting with the Austrian Kanzler Rudolf Ramek to discuss a possible customs union.
O the 7th July, as Jarres was receiving the Dutch Prime Minister de Beerenbrouck, Luther's Decentralisation Bill went to the Reichstag. Although bitterly fought by the Prussian representatives, the bill passed by 284 to 202, with 7 abstentions. The deputies from smaller Laender, with the Rhenish Prussian representatives and the predictably anti-Prussian Southerners and KPD, made sure of the bill's passage. Jarres would sign it into law the next day, creating the new Laender of Nordrhein (equivalent to the previous Rhine Province, with its capital moved from Koblenz to Cologne) and Westfalen (with its capital at Muenster).
Aware of the need to keep such good faith going, Jarres nonetheless had been elected on a right-wing platform and had a constituency to appease. He thus resolved, in consultation with his fellow DVP man Stresemann, to launch an inititative once the deals at Locarno were sealed. That was to be a meeting with the Austrian Kanzler Rudolf Ramek to discuss a possible customs union.
O the 7th July, as Jarres was receiving the Dutch Prime Minister de Beerenbrouck, Luther's Decentralisation Bill went to the Reichstag. Although bitterly fought by the Prussian representatives, the bill passed by 284 to 202, with 7 abstentions. The deputies from smaller Laender, with the Rhenish Prussian representatives and the predictably anti-Prussian Southerners and KPD, made sure of the bill's passage. Jarres would sign it into law the next day, creating the new Laender of Nordrhein (equivalent to the previous Rhine Province, with its capital moved from Koblenz to Cologne) and Westfalen (with its capital at Muenster).
Jarres now had to appoint two new Minister Presidents for each Land until elections could be held. Although the Social Democrat Wilhelm Hansmann made a bid for Westfalen, the job (in such a Catholic area) was handed to the prominent Dortmund politician Joseph Scherer. Nordrhein was handed over in a similar manner to the Zentrumpartei's Ludwig Kaas- Jarres simply could not find a DVP man who would fit the bill. Both took office in late July 1925.
Meanwhile, the KPD's disintegration took another turn. On the 12th July, Thaelmann expelled Frolich, Vierath and Ritter, along with another 6 deputies and 146 members. These deputies formed Kommunistische Partei-Opposition (KP-O), and professed loyalty to the ideas of Leon Trotsky, who quickly gave his support. The KPD now had just 20 seats. Thaelmann, however, was safe. Nobody else was to move against him.
On the 14th July, Wilhelm Marx resigned as leader of Zentrum. After some initial speculation as to a run by Joseph Wirth, Wirth himself immediately backed the only eventual candidate, Heinrich Bruening.
A rash of party merger talks also began. Late July saw the Wirtschaftspartei, destroyed in the elction and without hope of return, enter discussions to "join the presidential majority" and merge into the DVP. Similarly, the demoralised Bavarian Peasant's League began talks to merge with its rival, the BVP. These talks advanced quickly, and by the end of the year, the new Bayerische Soziale Union (BSU) would have come into existence.
Meanwhile, the KPD's disintegration took another turn. On the 12th July, Thaelmann expelled Frolich, Vierath and Ritter, along with another 6 deputies and 146 members. These deputies formed Kommunistische Partei-Opposition (KP-O), and professed loyalty to the ideas of Leon Trotsky, who quickly gave his support. The KPD now had just 20 seats. Thaelmann, however, was safe. Nobody else was to move against him.
On the 14th July, Wilhelm Marx resigned as leader of Zentrum. After some initial speculation as to a run by Joseph Wirth, Wirth himself immediately backed the only eventual candidate, Heinrich Bruening.
A rash of party merger talks also began. Late July saw the Wirtschaftspartei, destroyed in the elction and without hope of return, enter discussions to "join the presidential majority" and merge into the DVP. Similarly, the demoralised Bavarian Peasant's League began talks to merge with its rival, the BVP. These talks advanced quickly, and by the end of the year, the new Bayerische Soziale Union (BSU) would have come into existence.
You mean who they were in OTL? That would be useful. I've studied this for my MA (if briefly), and it's getting confusing for me. Some sort of side-by side table comparing OTL to ATL would be supremely useful too.
Indeed there was. What I've done is create a new legal entity- rather than be ruled as part of Prussia, Westphalia has become a Land (or at this stage, a State) in its own right. Much liek Nordrhein-Westfalen today.
I guess that in theory it's possible (the remnants did after all become part of today's FDP). Problem is- government didn't really moderate the DVP. But a strong DVP might affect the DNVP in time.
Right, the requested glossary:
KPD- Communist Party of Germany (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands)- self-explanatory!
SPD- Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (Social Democratic Party of Germany)- still in existence and indeed federal government.
DVP- Deutsche Volkspartei (German People's Party)- nationalist/liberal. Difficult to find an exact comparison, but maybe the moderate wing of the Austrian Freedom Party might be similar (I don't mean Liberal Forum by that).
DNVP- Deutsche Nationale Volkspartei- German National People's Party- do exactly what they say on the tin. Very right-wing conservative but not fascist.
DDP- Deutsche Demokratische Partei- soggy left-liberals. The Lib Dems of their day.
NSDAP- I think we all know what that represents.
BVP- Bavarian People's Party- akin to today's CSU.
Zentrum (Z)- Catholic Centre Party. Akin to the left-wing of the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) today.
KP-O : Kommunistische Partei- Opposition (Communist Party-Opposition). Trotskyists. Actually did exist IOTL, and did feature Paul Frolich, but not till later on.
Hope that helps. Any further queries, feel free to ask.
KPD- Communist Party of Germany (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands)- self-explanatory!
SPD- Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (Social Democratic Party of Germany)- still in existence and indeed federal government.
DVP- Deutsche Volkspartei (German People's Party)- nationalist/liberal. Difficult to find an exact comparison, but maybe the moderate wing of the Austrian Freedom Party might be similar (I don't mean Liberal Forum by that).
DNVP- Deutsche Nationale Volkspartei- German National People's Party- do exactly what they say on the tin. Very right-wing conservative but not fascist.
DDP- Deutsche Demokratische Partei- soggy left-liberals. The Lib Dems of their day.
NSDAP- I think we all know what that represents.
BVP- Bavarian People's Party- akin to today's CSU.
Zentrum (Z)- Catholic Centre Party. Akin to the left-wing of the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) today.
KP-O : Kommunistische Partei- Opposition (Communist Party-Opposition). Trotskyists. Actually did exist IOTL, and did feature Paul Frolich, but not till later on.
Hope that helps. Any further queries, feel free to ask.
Although a Jarres-headed state was peaceable enough towards its erstwhile enemies, the nationalistic basis of the government still had to be appeased, even through little things. To keep the DNVP happy, Luther introduced (on the 19th July 1925) the Cinematography (Protection) Bill, which passed with little opposition. This bill, signed quickly into law, provided that 50% of all cinema releases each year had to be German-made. Hollywood was concerned: now not only would they have a smaller market in Germany, but the war between American and German film raging in Europe would intensify.
It was a telling result when in August, with the blessing of both President Jarres and Prime Minister Stauning of Denmark, Germany's Ufa and Denmark's Nordisk Films Kompagni began merger talks (although privately-owned, both were regarded as national treasures). The new conglomerate, known as Ufa-Nordisk, would eventually merge in December of that same year, helped no doubt by the promise of governmental finance for an enormous new complex (310,000 square feet) at Flensburg on the German-Danish border.
It was a telling result when in August, with the blessing of both President Jarres and Prime Minister Stauning of Denmark, Germany's Ufa and Denmark's Nordisk Films Kompagni began merger talks (although privately-owned, both were regarded as national treasures). The new conglomerate, known as Ufa-Nordisk, would eventually merge in December of that same year, helped no doubt by the promise of governmental finance for an enormous new complex (310,000 square feet) at Flensburg on the German-Danish border.
Thaelmann Returns
With the death of journalist and KPD deputy Emil Eichhorn on the 24th July 1925, Karl August Wittfogel joined the Reichstag as its newest deputy. Loyal to Thaelmann, he was part of a new breed of loyalists who would work their way up the KPD ranks, replacing those who had joined the KP-O. Thaelmann, with the invaluable help of his deputy Clara Zetkin, was regaining control of his party at some speed.
Somebody who didn't have a party to control, but did have a fractious government, was Hans Luther. Feeling triumphant after his success with the initial decentralisation plan and the Cinematography (Protection) Bill, the 12th August saw him put forward his Organisation of the Republic Bill, the second installment of his decentralisation plan. The plan, almost reckless in its ambition, provided for:
-The administration of Berlin as a separate entity from Prussia, as a Free City.
-The creation of a new Schleswig-Holstein outside the rule of Prussia.
-The expansion of Luebeck to take in the adjacent exclaves of Oldenburg and Mecklenburg-Strelitz.
-The integration of tiny Waldeck into Prussia.
-The integration of Frankfurt-am-Main (Prussia) into Hesse.
The bill seemed yet another missile aimed at Prussia. But Luther knew that to realise his dream of making Germany more stable and to allow decentralisation, he had to reduce Prussia's dominance and its position as almost a state within a state.
The bill caused havoc. When he realised that Luther was serious, the DNVP leader Kuno von Westarp ordered his party out of the government. Luther II had, sadly but grimly predictably, collapsed.
With the death of journalist and KPD deputy Emil Eichhorn on the 24th July 1925, Karl August Wittfogel joined the Reichstag as its newest deputy. Loyal to Thaelmann, he was part of a new breed of loyalists who would work their way up the KPD ranks, replacing those who had joined the KP-O. Thaelmann, with the invaluable help of his deputy Clara Zetkin, was regaining control of his party at some speed.
Somebody who didn't have a party to control, but did have a fractious government, was Hans Luther. Feeling triumphant after his success with the initial decentralisation plan and the Cinematography (Protection) Bill, the 12th August saw him put forward his Organisation of the Republic Bill, the second installment of his decentralisation plan. The plan, almost reckless in its ambition, provided for:
-The administration of Berlin as a separate entity from Prussia, as a Free City.
-The creation of a new Schleswig-Holstein outside the rule of Prussia.
-The expansion of Luebeck to take in the adjacent exclaves of Oldenburg and Mecklenburg-Strelitz.
-The integration of tiny Waldeck into Prussia.
-The integration of Frankfurt-am-Main (Prussia) into Hesse.
The bill seemed yet another missile aimed at Prussia. But Luther knew that to realise his dream of making Germany more stable and to allow decentralisation, he had to reduce Prussia's dominance and its position as almost a state within a state.
The bill caused havoc. When he realised that Luther was serious, the DNVP leader Kuno von Westarp ordered his party out of the government. Luther II had, sadly but grimly predictably, collapsed.
Jarres now had a real problem on his hands. There was no way he could re-appoint Luther: nor did he particularly want to. He sat on his hands and waited to see how the bill moved forward.
The bill did indeed pass. Backed by the SPD, Zentrum, the DDP and a large proportion of the DVP (many of the new intake had won their seats in areas vacted by the German-Hanoverian Party in its electoral rout and were somewhat willing to embrace shrinking Prussia) backed the bill, and it passed by 347-143 (3 abstentions).
Although reluctant to do so, Jarres realised that he might have to allow the SPD back into government. He asked Stresemann to attempt to form a new administration.
Stresemann obliged. Over the next 3 weeks, he would create the Third Stresemann Ministry.
The bill did indeed pass. Backed by the SPD, Zentrum, the DDP and a large proportion of the DVP (many of the new intake had won their seats in areas vacted by the German-Hanoverian Party in its electoral rout and were somewhat willing to embrace shrinking Prussia) backed the bill, and it passed by 347-143 (3 abstentions).
Although reluctant to do so, Jarres realised that he might have to allow the SPD back into government. He asked Stresemann to attempt to form a new administration.
Stresemann obliged. Over the next 3 weeks, he would create the Third Stresemann Ministry.
After a great deal of horse-trading, and some cajoling of all parties concerned by the President, Stresemann III was announced on the 3rd September. Now consisting of the SPD, DVP and Zentrum, the government coalition could rely on 297 deputies, a stable enough majority. The cabinet was:
Chancellor and Foreign Minister: Gustav Stresemann (DVP)
Vice-Chancellor: Otto Wels (SPD)
Interior: Rudolf Krohne (DVP)
Finance: Wilhelm Marx (Zentrum)
Economy: Rudolf Hilferding (SPD)
Employment: Heinrich Bruening (Zentrum)
Reichswehr: General Hans von Seeckt (a recent recruit to the DVP)
Justice: Julius Curtius (DVP)
Agriculture: Gustav Noske (SPD)
Post: Dr. Carl Cremer (DVP)
Decentralisation: Heinrich Mueller (SPD)
Transport: Konstantin Fehrenbach (Zentrum)
Deputy Foreign Affairs: Konrad Adenauer (Zentrum)
Health: Clara Mende (DVP)
Family and Education: Antonie Pfuelf (SPD)
The Cabinet was notable for several things. Firstly, the recruitment of a military man such as von Seeckt to a moderate cabinet struck a blow for regaining the army's trust and acceptance of the Republic. Secondly, Konrad Adenauer's new position as Stresemann's foreign affairs deputy marked another step on his rapid trajectory upwards from Mayor of Cologne to the heights of power. And thirdly, Germany's first-ever female ministers were a surprise but an important step on the path to women making as loud a noise in federal politics as men.
The demands had been relatively simple. Zentrum wanted continued decentralisation; the SPD wanted a woman in the cabinet and maintenance of the current levels of welfare for the unemployed (in the face of some serious parliamentary opposition). Jarres gave the new cabinet his blessing (although he had to be persuaded from refusing to accept Noske).
Chancellor and Foreign Minister: Gustav Stresemann (DVP)
Vice-Chancellor: Otto Wels (SPD)
Interior: Rudolf Krohne (DVP)
Finance: Wilhelm Marx (Zentrum)
Economy: Rudolf Hilferding (SPD)
Employment: Heinrich Bruening (Zentrum)
Reichswehr: General Hans von Seeckt (a recent recruit to the DVP)
Justice: Julius Curtius (DVP)
Agriculture: Gustav Noske (SPD)
Post: Dr. Carl Cremer (DVP)
Decentralisation: Heinrich Mueller (SPD)
Transport: Konstantin Fehrenbach (Zentrum)
Deputy Foreign Affairs: Konrad Adenauer (Zentrum)
Health: Clara Mende (DVP)
Family and Education: Antonie Pfuelf (SPD)
The Cabinet was notable for several things. Firstly, the recruitment of a military man such as von Seeckt to a moderate cabinet struck a blow for regaining the army's trust and acceptance of the Republic. Secondly, Konrad Adenauer's new position as Stresemann's foreign affairs deputy marked another step on his rapid trajectory upwards from Mayor of Cologne to the heights of power. And thirdly, Germany's first-ever female ministers were a surprise but an important step on the path to women making as loud a noise in federal politics as men.
The demands had been relatively simple. Zentrum wanted continued decentralisation; the SPD wanted a woman in the cabinet and maintenance of the current levels of welfare for the unemployed (in the face of some serious parliamentary opposition). Jarres gave the new cabinet his blessing (although he had to be persuaded from refusing to accept Noske).
Going on very well, Steve.
Two questions:
Two questions:
- you've already partially answered the first one: the appointment of von Seekt. I do understand the rationale behind it, but if the post-Versailles Germany has to become a working democracy, the special status of the Army must end sooner or later
- question number two: what are the estremists doing? On both sides of the political spectrum. Is there any major civil disturbance? or - most ominously - some talks of a putsch?
To answer both your questions:
1. Von Seeckt did join the DVP in 1928 IOTL-just earlier in my TL. The army's special status is going to have to stay for a while, but trying to coax them into the democracy is the government's plan for now. The army is not going to lie down for now. Plus, having an ex-army man in the party (Von Seeckt has resigned his command), in a high-profile position is part of the other strategy- to become the pre-eminent party of the mainstream Right.
2. Extremists. I hope I've documented the Communist split well enough, but I have indeed so far ignored the Nazis. Essentially they're not doing well- Hitler is just out of Landsberg, and not in time for the last elections either. So Strasser is in control. The SA and Communists are still fighting in the streets, but things will change.
Trouble Abroad
Luther had hardly shuffled off into the twilight when another European government fell. On the 3rd September 1925, after a devaluation of the franc in the wake of the withdrawal from the Ruhr, the government of Paul Painleve fell and was replaced by a new ministry, that of Aristide Briand. Stresemann was pleased by this result: the architects of Locarno were once again in charge.
Not that this new government made France any more stable. Fighting in the streets between a variety of far-right leagues and Communists went on and on, with little sign of abating. Meanwhile, in the Netherlands, the new Prime Minister Hendrikus Colijn was battling against a sudden upsurge of street violence as well, courtesy of both some Communists and members of the Dietsche Bond. It was not on the scale of France, but it was unsettling.
Luther had hardly shuffled off into the twilight when another European government fell. On the 3rd September 1925, after a devaluation of the franc in the wake of the withdrawal from the Ruhr, the government of Paul Painleve fell and was replaced by a new ministry, that of Aristide Briand. Stresemann was pleased by this result: the architects of Locarno were once again in charge.
Not that this new government made France any more stable. Fighting in the streets between a variety of far-right leagues and Communists went on and on, with little sign of abating. Meanwhile, in the Netherlands, the new Prime Minister Hendrikus Colijn was battling against a sudden upsurge of street violence as well, courtesy of both some Communists and members of the Dietsche Bond. It was not on the scale of France, but it was unsettling.
Oh no...
Having read up to the post above: it's not gonna turn into Nazi France (or Action Francais France, or similar), is it?
Not that this would be a problem, the TL has been great so far. I just have a feeling of foreboding, that's all...
Having read up to the post above: it's not gonna turn into Nazi France (or Action Francais France, or similar), is it?
Not that this would be a problem, the TL has been great so far. I just have a feeling of foreboding, that's all...