Jarres Goes For It

This POD hangs on the decision of Karl Jarres to withdraw from the 1925 Presidential Election in Germany. If he had chosen to run on, this is what I think would be the resulting timeline...

For a while, there had been murmurs that forces were hoping to bounce Paul von Hindenburg into the 1925 German presidential election. Some claimed he could win the people over more easily than any other candidate of the Right; some even claimed him as the bulwark against Bolshevism.

So when the results of the first round came through in the days after the 29th March, Hindenburg's response was much awaited. The DVP (German People's Party)'s Karl Jarres was top of the ballot with 38.8%; the SPD's Otto Braun second with 29%; Zentrum's Wilhelm Marx third with 14.5%; and the Communists' Ernst Thaelmann fourth on 7%, followed by a set of minor candidates.

Jarres was extremely pleased. He had been considering retiring in Hindenburg's favour for the second round, but with consideration, he felt in a strong position to win. He communicated this to Gustav Stresemann, his party's leader, who had never been much pleased with the idea of Hindenburg running: after all, what damage might it cause to foreign relations to have an architect of the Great War as president? Much of the DVP were of a similar view, Stresemann assured Jarres, and Jarres was and would remain the DVP's man.

It was clear that some serious horse-trading woul be going on before the next round on the 26th April. Admiral von Tirpitz's DVNP was livid that Jarres would not give way, but had little choice. Hindenburg himself, who had always been reluctant, now was refusing to even countenance a run.

Otto Braun was worried. Zentrum were refusing to countenance him as joint candidate, despite Marx's weak position. There were murmurs in the SPD that it was better to dump Braun than to risk defeat: it was the Party not the Man that mattered, they said.

And so, behind Braun's back, senior members of the Party (notably Hermann Mueller) decided to search for someone who could rally the SPD but still appeal to the centrist sensibilities of Zentrum. Someone on the Right of the party, with whom Zentrum could deal and in whose favour they might withdraw.

This man was a man who was solidly SPD, had a background in executive government, and had been on good terms with the old officer class back in the heady days of 1919.

The proposal was thus to remove Braun and to offer as a joint candidate the Minister President of Hanover, Gustav Noske.
 
Wilhelm Marx's fate was sealed days after the election, on the 3rd April 1925, thanks to the intervention of one of his fellow Zentrum men: Adam Stegerwald. Stegerwald, with his close contacts with the Christian trade unions and his position on the left of Zentrum, publicly stated that he felt that Gustav Noske would be his ideal choice as joint candidate.

That Noske was the likely man was the worst kept secret in Germany. Wilhelm Marx was doomed; Otto Braun even more so. On the 7th April, both men withdrew in favour of Noske. The DDP withdrew Willy Hellpach on the 8th and declared its support for Noske; a day later, the BVP declared for Jarres. The NSDAP stuck rigidly to Ludendorff's candidacy, and the KPD's Ernst Thaelmann also announced that he would not back down "and let a capitalist have a free run". It was going to be a tight race to the finish.
 
At first the SPD, Zentrum and DDP had agreed on Wilhelm Marx as their candidate. And they chose him because the centrists wouldn't have voted for a Social Democrat. Only after that, the rightwingers looked for another candidate. (They also considered a Hohenzollern prince, Hans von Seeckt, Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach, and Fritz Thyssen.)
 
At first the SPD, Zentrum and DDP had agreed on Wilhelm Marx as their candidate. And they chose him because the centrists wouldn't have voted for a Social Democrat. Only after that, the rightwingers looked for another candidate. (They also considered a Hohenzollern prince, Hans von Seeckt, Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach, and Fritz Thyssen.)

I do appreciate that, but I'm working on the basis that they might have found another way. After all, if you explained to someone with no knowledge of Weimar Germany that there was an election in which the first-placed candidate withdrew in favour of someone else and the second-placed candidate withdrew in favour on the third-placed one who trailed him by some way, then they would surely consider it to be ASB territory! I hope I can allay any fears you might have have that I'm shoe-horning Noske into the Presidency- this is not the case, he's just a product of shaking up the scenario.

I went for Noske because Noske had an impeccable record of crushing revolutionary socialism: even though he is SPD, he is probably going to be an acceptable candidate to any moderate centre/centre-left, particularly those on the left of Zentrum, such as Stegerwald. It's not going to be a rosy finish, but let's see what happens.

On another note- wasn't von Seeckt in the DVP?
 
Otto Braun, a man with an attachment to democratic values and to the Left, had decided to put his personal ambitions to one side. Noske seemed like the right man at the right time: for Friedrich Ebert to be succeded by another Social Democrat would be a success, in Braun's eyes.

Noske, still awaiting his official nomination, immediately went on the offensive to try and court Zentrum and DDP voters. Stressing both his tough line on the KPD and his moderate political values in other respects, his programme of aggressive persuasion kicked off with a visit to Archbishop Schulte of Cologne on the 10th April. Having been impressed with Noske's commitment to anti-Communism and his natural hostility to the far Right, Schulte gave his blessing to this new SPD-Zentrum-DDP ticket. On the 11th April, Zentrum officially confirmed Noske as their candidate, followed by his own party the next day.

Jarres, meanwhile, was somewhat concerned. This sudden shift to the Centre threatened some of his constituency. He couldn't make a pitch for the far Right, and he had little space to manoeuvre to his left. So he came up with a new plan: to recruit as many big names to endorse him as possible. This began on the 13th April, when General Hans von Seeckt publicly backed him. More decisive would be the blessing of Paul von Hindenburg three days later, thanks to von Tirpitz's powers of persuasion.
 
Jarres soon couldn't move without Noske matching him. When Jarres said he would not cut unemployment benefits, Noske said the same, neatly appeasing left and right. When Jarres promised support for German business, Noske did likewise. Noske even outmanoeuvred Jarres by calling for a liberal immigration policy for Auslandsdeutschen, which the DVP man soon had to loudly argue for as well.

But then Noske's Achilles heel showed. The Social Democrat made a speech at Duisburg on the 19th April on foreign policy which brought a thundering denunciation by Gustav Stresemann. Stresemann, the pre-eminent German world statesman, picked apart Noske's views in furious detail. The public sat up and took notice. The campaign's direction was changing.
 
Interesting POD: AFAIK, no one else ever picked it up.
And I know from the Talleyrand Plan that you can be relied upon to pull off some surprises. Give us more. :)
 
Interesting POD: AFAIK, no one else ever picked it up.
And I know from the Talleyrand Plan that you can be relied upon to pull off some surprises. Give us more. :)

Thanks for the support! I hadn't ever come across anybody else using it as a POD, so here's hoping. I can promise that Lettow-Vorbeck will not become President in this scenario AT ALL! :)
 
The 26th April came amid mounting tension, unprecedented campaigning and activism. In Berlin, Communists and Nazis had fought, but the presence of police and other citizens had led to only 4 deaths, all of whom were extremists types.

The new President was first made aware of his victory when Reichskanzler Hans Luther arrived at his home and greeted him with the words "Tag, sehr geehrte Herr Praesident. Ich gratuliere Ihnen".

With 47.1% of the vote, the new President of The German Reich was Karl Jarres.

The results were thus:

Karl Jarres (DVP-DNVP): 47.1%
Gustav Noske (SPD-Z): 46.4%
Ernst Thaelmann (KPD): 5.9%
Erich Ludendorff (NSDAP): 0.6%

Noske had done surprisingly well, and his success made him once again a big noise in the SPD. For Thaelmann, however, it was an embarassment, and the KPD would be torn apart by a leadership challenge within weeks. For the Nazis too, the result was a humiliation.
 
But that's practically illegal! :eek: :D

Also looking forward to what you'll do with this.

You know, if Lettow-Vorbeck came back to life and read the internet, he'd be convinced that he had led Germany into a peaceful re-acquistion of all its former territories, but managed to forget about it! :)
 
Flush from the celebrations, Jarres got straight to work. He summoned Luther to discuss how Germany was going to be run.

Luther, despite being non-partisan, unequivocally asked for parliamentary elections. After all, with the KPD in some trouble and the DVP clearly enjoying the limelight, maybe it was time to go to the polls. Luther had a decentralising agenda, but wanted the backing to do it. But first he had a plan, and wanted to wait. Jarres agreed to the idea, and to the delay.

The first issue was that Luther knew that his decentralisation mission might struggle to get a majority if the various tiny parties could help to block it, especially the more fringe parties. Thus he proposed, on the 3rd May 1925, the Stabilitaetsgesetz (Stability Act). This would stop any party entering the Reichstag if it had less than 2% of the vote. The bill soon became law- only 53 of the 472 deputies voted against it, mainly turkeys voting against Christmas. Jarres signed it into law as soon as possible, with it coming into effect as of the 14th May.

Over at the KPD, Thaelmann was facing open warfare. Paul Frolich, on the Left of the Party, publicly called for Thaelmann to go, stating that "Gegen den Kapitalisten und den Sozialfaschisten war er total nutzlos" (In the face of the capitalist and the social fascist, he was absolutely useless). Frolich and his fellow Trotskyists could be seen fighting Thaelmann's Stalinists in the streets.

The snap election was called on the 18th May, and the Reichstag dissolved. On the 2nd June 1925, Germany would once again go to the polls.
 
The KPD were truly in turmoil by the time the election came. Frolich refused to accept Thaelmann's control, and was followed by Karl Vierath, Jakob Ritter and a dozen other deputies. All denounced Thaelmann and called upon Ruth Fischer to return and take over. Thaelmann was in the process of having them expelled when the election came.

The results for the 493 seats were thus:

SPD: 26.3% (+0.3%): 133 seats (+2)
DNVP:19.9 (-0.6%): 105 seats (+2))
Zentrum: 15.6% (+1%): 78 seats (+9)
DVP: 16.4% (+6.3%): 86 seats (+35)
KPD: 5.2 (-3.7%): 29 seats (-16)
DDP: 6.2% (-0.1%): 35 seats (+3)
BVP: 2.7 (-1.0%): 16 seats (-3)
NSDAP: 2.6 % (-0.4%): 11 (-3)

The remaining 5.1% was split amongst various minor parties, who failed to cross Luther's new boundary and enter the Reichstag. The German-Hanoverian Party, Bavarian Peasant's League, League of Farmers and Wirtschaftspartei (WP) had been wiped out by the new boundary.

Notable new entries to the Reichstag were the Konrad Adenauer and Franz von Papen (Zentrum), Hans von Seeckt (DVP) and the newly-recruited journalist-later to be famous for his war memoirs-Erich Maria Remarque (SPD).

Jarres immediately recalled Luther as Chancellor, loath to ask a Socialist to do the job. Luther accepted, forming Luther II from a coalition of the DNVP, DVP, and Zentrum. The DDP and BVP were frozen out. The former, aggrieved, would go on to seek an alliance with the SPD. The new Cabinet was thus:

Chancellor: Hans Luther (non-partisan)
Foreign Affairs: Gustav Stresemann (DVP)
Interior: Martin Schiele (DNVP)
Finance: Wilhelm Marx (Zentrum)
Economy: Albert Neuhaus (DNVP)
Employment: Heinrich Bruening (Zentrum)
Reichswehr: Admiral von Tirpitz (DNVP)
Justice: Rudolf Krohne (DVP)
Agriculture: Julius Curtius (DVP)
Post: Otto von Schlieben (DNVP)
Decentralisation (a new post): Konrad Adenauer (Zentrum)
Transport: Konstantin Fehrenbach (Zentrum)
 
A line-up of star players. Very very interesting (same as with an early decentralization).

Any comments from abroad? everyone should be reasonably pleased of the presidental election and its follow up
 
Very interesting - quite a cabinet you have there :D

Many thanks- I tried to deviate only slightly from the real Luther I, but a few changes here and there seemed plausible, especially with the DVP benefiting so much from the collapse of the small parties.
 
A line-up of star players. Very very interesting (same as with an early decentralization).

Any comments from abroad? everyone should be reasonably pleased of the presidental election and its follow up

I'll do some research into comments from abroad- I want to make this TL extremely detailed and accurate, so it's going to be slow progress as I rummage around.

Question for everyone (and probably above all Max): Luther had a decentralisation plan but could never effect it. Could or would this plausibly involve creating a separate Rhenish province? I know that this would doubtless receive support from the SPD and parts of Zentrum, with a slightly anti-Prussian attitude.
 
June saw a fairly positive response to the two elections from the international community. With Stresemann still in the Cabinet and one of his close associates as head of state, the former Allies were somewhat pleased, especially as the threat of a Hindenburg presidency had passed. Jarres, Luther and Stresemann now forged ahead with the plans for the Locarno Treaties. After a personal meeting in Brussels with President Gaston Doumergue and Prime Minister Paul Painleve of France on the 24th June 1925, the German trio managed to persuade the French and then the Belgians to promise a withdrawal from the Ruhr in August. When this news reached Germany, the response was explosive. The liberal Frankfurter Zeitung hailed Stresemann as a saviour, and questioned whether Noske, Braun or even the alleged Hindenburg Plan could have had the same effect. DVP poll ratings went through the roof. Across the Atlantic, President Coolidge quietly lauded the events of the last month.

Luther's next priority was his decentralisation plan. His first plan was to carve two new provinces, Nordrhein and Westfalen, from the Prussian Rhenish territory. The bill covering this was sent to the Reichstag on the 7th July for consideration. With the SPD and Zentrum broadly in favour, and the DVP willing to back it, there was a strong chance that the bill could become law.
 
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