65. Landed Values
Lucius Verus
Banned
65. Landed Values
The Old Colonial Regions Of Cyprus, Dalmatia, And Dubrovnik
1380-1450
When the process of land consolidation began in the 1380s and spread to the other colonies it was heralded as the end of the ancient communes and the beginning of slavery and impoverishment by wide segments of colonial society. Despite the appearance of a total social breakdown the ancestral ties between kin, tribe, and village survived its divorce from the lands that sustained its ancestors. After the initial Patrician buyout/confiscation, many stayed to work for their new landlords, some sought their fortunes on the sea, some moved to the cities, and finally a few fought the doomed struggle against land consolidation. Many freeholders, while landless still retained their tools, skills, draft animals, made up a substantial proportion of the local workforce and were able to leverage those advantages into decent contracts with their new landlords. Of course some simply gambled, drank, and squandered their way into destitution as countless cautionary tales would attest to and joined the ranks of the day labourers they used to spit and sneer at. In the end most villages of Dalmatia were able to keep their traditions alive by uniting through communal bonds and all was well, or at least so it seemed... [1]
By carving out a comfortable niche within the new Venetian system the former freeholders failed to realized that the new system carried its own inherent cultural values. Similar to residents of the Venetian lagoon the lack of land for purchase in the colonies meant that land ownership was no longer the prerequisite for starting a family as new families sought out silver for tools, training, connections, and most recently stocks. Perhaps an indication of the Venetian system's efficiency as the conquered was now actively funding the conqueror through shares in Sconvòlgers, manufactures that supplied them, among other ventures. Land, to the common Dalmatian was no longer seen as the defining factor of social status and wealth. The sentiment carried up into the ranks of the urban Adriatic cities where wealth and status relied on skill, work, and the ability to borrow-in contrast to land ownership and wealth on hand. This sentiment was carried further up still in the evicted nobility of Dalmatian society as they found wealth and prestige in commerce, management, and conquest having being barred from owning land and high office. However not everyone drank from the rising Venetian tide as evident in the colonial artists and clergy. The colonial clergy, former owner of nearly half the land was an active opponent of anything Venetian having no defined place within the State church or the new economy. With their former noble protectors slaughtered and thoroughly cowed the colonial churches were helpless militarily while their pleas were ignored by a splintered Papacy. The Dalmatian artists; former nobles and their retainers followed the Florentine culture of chivalry, eloquence, and romantic ideals of land-ownership invented by Tuscan artists and for artists such as themselves. [2][3]
Unlike Venice, where rising women's income led to rising ages for marriage and decreased fertility Dalmatia was undergoing a demographic boom. As Dalmatian and Ragusan family values demanded that daughters stayed to support the family in dire economic times the rising wages of sons and fathers meant that daughters left home earlier, married younger, and carried more children. It was a gradual process as wealth began to trickle down during the first decade of the 15th century while the effects of the rising fertility wouldn't show until the early 1410s as children began to work at the tender age of six. By the 1430s as economic investment reached saturation in the old-colonial regions and migration for work became common-place as the population swelled compared to local employment. For different reasons, the sedentary colonial farmer would come to join the stereotypical Venetian boy in his coming of age pilgrimage into distant lands. [4] [5]
But what of the colonial vagabonds? The landless masses without wealth, land, citizenship, or status grinding for mere sustenance? Unlike their social betters there was no one to advocate or campaign for those to have the misfortune of being born poor and nameless for even the poorest Venetian resident had access to credit, education, charity, and are called up for the occasional Patrician consult. Asides from the odd Sconvòlger recruiter there was little hope for those unable to save enough to pull themselves out of poverty. The introduction of the grain-subsidies post-conquest was a welcome relief but when given to vagabonds without organized bargaining often resulted in wage cuts and little change in real income, in this regard the grain subsidy served better as a wage subsidy for the merchant-investor than paternalist redistribution. Unlike the higher echelons of society, there was no aristocratic plan waiting to help them unintentionally like the women of Venice or the servi-citizens of the colonies. From these depths of deprivation came cries of anguish and prayers for a savior; little did they know their savior dealt in a different form of salvation and he was bringing the apocalypse with him.
[1] A common thing that occurred with land consolidation in OTL England was that the former farmers organized village unions that presented a collective bargaining front with landowners. While a temporary measure that would erode over generations against aggressive landlords it provided continuity and showed that land consolidation was a gradual process.
[2] IOTL the catholic church was a massive land owner within Europe and its management varied from mediocre and negligent on average to the innovative and productive Cistercian Order.
[3] IOTL an important aspect of industrialization was a society's avenues for social advancement. IOTL many successful entrepreneurs (such as the silk industrialists of Lyon) made their money, brought land, abandoned their productive pursuits, and joined the ranks of the nobles as it as the sole avenue of social advancement outside of the clergy. IOTL as Venice conquered the mainland its Patricians became exposed to and enamored with feudal values which combined with the decline of trade in the 16th century and manufacturing in the 17th century crowded out innovative pursuits and directed economic activity towards the zero-sum game of land-ownership.
[4] Just goes to show the importance of culture for industrial development as rising income leads to diametric demographic effects in Venice and its colonies.
[5] IOTL six was considered the average age that children started working, 11-14 was when the boys began earnest education and the girls began saving for their dowry, 17-21 was when the men became certified skilled workers and the women brides; gender differentiation began early and was ingrained by a decade of work and selective treatment.
The Old Colonial Regions Of Cyprus, Dalmatia, And Dubrovnik
1380-1450
When the process of land consolidation began in the 1380s and spread to the other colonies it was heralded as the end of the ancient communes and the beginning of slavery and impoverishment by wide segments of colonial society. Despite the appearance of a total social breakdown the ancestral ties between kin, tribe, and village survived its divorce from the lands that sustained its ancestors. After the initial Patrician buyout/confiscation, many stayed to work for their new landlords, some sought their fortunes on the sea, some moved to the cities, and finally a few fought the doomed struggle against land consolidation. Many freeholders, while landless still retained their tools, skills, draft animals, made up a substantial proportion of the local workforce and were able to leverage those advantages into decent contracts with their new landlords. Of course some simply gambled, drank, and squandered their way into destitution as countless cautionary tales would attest to and joined the ranks of the day labourers they used to spit and sneer at. In the end most villages of Dalmatia were able to keep their traditions alive by uniting through communal bonds and all was well, or at least so it seemed... [1]
By carving out a comfortable niche within the new Venetian system the former freeholders failed to realized that the new system carried its own inherent cultural values. Similar to residents of the Venetian lagoon the lack of land for purchase in the colonies meant that land ownership was no longer the prerequisite for starting a family as new families sought out silver for tools, training, connections, and most recently stocks. Perhaps an indication of the Venetian system's efficiency as the conquered was now actively funding the conqueror through shares in Sconvòlgers, manufactures that supplied them, among other ventures. Land, to the common Dalmatian was no longer seen as the defining factor of social status and wealth. The sentiment carried up into the ranks of the urban Adriatic cities where wealth and status relied on skill, work, and the ability to borrow-in contrast to land ownership and wealth on hand. This sentiment was carried further up still in the evicted nobility of Dalmatian society as they found wealth and prestige in commerce, management, and conquest having being barred from owning land and high office. However not everyone drank from the rising Venetian tide as evident in the colonial artists and clergy. The colonial clergy, former owner of nearly half the land was an active opponent of anything Venetian having no defined place within the State church or the new economy. With their former noble protectors slaughtered and thoroughly cowed the colonial churches were helpless militarily while their pleas were ignored by a splintered Papacy. The Dalmatian artists; former nobles and their retainers followed the Florentine culture of chivalry, eloquence, and romantic ideals of land-ownership invented by Tuscan artists and for artists such as themselves. [2][3]
Unlike Venice, where rising women's income led to rising ages for marriage and decreased fertility Dalmatia was undergoing a demographic boom. As Dalmatian and Ragusan family values demanded that daughters stayed to support the family in dire economic times the rising wages of sons and fathers meant that daughters left home earlier, married younger, and carried more children. It was a gradual process as wealth began to trickle down during the first decade of the 15th century while the effects of the rising fertility wouldn't show until the early 1410s as children began to work at the tender age of six. By the 1430s as economic investment reached saturation in the old-colonial regions and migration for work became common-place as the population swelled compared to local employment. For different reasons, the sedentary colonial farmer would come to join the stereotypical Venetian boy in his coming of age pilgrimage into distant lands. [4] [5]
But what of the colonial vagabonds? The landless masses without wealth, land, citizenship, or status grinding for mere sustenance? Unlike their social betters there was no one to advocate or campaign for those to have the misfortune of being born poor and nameless for even the poorest Venetian resident had access to credit, education, charity, and are called up for the occasional Patrician consult. Asides from the odd Sconvòlger recruiter there was little hope for those unable to save enough to pull themselves out of poverty. The introduction of the grain-subsidies post-conquest was a welcome relief but when given to vagabonds without organized bargaining often resulted in wage cuts and little change in real income, in this regard the grain subsidy served better as a wage subsidy for the merchant-investor than paternalist redistribution. Unlike the higher echelons of society, there was no aristocratic plan waiting to help them unintentionally like the women of Venice or the servi-citizens of the colonies. From these depths of deprivation came cries of anguish and prayers for a savior; little did they know their savior dealt in a different form of salvation and he was bringing the apocalypse with him.
[1] A common thing that occurred with land consolidation in OTL England was that the former farmers organized village unions that presented a collective bargaining front with landowners. While a temporary measure that would erode over generations against aggressive landlords it provided continuity and showed that land consolidation was a gradual process.
[2] IOTL the catholic church was a massive land owner within Europe and its management varied from mediocre and negligent on average to the innovative and productive Cistercian Order.
[3] IOTL an important aspect of industrialization was a society's avenues for social advancement. IOTL many successful entrepreneurs (such as the silk industrialists of Lyon) made their money, brought land, abandoned their productive pursuits, and joined the ranks of the nobles as it as the sole avenue of social advancement outside of the clergy. IOTL as Venice conquered the mainland its Patricians became exposed to and enamored with feudal values which combined with the decline of trade in the 16th century and manufacturing in the 17th century crowded out innovative pursuits and directed economic activity towards the zero-sum game of land-ownership.
[4] Just goes to show the importance of culture for industrial development as rising income leads to diametric demographic effects in Venice and its colonies.
[5] IOTL six was considered the average age that children started working, 11-14 was when the boys began earnest education and the girls began saving for their dowry, 17-21 was when the men became certified skilled workers and the women brides; gender differentiation began early and was ingrained by a decade of work and selective treatment.
Last edited: