108. The Philosophy Of Change Part 2
1480
Venetian Republic
We were two companies of three hundred sent to take Carpi, the Elder Pio brother served in the conquest of the Nile and had the foresight to convert his castle into a rampart which our cannonballs just sunk into. Thousands of ducats spent on the latest cast iron techniques, carriages, and one of the finest ballistics expert me and all it took was a pile of dirt. It was a bloody hell fighting up that rampart but we carried the day. it was only after the war that I learned there was an army of four thousand rebels a day's march in Modena; word was that they(Modena) were happy to see the old Ghibellines destroyed... What's a Ghibelline? [1][2]
Bessarion, Combat Engineer captain.
At the beginning of the revolt it was seen as just news pertinent only to the travelers, traders, and the curious while the thousands of soldiers travelling through Venice no different from any other influx of travelers. Then the Estes of Ferrara revolted just across the lagoon, followed by the return of the first hospital ships, and climaxing with an Este raid bombarding the Lido. Due to a combination of better battlefield surgery and Venice being the closest safe haven for all of the Republic's surviving wounded plenty of wounded and dying soldiers filled the streets of Venice giving the situation a sense of gravity. While the situation was a far-cry from the grim days of 1378 when the citizens of Venice starved while awaiting the Genoese slaughter it was now 1487 and a full century had passed for citizens born in safety. The sense of shock and betrayal was in the air and it lubricated the process of drafting for the first time in decades. Meanwhile, as the focal point of the rebellion the Sons of Erasmus was mired in a crisis of discipline as many current or former members and their friends within Terrafirma cities were lynched by mobs. Acts of vengeance for real and perceived wrongs was rampant by the Sons of Erasmus pushing the silent majority towards active rebellion while the armies themselves threatened to devolve into disorganized mobs. Despite the relative autonomy of armies in the field, the Sons of Erasmus was more dependent than any medieval army on its supply train which combined with idealistic Patrician leadership helped reign in the worst excesses in the early days of the rebellion. Just in time too, for most of the incompetent and idealistic Patrician leadership would soon die or be dismissed in the fighting.
For many Terrafirma the troubles started long before 1487 in the 1420s right after Venetian conquest, wages which had been stagnant for nearly two centuries fell precipitously against competition from more efficient and larger Venetian manufacturates. The rising guilds of the 11th-12th centuries, which had led to the creation of well-intentioned if unstable and oligarchic republics had to adapt to Venetian standardized production with wage cuts and/or transitions towards luxury products unprofitable to mass-produce. The process was well-underway by the 1480s yet unlike Venice, which had the legacy of a welfare floor through food subsidies, a vibrant and free jobs market, and bureaucratic jobs restricted to citizens the local governments of Terrafirma were exclusive, obstinate, and non-responsive to Venice and the majority of the populace. The result was dysfunction, bureaucratic chaos, and masses of poor, oppressed, and impoverished urban labourers slowly emigrating to the countryside while the majority sold their loyalty to those that promised them the most. The situation was as bad as the former city-states where bitter feuding between neighbours in a changing economy with the addition of Venice as an universal overlord to rally against.[3]
Historically Venice didn't do much to help its case, unwilling to replace the existing government post-conquest like it did with Dalmatia, Regusa, and the Nile, nor willing to fully integrate the elites like Dalmatia due to the sheer number of mainlander Patricians and Nobles with a culture considered incompatible with the Venetian senate, while also considering the mainland too strategic and threatening for autonomy like the Albanian tribes or Greek despots. Too confident and proud, the heirs of past conquest are unwilling to concede that their parents over-reached nor as willing to adapt. Despite the denial the sheer obstinacy of the mainlanders were already affecting the Patricians, attracted by the profit potential of a rich market and repulsed by official channels have resorted to the more personal networks indulging with the associated marriage and culture-of course this went both ways, many mainland Patricians are also brought into the Venetian system (usually the super-rich) and borne witness to the relatively functional, consistent, and impartial Venetian government as well as Venetian culture.
In contrast to the anger of the people the Patricians of Venice, the Doge, and the State saw the problem from a distance. The treatment of traitors, regardless of time, place, or culture tended to be severe and brutal. Unlike the citizens and residents of the Adriatic, which were relatively well fed by sea and blamed the rebellion for their current food woes the government had been trying to combat the agricultural crisis for nearly two years which lessened the shock of betrayal. It was during a particularly heated senate session Dogaressa Enrica Ruzzini, frustrated by obstinate firebrands, the delay of communicating through her disinterested husband broke with tradition and shouted down proposals to sack the cities of Terrafirma. Reminding them of their failure to prevent the agricultural crisis in the first place and their numerous ties and interests in the mainland Enrica Ruzzini managed to moderate the discourse within the senate away from draconian retribution. Yet perhaps the most important factor in the ultimate treatment of the rebels was the fact that the richest and most Venetianized mainlanders were also the most importance sources of intel and later cooperation in pacified cities. While the Venetian system wasn't able to integrate the numerous and proud mainlanders like it did in its other colonial regions it was at least able to co-op the richest strata of mainland society.
Militarily the mainland was seen by the senate as an endless ocean, it seemed that no matter how many soldiers Venice sent the mainland always seemed capable of mustering more and swallowing them whole. Venetian rectors estimated that had Lombardia not burnt itself out with starvation and infighting the campaign would've taken another year or two and given foreign powers a chance to intervene. Combined with the dire state of saltpeter stocks and the perpetual inability of "piters" (urine processing by farms) to produce powder high-quality enough [4]
In reality the rebels on the mainland were in various stages of paranoid purging and hunger with men flocking to the banners in hopes of securing food. Unlike their own men, which could be led astray by promises of food and amnesty the Sons of Erasmus seemed unwavering with the rebel leadership begrudgingly acknowledging the fact. On paper the rebels had more wealth, men, and arms than the Venetians and in the wake of defeat there was consensus on the need for a professional military but how? The very city-state that they rebelled for is based on the creation and hoarding of privileges over others within their city; what insanity would it be to train and arm the enemies that they had or will exploit and oppress? For many of the guilds and minor nobles which provided the leadership of the rebellion it was easier to blame traditional enemies and scapegoats or resort to the nebulous solution of mercenaries than it was to reassess their "natural" claims of privilege. In many ways the revolts were reactionary, trying to turn the clock back to the city-states, a time made increasingly obsolete by the Venetian empire and military innovations. For the a good deal of the guilds, nobles, and patricians for whom the city-state was the basis of the privilege and economy that they relied on for their welfare and identity there was no peace, merely a truce.
Like the days of the Visconti dominance there was a sense of inevitability to Venetian power and these people rather bend than lose more in a third time resisting. This group were mostly the professionals, merchants, rural landowners, yeoman farmholds, and enterprising noble-Patricians who have adapted and benefited most in the last few decades. Led by the richest mainland patricians and nobles who had integrated into the Venetian system this line of thought was formerly split between those that wanted greater integration in the hopes of participating in and perhaps even taking over the senate with sheer numbers and wealth while other wished for greater autonomy, the latter discredited by the Venetian reconquest.
The bulk of the urban residents were the labouring poor, impoverished by the traditional city-state administration's taxation and oppression with the new addition of Venetian economic competition. Without ideology, split between cities, neighbourhoods, blood, and by their patrons this disorganized mass of misery wallows in the day to day challenges of life and while riotous are mostly limited to local concerns unless pushed to the brink. Without strong loyalties they try to sell their loyalties for a pittance.
Amidst all the politics a small core of well to do academics, clerics, and writers that saw the problem clearly; Terrafirma could be independent if only the cities united in opposition. Brought together by social circles of letters and a shared belief in humanism instead of birth or city-citizenship they represent a vocal minority mostly ignored by the popular humanists pre-revolt but are now gaining a growing audience among the expanding professional classes and nobles. They cared little for what city one was from and are the only group with universal appeal yet they are often are blindsided by their wealthy upbringings mostly neglecting to the masses and fumbling when they try to.
"We are crabs in the bucket, all too busy trying to pull either other down while the fisherman prepares to dine"
Donato Bramante
[1]IOTL 50 ducats=about the annual wage of a Italian skilled worker, 15 ducats for a laborer. Italian income per capita was about 150%-200% that of the rest of Europe and kept at that level until the 16th century when the Netherlands surpassed them. IOTL the cost of living in Venice inflated Venetian incomes, while it wasn't growing the average person did live relatively wealthy lives. ITTL Venice per capita income is still growing spurred on by both intensive improvements in organization, technology, and institutions and the extensive benefits of empire.
[2] IOTL the Ghibellines and Guelphs were factions supporting the Holy Roman Emperor(HRE) and the Pope respectively. There was a social element to the division as the merchants tended to be Guelphs while the nobles that made their money from land holding tended to be Ghibellines. IOTL the Patricians of Venice were all cut from the same mercantile clothe and there weren't powerful large land owners till recently ITTL (yes IOTL there were Patrician lords in Crete, but they were distant and lacing influence in Venice).
[3] IOTL the "original" citizens, or I suppose highest tier pure bloods numbering over 10,000 in Venice were heavily employed in the bureaucracy and helped maintain Venetian social stability; so it wasn't just anti-corruption but economic patronage of a sort paradoxically. ITTL the practice still lingers, part of the reason it is so desirable for poor Dalamatians to learn Venetian was the prospect of a government job and citizenship rights that comes with ministers finding cheaper alternatives than Venetians.
[4] IOTL Saltpeter mined from bat caves or geological deposits generated more propulsion than the piter-produced nitrates that created more relatively heat than propulsion due to higher charcoal and sulphur contents.