Indonesia ATL: The Presidency of Try Sutrisno (1997-)

[GSD310]

I see Tutut as a hardcore populist. I wonder if she would get the support desired, given the new circumstances that put Indonesia on a new light in the world stage.

For sure she is playing the populist and being the daughter of Soeharto, she is trying to appeal to the same kind of groups that Soeharto tried to appeal to (farmers and people in rural areas) as president. It appears now and again in the TL, but she and her party would attempt to portray Try and the government as "not caring about farmers" and "giving up on rice self-sufficiency (which as in OTL is the signature government achievement of the Soeharto regime). It's all calculated to portray to farmers that their interests would be safer with Tutut rather than Try.

I base Tutut's ITTL actions to her OTL self when she tried to lead OTL PKPB to a legislative election factory where she would try to make nostalgic appeals to people saying how good the days of Soeharto's presidency was. The difference between ITTL and OTL is that the nation never saw Soeharto mishandle the Asian Financial Crisis or the May 1998 Riots. So Soeharto does better legacy-wise and reputation-wise.

As for how much support she would get, keep tuning in!

 

[GSD310]

14th December 2001:
Accompanied by Minister of Religion Quraish Shihab and Head of BAZNAS Bambang Sudibyo, President Try Sutrisno paid his zakat today at the Presidential Palace. Speaking to journalists gathered there the President encouraged those who have not paid their zakat yet to pay it through the BAZNAS.

The President then made surprise inspections, first to Gambir and then to the Senen Railway Station with Minister of Transportation Soerjadi Soedirja, State Minister of State-Owned Enterprises Bacelius Ruru, and Chief of Police Yun Mulyana. The people there, carrying boxes on their shoulders, told the President that the stations have been cleaned up and ticket scalping has decreased though it is still present.

From the train stations, the President made an appearance at Soekarno-Hatta Airport. Deputy Commander of ABRI Chappy Hakim joined the President’s entourage for this, he being in charge of liaising between ABRI Headquarters and the Department of Transportation as far as airport security was concerned. The President got a briefing on security procedures such as prohibiting liquids from being brought on board the aircraft.

15th December 2001:
At a press conference today, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita said that the Government of Indonesia condemns the terrorist attack that occurred on the Indian Parliament on 13th December. He said that Indonesia’s wish is for India and Pakistan to handle the situation level-headedly but with decisiveness as far as handling the terrorists were concerned.

When asked about Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan, Ginandjar said that Indonesia welcomes the overthrow of the Taliban Regime in Afghanistan and hopes that it will deal a decisive blow against Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda as it conducts its operations in Tora Bora.

16th December 2001:
Eid’l Fitr Day with the President attending Eid prayers at Istiqlal Mosque. He then made a surprise appearance at Rawamangun Bus Terminal in East Jakarta, shaking hands and chatting with people going back to their hometowns.

17th December 2001:
On the second day of Eid, the Presidential Palace held an open house for the general public and the nation’s political elite with Vice President JB Sumarlin and Second Lady Yustiana Soedarmi Sumarlin being the first to shake hands with the President and First Lady Tuti Setiawati. The spotlight belonged to Chairwoman of PKPB Tutut Soeharto and Chairwoman of PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri. The camera flashbulbs just could not get enough of them as they and their spouses shook hands with the President and First Lady Tuti Setiawati.

The reporters and cameramen hanging about at the Presidential Palace, always ready with witticisms said that the open house was the final “Peacetime Open House” because it was after this it’s “War at the 2002 Elections and the 2003 MPR Session”.

18th December 2001:
At the PKPB National Headquarters, Tutut had a meeting attended by Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung, Chairman of the PKPB National Campaign Prabowo Subianto, Vice Chairman of the DPR Theo Sambuaga, and Leader of the PKPB in the DPR Hartono.

The attendees were in a good mood as Prabowo made his report. He said that they have cut into the support for the PKPI in the last 3 months on the back of the perception that the government does not care about the rural areas and on the perception that the government is hostile towards those “of the majority religion”. For the latter, Prabowo reported that they have “Yusril Ihza Mahendra and Nur Mahmudi Ismail’s crowd” to thank.

Prabowo then pulled out a dossier entitled “PKPI’s Top Three”. When Tutut asked what it was, Prabowo said it’s his list of the three top PKPI DPR candidates that the PKPB should be on the look out for. The three were:

*Harmoko, the incumbent Chairman of the DPR. Indulging in his old habit when he was Chairman of Golkar, Harmoko had travelled around Indonesia throughout the course of the fasting month and with his ability so speak in plain-language that people in rural areas can understand, has been able to restore some of the support which the PKPI had lost in recent months.

*Meutia Farida Hatta Swasono, the Minister of Social Affairs. It was not only Soekarno and Soeharto’s names which will be used to gain votes but also Hatta’s. With the combination of her father’s name and her current status as minister, Meutia has the potential to become a powerful vote-getter. She is running for a seat in Bengkulu but is sure to be deployed to campaign everywhere.

*Slamet Effendy Yusuf, previously Indonesian Ambassador to the UK. Perceiving that the PKPB was about to play the religion card, the President had agreed to call back Slamet so that he could run for the DPR. In addition to countering the religion card the PKPB wants to play, Slamet’s unofficial role will also be to ensure the PKPI also secure some votes from the NU members, Slamet being a member of NU.

Tutut was pleased with the comprehensive report Prabowo delivered and made sure that he knew.

“At the end of all this, if all turns out well, you’re in line to be the next State Secretary”, she said.

19th December 2001:
Governor of BI Boediono and Head of IBRA Bambang Subianto stood watching as trucks carrying cash arrive at the BI Building in what had become a regular occurrence towards the end of the year, the BLBI Repayments.

Minister of Mining and Energy Djiteng Marsudi came out of a meeting with the President saying that they discussed various issues. Djiteng reported that the year’s highlights as far as mining was concerned was the successful renewal of Caltex’s contract in Riau in August 2001. Djiteng also said that negotiations have gotten underway between Exxon and Pertamina regarding the discovery of a crude oil and gas field at Cepu, Central Java. Lastly, Djiteng announced that the President has approved of an onshore LNG Development Scheme at Masela in Maluku.

Djiteng laughed off the idea of him being regarded as “unfriendly” in the oil and gas sector saying that he just wanted everyone to play by the same rules so that Indonesia’s natural resources can be utilized for the benefit of the Indonesian people.

20th December 2001:
The President, accompanied by Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, and State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, today welcomed the Philippines’ Secretary of Foreign Affairs Domingo Siazon, Secretary of National Defense Orlando Mercado, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Diomedio Villanueva, and Executive Secretary Edgardo Angara.

After the meeting with the President, both delegations announced that President Try has approved of Indonesia military deployment to the Philippines to assist the Filipino Government combat Islamic insurgents within its borders. During his turn to speak, Wiranto said that Indonesia was taking its commitment seriously, announcing that ABRI will be deploying Kostrad’s 13th Infantry Brigade, and the Marine Corp’s 1st Marine Battalion with smaller units from the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police deployed on a rotational basis.

Wiranto also said that Indonesia respects that this is a Filipino issue and that overall command of operations will remain with the Armed Forces of the Philippines. At the same time to bring together the Indonesian units under one command, Wiranto said the President has approved of the formation of an Indonesian Contingent Command to be led by Col. Pramono Edhie Wibowo, who will be promoted to brigadier general.

The Filipino delegation responded warmly to Indonesia’s commitment with Siazon saying that Indonesia’s leadership and humility in the region was crucial. Mercado said that the Filipino Government is looking to begin operations early next year.

21st December 2001:
After Friday prayers, the President had a lunch meeting with Sumarlin, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti, Minister of Finance Mar’ie Muhammad, Boediono, Edi Sudrajat, and Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman. The following were discussed:

*Boediono reported that the Rupiah was now at $1= Rp. 3,996, the first time it had dropped beyond $1= Rp. 4,000 since the first days of Try’s presidency. Boediono said that this is good for low inflation rates, saying that a stronger Rupiah means that the Rupiah is worth a lot more and can purchase more.

*Edi said that this would mean Indonesian exports are more expensive. Dorodjatun said that while this is true current situation will push Indonesian exporters to become more productive, efficient, and to aim for added value. He further added that while the aim is to increase exports, there’s no reason why Indonesia should not take advantage of the present moment by encouraging investment and business activities which would be productive and beneficial to the economy. The President said he agrees and said that Dorodjatun has made his points clear in the policies proposed in the upcoming policy package.

As an aside, the President said that due to their complementary nature, the policy package and the Draft Budget should come within days of each other. He told the meeting that what is contained in these two announcements will lay the "foundations for our future".

*Mar’ie was the last to report saying that the Department of Finance is working around the clock to work on the budget especially because that the 10 year debt moratorium has meant that spending and projects that have been previously cast aside will now need to be looked at again. Mar’ie however told the meeting that there was something which would not have to wait to be announced and the President gleefully approved it.

When the meeting was finished, Dorodjatun, Mar’ie and Boediono held a joint press conference to announce that all debt incurred from the IMF when Indonesia asked for its aid in 1997 will be settled by the end of the current financial year on 31st March 2002. Mar’ie thanked the contributions of the Indonesian people whether through their economic activities or through their paying of taxes for making this possible.

24th December 2001:
The President, together with State Minister of Urban Development Giri Suseno, State Minister of State-Owned Enterprises Edi Sudrajat, Junior Minister of Housing Bobby Suhardiman, and Governor of Jakarta Sutiyoso, today inaugurated Sudirman Place, a mixed use apartment and shopping center at the edge of Istora Senayan complex.

As he toured the place, President marveled at the fact that Sudirman Place was linked to the Senayan Jakarta MRT Station. Blok M Plaza was linked to the Blok M MRT Station and Hotel Indonesia now has an underground link to Bunderan HI MRT Station but this was the first time that a residential project has a direct link to the MRT. In his speech, the President said that Jakarta is rapidly becoming a modern city with modern living standards for its inhabitants and he expects other cities in Indonesia to follow suit.

26th December 2001:
The President and Tuti Setiawati visited JB Sumarlin and his wife at the Vice Presidential Palace to wish them Merry Christmas.

Returning to the Presidential Palace, the First Couple welcomed BJ Habibie and Mrs. Ainun Habibie to the Presidential Palace. They had lunch and afterwards the President gave Habibie a tour of the palace as the two ladies chatted with each other.

As they walked, Habibie asked permission to visit Germany with his wife. It was not the first time Habibie had gone on holiday to Germany during Try’s presidency, but Try got the same feeling he got when Liem Sioe Liong said he was going to move and live in Singapore. He asked if it was going to be permanent, Habibie smiled in a way that said “yes”. Try nodded in understanding.

“I am a spent force, Mr. President” explained Habibie “What I have built has been fully incorporated into your regime and I trust that you will do well with is and as far as politics goes, I’ve been dead weight in your coalition since I failed to be re-elected as Chairman of ICMI. There’s no reason why I should still be here.”

Try gave Habibie his permission, not being able to help but feel a bit sad that Habibie was leaving.

27th December 2001:
Jakarta was empty, its inhabitants having pretty much gone on holiday with the Eid’l Fitr, Christmas, and then the New Year coming close behind each other. For the President it was a time to talk with his Four Horsemen.

“Can’t really feel sorry for him, Try, you helped speed his decline along when you put the BPIS under the Department of Industry”, said Edi bluntly “But it’s a good step because you made Siswono stronger.”

“The map is changing, Mr. President”, said Harsudiono “Two years ago, you formed a coalition against Tutut. You got Harmoko, Wahono, Sudharmono, and Habibie on your side but this coalition, it was formed with the purpose of countering the coalition Tutut built so that she could become the Chairwoman of Golkar and with the assumption that whatever differences you had with her, it would be settled within Golkar. The moment Golkar died, this coalition, in actuality became obsolete. It’s now just waiting for its time to end.”

“But then if this coalition is now obsolete, it needs to be replaced”, said OCDS Sugeng Subroto.

“It already is, it’s happening quiet naturally within the PKPI”, countered Harsudiono.

“How?” asked Sugeng.

“Factions”, replied Ari Sudewo “There’s factions within the PKPI.”

“Broadly speaking, there’s two factions within the PKPI”, began Harsudiono “The first one belongs to that generation of students whose demonstrations had helped unseat Soekarno’s Old Order and install Soeharto’s New Order. Others went on to become businessmen while still others became cabinet ministers for Soeharto and DPR members for Golkar. Generally speaking, they realized the shortcomings of Soeharto’s regime and are willing to criticize him from within the regime but are at the same time willing to work inside the system.”

“Sounds like a lot of people but it sounds like Sarwono and Siswono the most”, said Edi, talking about the Minister of Agriculture and the Minister of Industry.

“Is that why they’re called the Sarwono-Siswono Types?” ventured Try.

“Yes, because Sarwono and Siswono are the unofficial leaders of this faction”, said Harsudiono “Hey, how did you know that's what they're called?”

“I had a conversation with Harmoko about them”, replied Try “Or rather he talked to me about them.”

“Yes, Sarwono-Siswono Types, the Bandung Faction because both Sarwono and Siswono came from the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) or if you want the simplicity of a report that a foreign embassy in Jakarta would send back home, “The Liberal Wing of the PKPI””, said Ari Sudewo “Relatively affluent people living in cities; people who have done well economically under Soeharto but think that perhaps there could be a little more political freedom and equal economic opportunity for all instead of just the cronies, these are the types that are attracted to Sarwono and Siswono.”

“It’s why the PKPB is really trying to portray themselves as populists and trying to appeal to those in rural areas”, said Harsudiono.

“And what about the other faction?” asked Edi.

“It consists of a combination of retired ABRI officers, both from Soeharto’s generation of officers and ours and which have not declared for Tutut and the PKPB, as well as members of the FKPPI which had not declared for Tutut”, replied Harsudiono “Unlike the Sarwono-Siswono Types, they have more reverence for Soeharto, it’s just the case that they see Try, rather than Tutut, as Soeharto’s legitimate successor.”

“”The Conservative Wing of the PKPI” as the foreign embassies call it”, said Ari Sudewo “More informally, they’re known as the Sane Soehartoists.”

“What? They call themselves that?” asked Try.

“Well, they don’t like that nickname but they haven’t exactly come up with an alternative name so they have to live with that for now”, shrugged Ari “The Minister of Defense and Security is considered to be their leader.”

“So now that we have factions, what do we do with them?” asked Edi “How do we manage them?”

“That’s a question for the future” said Harsudiono “Right now, whether they be a Sarwono-Siswono Type or Sane Soehartoist, we need to make sure as many of them as possible makes it into the next DPR so that they can fight on Try’s behalf and that means winning the election.”

---
The mixed use building that Try inaugurates is ITTL’s FX Sudirman which in OTL was actually known as Sudirman Place for a few years.

I'd been wanting to introduce the factional dynamics in the PKPI for a while now but had not found the right spot introduce it. Other factions in groupings within the PKPI will be explored further in the future but as said above "broadly speaking" there is a "liberal" and "conservative" faction in the PKPI.

OTL, while Soeharto was still president, Sarwono and Siswono never combined with each other to form a faction but they play a role where they are critics of the New Order from around the cabinet table. Often times they make comments about the New Order that ministers would not make. Siswono is on the record as favoring term limits for presidents after Soeharto, or example. (Not sure when this will come into play but for the moment ITTL, we are operating in an environment without term limits. (https://jawawa.id/newsitem/limit-presidential-term-after-soeharto-siswono-14478932970).

After Soeharto fell from power, Sarwono and Siswono joined OTL Try and Edi to form OTL's PKPI.

ITTL Sarwono and Siswono siding with Try as well as Meutia supporting Try is a nod towards OTL PKPI.

Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar is the head of the PKPI's "conservative faction". ITTL, he would've been an important figure in adding credibility to Try's claim to the presidency because he was Soeharto's brother-in-law. OTL, for whatever reason, he was not close and trusted enough by Soeharto to advance beyond Army Chief of Staff.

 

[GSD310]

Hello readers, please excuse the lack of updates for the last few weeks and for the next few. I had a fall at home and broke some fingers in my right hand, had surgery, and am now back home again. But unfortunately, I will have to prioritize work as I will be one-handed until I get my cast off (hopefully my hand recovers fast). Bit frustrating but at least I have a clearer idea of how things will unfold.

 

[Pio2013]

I will be waiting then, this TL is one of my favourites.

 

[C2sg]

Hello readers, please excuse the lack of updates for the last few weeks and for the next few. I had a fall at home and broke some fingers in my right hand, had surgery, and am now back home again. But unfortunately, I will have to prioritize work as I will be one-handed until I get my cast off (hopefully my hand recovers fast). Bit frustrating but at least I have a clearer idea of how things will unfold.

Get well soon!

 

[GSD310]

28th December 2001:
The country continues to be on holiday mode, now gearing up for the New Year after the Eid’l Fitr and Christmas were celebrated in close succession. At Bandung where holidaymakers continue to gather, an exclusive meeting was held at Sheraton Bandung. It was attended by those who made up the leadership of Liberal Wing of the PKPI. Those in attendance were:

*Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja
*Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo
*Minister of Public Works Rachmat Witoelar
*Minister of Legal Affairs Marzuki Darusman
*Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunications Oka Mahendra
*Minister of Manpower and Small Business Fahmi Idris
*Head of Bappedal Erna Witoelar

Their special guests were all 4 members of the President’s inner circle, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo, and OCDS Sugeng Subroto. They were invited along so that there would not be any misunderstanding with the Palace.

The discussion showed the areas of concerns of this faction. Marzuki asked that new anti-corruption laws be put on the agenda, they said that while the government has placed Tommy Soeharto behind bars, the current Anti-Corruption Law itself is inadequate and this was why Tommy will be leaving prison soon.

Oka Mahendra said that the current Press Law and press policies are also outdated, saying that the press has had more freedom in the last few years but that laws and policies need to reflect this.

Erna Witoelar asked that the environment has its own ministry so that there is more focus on environmental policy as an individual area of policy. Fahmi Idris asked for small business to also get its own ministry to allow for more focus to it. Siswono strongly agreed, saying that small and medium enterprises tended to support the government because it wanted to eliminate economic distortions.

Then came the political discussion. Siswono asked about the subject of presidential term limits and how many, including himself had advocated a maximum of two terms for presidents after Soeharto.

Harsudiono asked for some leniency. There are those in the legal field who see the current term as the President’s second term, the first term being the first 3 months after he had succeeded from Soeharto. Suddenly imposing term limits would mean that the President is not eligible for another term. Siswono backed down though he asked that the topic be revisited “further down the road”.

All present expressed their support for another term for President Try Sutrisno and said that they extend the same support for Vice President JB Sumarlin saying that the latter could claim to be the architect of Indonesia’s economic recovery.

29th December 2001:
The President spent the day on the phones accompanied by Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Edi Sudrajat. In the fallout of the terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament two weeks prior and the realization that terrorists had originated from Pakistan, India had begun mobilizing its forces to its borders with Pakistan. In turn, Pakistan had also mobilized. The President urged President/Chief Executive of Pakistan Pervez Musharraf to show “real resolution” in dealing with terrorists. In a separate phonecall, the President urged Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee to give due acknowledgement to Musharraf if action is taken.

While Ginandjar gave his press conference after the President had made his phonecalls, Edi met with Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman in his room. The latter said that “We” too would like to discuss matters with the Four Horsemen.

“Speak of the devil and they shall appear”, muttered Edi after Hayono left “Speak of the factions and now we find ourselves meeting them.”

30th December 2001:
The President’s Four Horsemen met with the Conservative wing of the PKPI at Balai Sudirman, a function center in Jakarta. Attending on behalf of the said faction were:

*Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar
*Minister of Tourism Soeyono
*State Minister of National Security Soerjadi
*State Minister of Research and Technology Indra Bambang Utoyo
*Junior Minister of Housing Bobby Suhardiman
*Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman

The conversation reflected the faction’s bent and political tendencies. The general consensus was that at a general level path set down by Soeharto had been correct and that only “minor modifications” rather than “fundamental change” was necessary to the political system. There was a pledge for the support for campaign against the Extreme Right and that defense spending should be increased but not the kind of suggestions for improvements from the other crowd. Much as the other crowd, however, there was an expression or support for another term for the President and Vice President.

It was a much shorter meeting than the one at Bandung. What made it long was the dinner table conversation, filled with old military stories given that those in attendance were either retired officers or sons of retired officers.

In the car after the dinner, Edi said that the conversation was perhaps more substantial and lively in the other meeting but Harsudiono told him not to think of it like that.

“We need both groups”, said Harsudiono “The Sarwono-Siswono Types are important for Try’s popularity, politically sophisticated people who might otherwise dismiss Try as another authoritarian military leader are attracted to him and more willing to vote for the PKPI because Sarwono and Siswono are strong supporters of him.”

“And the Sane Soehartoists?” asked Sugeng.

“They’re important for Try’s legitimacy”, explained Harsudiono “Their presence on our side says to the nation that there’s no contradiction between revering Soeharto and supporting Try and that most importantly, that Try is Soeharto’s legitimate successor.”

31st December 2001:
Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti and Head of BPS Gunawan Sumodiningrat held a joint press conference to announce the nation’s economic performance in 2001:

*Dorodjatun reported that the world economy faced a slowdown in 2001 as a result of the United States’ effort to soft land its economy turning into a recession, the after effects of which was being felt across the world including in Indonesia’s immediate region. It is not clear whether a recovery is on the way in the United States especially after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, what is clear is that at the moment it is now Europe’s “turn” to feel the recession.

*Exports and tourists arriving into Indonesia had dropped during 2001, but domestic consumption and domestic tourism has more than picked up the slack. The strength of domestic consumption and the increase in domestic tourists has been due to the strong Rupiah in the second half of the year, meaning that consumer goods and tourist destinations have become cheaper to visit.

*Economic growth, including the projected impact of economic activity during the Eid, Christmas, and New Year holidays stands at 9.8%. Inflation is at 4.6% owing to a strong currency and goods previously marked for exports being sold on the domestic market as a result of the economic downturn overseas.

*It is the Government’s intention to take advantage of the favorable economic conditions and not let it go to waste. This is why, the Government will be announcing a series of steps designed to lay down the “foundation for the future” early in the New Year.

1st January 2002:
After spending most of the day with his family at the Presidential Palace, President Try Sutrisno met with his Four Horsemen in the evening. They reported to him about their meetings with the two factions in the last few days.

“I think they just want to show that they existed and what their priorities are”, said Ari “Nothing wrong with that.”

“As long as they don’t descend into full-on factionalism” said Harsudiono “We want the President to enjoy a broad range of support but we want them to be united behind him.”

“If you had to choose, who would you favor, Mr. President?” asked Sugeng.

Try had a faint smile.

“Neither”, Try said “If the Sarwono-Siswono Types get too strong I’ll favor the Sane Soehartoists, if the Sane Soehartoists get too strong I’ll favor the Sarwono-Siswono Types, I’ll maintain a balance.”

“Straight from Soeharto’s playbook", said Edi.

“Hey, it kept him in power for 3 decades”, added Harsudiono.

2nd January 2002:
Arriving for his first day of work, Chairman of DPR Harmoko found himself attracting a lot of attention by the press stationed at the DPR Building. The question which caught his attention concerned the existence of “factions” in the PKPI. Harmoko said that he had friends in both factions but said that he did not belong in any of them because the only faction he belonged to was the PKPI which was under the leadership of President Try Sutrisno.

The Thai Parliament approves of committing Thai military personnel, in the process joining Indonesian military personnel, in assisting the Government of the Philippines to deal with Islamic insurgents.

3rd January 2002:
Coming out of a meeting with the President, Junior Minister of Cooperatives Cacuk Sudarijanto announced that beginning from 1st April 2002, it will now be compulsory for cooperatives to undergo external audits by public accountants. When asked whether or not the Cooperatives Law allows this, Cacuk said that the government is strengthening the provision in Cooperatives Law so that cooperatives would now be required to be financially transparent and accountable to its members.

Appearing on SCTV later that day, PKPB DPR Member Nurdin Halid said that the Cooperatives Law says that cooperatives “may” ask to be externally audited by public accountants, this means that it’s up to cooperatives whether or not they undergo external audits. The government cannot force cooperatives to undergo external audit and that the Cooperatives Law already regulates supervisory mechanisms for cooperatives.

That night, the President accompanied by Edi and Harsudiono met with Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman and Chairman of the PKPI National Campaign Hendropriyono to discuss campaign preparations. Hendropriyono reported that the PKPB continues to gain more support in rural areas and among those who suspected the government’s “anti-Islamic” attitude while the PNI are targetting those who see “Try as an extension of Soeharto” and want a more fundamental political change. The PPP are also steadily losing ground to the PKPB because it is seen as being associated with a government (not representative of Muslims), something which is straining the relationship between Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil and Chairman of the PPP National Campaign Hamzah Haz.

The President did not respond, instead he brought the meeting to a close and asked that the presentation be repeated the next day to a “larger audience”.

“Get the factions in here tomorrow”, he told Edi and Harsudiono “Let’s see if they can make a productive contribution.”

4th January 2002:
That night, Basofi and Hendropriyono made their report to a meeting hosted by the President and attended by the two factions. Also attending the meeting were JB Sumarlin and Harmoko. Minister of Social Affairs Meutia Hatta attended on behalf of those who did not see themselves as belonging to a faction, Governor of Yogyakarta Sultan Hamengkubuwono X attended on behalf of the provinces. Edi Sudrajat and Harsudiono Hartas took the notes.

Soeyono asked what were the PKPI’s chances, Hendropriyono said that the PKPI had a good chance of winning but that “we can’t lose votes”. He estimates that the PKPI would get only 40-45% of the votes.

The discussion then continued on to the rural voters. Rachmat Witoelar asked what was it that was causing the PKPI to lose ground considering that the villages had more access to electricity and sanitation. Harmoko replied that it was because of the perception that most of the economic development was going to the cities and Tutut Soeharto being able to take advantage of her father’s “village boy” image.

Not finished, Harmoko spoke about how as Chairman of Golkar he had travelled all around Indonesia. He pointed out that elections were won in rural areas rather than in factional meeting rooms such as this one. The President and Vice President listened politely but there were some frowns among those who count themselves as part of a faction. He called also or the government’s achievements in rural development to be better promoted, a suggestion which the President called on Basofi to listen to.

The next issue was the religious vote. There was a general agreement not to “fight fire wth fire” with Harmoko again piping in that votes lost to those who saw the government as “anti-Islam” could be compensated for if they succeeded in stopping the leakage in the rural vote.

But it all came down to numbers. Golkar had never seen it vote drop below 62% and now the people in the room, most of whom had been Golkar members, were gobsmacked when told by Hendropriyono that the PKPI’s vote will be in the 40-45% range.

When the discussion returned to this matter, there was widespread agreement that the PKPI could not just play defense and try not to lose votes until May 2002. The question was, what is the next step forward? There was silence. Then Sarwono Kusumaatmadja put his hand up and the President nodded in his direction.

“You need to renew your coalition with the PPP, Mr. President”, he said “As it stands, the deal you have now with the PPP expires at the end of the current presidential term, we need this coalition to be extended beyond the current term.”

There were a lot of shifting in seats but all eyes were on Sarwono now.

“Is that wise? We’re in a coalition with the PPP right now but in truth we’re only in coalition with Matori’s half of the party, Hamzah’s half is either flirting with the idea of voting for Tutut or not supporting the President’s stance on the Extreme Right”, challenged Wismoyo “Like they themselves like to say, they’re only united because they feel they can do great in the election.”

“You get no arguments from me there”, replied Sarwono “If we go into coalition with them, we should make sure we go into into coalition with the entire party.”

“The President’s coalition is broad enough as it is, he enjoys support from a wide cross-section of society”, added Harmoko.

“This is all well and good, Mr. Chairman, but it doesn’t translate to seats” argued Sarwono “And as we just heard, we’re going to get nowhere the amount of seats that Golkar got in past elections.”

Silence in the room.

“Remember as well that the DPR constitutes half of the MPR, the more seats we control in the DPR, the more seats we control in the MPR”, said Sarwono “And the more we control in the MPR, the better our chances are of re-electing the President.”

Sarwono sat back down in his seat. The next to speak was Indra Bambang Utoyo.

“I must agree with what Pak Sarwono is saying”, he said “The PKPI is not Golkar. We don’t have the civil service or organizations like the HKTI or the PGRI to mobilize…or for that matter the FKPPI; organizations like these want to keep their neutrality as we get closer to the election and the 2003 MPR Session. Individuals can cast their lot, but not organizations.”

“They’re being mobilized by the Chairman of ICMI”, said Sumarlin “If the rumors are true, a petition is being circulated in which they want to declare their neutrality in the political battles ahead..”

“It’s true, Mr. Vice President”, said Meutia “My husband has signed the petition on behalf of the Dekopin during the enf of year holidays and it’s still going around.”

“This is what comes to mind for me when I heard the Minister of Agriculture’s suggestion”, said Indra “If we can’t mobilize the organizations, we should at least cooperate with the PPP so that regardless of what happens out there, we still hold the cards as far as the political process goes.”

“What are we looking at in terms of the timing to renew the coalition with the PPP?’ asked Try.

“As soon as possible”, said Sarwono “If we wait until after the election, if we do worst than expected and they do much better, we have to give them a lot of concessions because we’ll be in a position where we need them even more.”

There was silence in the room as everyone looked at the President for response.

“I’m in favor of the idea, provided that the entire PPP can be persuaded to give their support”, he said at last.

“The 29th Anniversary of the PPP’s establishment is tomorrow”, reminded Edi “And you are set to attend, Mr. President.”

“Tell the Chairman of the PPP that I’d like a one-on-one tomorrow”, said the President to Harsudiono.

“I’m sure he’ll oblige”, said Harsudiono.

---
Something I started prior to my injury and which I completed with one hand because I can’t help myself.

We get a closer look at the two factions mentioned in the previous update.

The 1992 Cooperatives Law and Article 40 which states that that cooperatives “may” ask to be externally audited can be found here https://jdih.kemenkeu.go.id/fulltext/1992/25TAHUN~1992UU.htm

Golkar’s OTL Election results were 62% (1971), 62% (1977), 64% (1982), 73% (1987), 68% (1992), and 74% (1997). See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golkar

HKTI is the Farmers’ Association, PGRI is the Teachers’ Association, and the FKPPI is the Children of Retired Officers’ Association. Normally they’re mobilized to support Golkar during elections. Keep an eye on this “the organizations and their petition” storyline.

ITTL and “off-screen”, Meutia Hatta’s husband, Sri Edi Swasono continues as Chairman of the Indonesian Cooperatives Council rather than resign. He’s due for an appearance in the TL, I should think.

 

[GSD310]

5th January 2002:
President Try Sutrisno began the morning with a meeting with Chairman of the DPR Harmoko. At its conclusion, the two announced that the President will deliver the 2002/2003 Draft Budget in front of the DPR on 22nd January 2002. When asked that this was later than usual, the President said that there was extra work being done to accommodate the extra windfall from the debt moratorium.

From there the President attended the PPP’s 29th Anniversary celebrations at the Jakarta Convention Center. The celebration was attended by the PPP’s national leadership council as well as the chairpersons of the PPP’s provincial, regency, and municipal branches because it would double as the PPP’s National Leadership Meeting. Chairman of PPP Matori Abdul Djalil promised to give the PKPI a good fight, a comment that got laughs and cheers from all in attendance.

The President made a speech praising the PPP and acknowledging the work of State Minister of Female Empowerment and the Protection of Children Khofifah Indar Parawansa. It was as the President was about to leave that he and Matori took some time aside to have their one-on-one meeting in one of the convention center’s many conference rooms. After the meeting, Matori was described as having a “thoughtful expression” on his face.

6th January 2002:
The PPP’s National Leadership Meeting got underway today. By lunchtime, word of the President’s conversation with Matori had been conveyed to the National Leadership Meeting and had begun spreading throughout Jakarta and the country that Matori had to hold a press conference.

“I can announce that it is true that President Try has offered the PPP the chance to join him in a coalition beyond the current presidential term”, said Matori “And that consequently, in addition to discussing our election strategy, our National Leadership Meeting will also be discussing on how to approach the President’s offer.”

At the Presidential Palace, the President met with Chairman of NU Abdurrahman Wahid and Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais. The two came out in a thoughtful mood, Amien offering to hold Wahid’s hand so they could discuss the meeting they just had with one another.

“What do I make of that meeting, Mas Amien?” said Wahid repeating Amien’s questios “Well he wants us to use our influence on our members in the PPP to say yes.”

“What about the fact that in asking for this, it shows that he wants to control as many seats in the DPR, and the MPR, as possible?” asked Amien.

“Well that too”, said Wahid calmly, his nose twitching.

There was silence between the two as they walked towards the exit of the Presidential Palace.

“And what about you, Mas Amien? Will you fall in line behind him now? He has been generous towards Muhammadiyah, will you stop threatening to leave unless you get what you want?” asked Wahid “I thought you supported him because you see him as the one strong enough to stand up to Tutut.”

“I still feel that way, Gus”, said Amien “But this is politics and nothing is free.”

7th January 2002:
The President and Minister of Mining and Energy Djiteng Marsudi had a meeting, discussing various issues. On Freeport, Djiteng asked the President for support in getting the Army to commit to not receiving payments from Freeport for any other mining. He told the President that he feels Freeport is a test case as far as Indonesia’s management of its mines went. If Indonesia could handle its current situation with Freeport, it can handle any kind of situation. The President said he would work on it.

The President then asked about the Aramco contractors working on EXOR II which had gone home to Saudi Arabia two weeks before the end of Ramadan. Djiteng said that that they have not returned.

Speaking to the media as she toured the PNI’s preparations in North Sumatra, the Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri said that the President and the PKPI might as well concede that they’re going to get nowhere the amount of votes that Golkar got with this maneuver. Megawati added that the times are changing indeed.

8th January 2002:
At a ceremony at Halim Perdanakusuma Airport today, the President accompanied by Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan, Navy Chief of Staff Indroko Sastrowiryono, Air Force Chief of Staff Ali Munsiri Rappe, and Chief of Police Yun Mulyana today inspected the troops due to depart to the Philippines. In his speech, the President reminded the ABRI personnel to be humble and defer to their Filipino counterparts.

While ABRI Chief of General Staff Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono posed proudly for pictures with Contingent Commander Pramono Edhie Wibowo, the President chatted with Wiranto and Luhut. Luhut said that Commander of the Irian Jaya Regional Military Command Amirul Isnaeni is clamping down on units or personnel accepting direct donations for “security or other purposes” from Freeport. The President approved of this.

The topic then moved to the PPP. Wiranto told the President that the government could still count on the support of all 75 ABRI members in the DPR. The President said that ABRI will be the third leg of a PKPI-PPP-ABRI triangle, it was just that he did not want to rely exclusively on ABRI because that would lead to comments that the government only has its majority in a future DPR because it had ABRI on its side and that he did not want to give anyone a reason to question ABRI having seats in the DPR.

“I think he’s saying that it’s in ABRI’s interest for the PPP to sign up to a coalition with the PKPI, general” said Luhut to Wiranto as the two watched the President answer questions from from the press about the PPP with jokes.

The departure of Indonesian military personnel to the Philippines shared the spotlight with the PPP National Leadership Meeting which came to an end today. In a press conference, Matori announced that after consulting with PPP’s branches from all around the country and with all internal elements within the PPP, as well as conducting internal debates, the PPP has given him mandate to negotiate a possible coalition with the PKPI.

Matori announced that the PPP’s negotiating team will comprise of himself, Chairman of the PPP National Campaign Hamzah Haz, Secretary of the PPP Bachtiar Chamsyah, and PPP Senior Members Yudo Paripurno and and Rizal Tjokroaminoto.

The response of the Presidential Palace was quick. In a meeting with Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman, the President named Basofi, Chairman of the PKPI National Campaign Hendropriyono, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas, Minister of Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, and State Minister of Research and Technology Indra Bambang Utoyo.

“I want everything to be settled by the end of next week”, the President instructed "We're the incumbents, we need to get on with governing."

9th January 2002:
Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto held a press conference this morning. Though saying that coalitions was not in the spirit of “Pancasila Democracy”, Tutut also expressed the view that she remains calm and confident with the progress the PKPB has been making in the last few weeks and that whatever questions about confidence should be directed at the President.

The PKPI and PPP negotiation teams had their first meeting. The PKPI made their appeal first. Harsudiono said that the President has always considered the PPP a friend and acknowledged Matori’s loyalty, recalling that when Golkar was breaking apart, Matori said that his cooperation was with the President instead of Golkar. Realizing that not all in the PPP supported him, Harsudiono said that the President asked what could be done to make the entire PPP support him and join the PKPI in a coalition. Basofi added by saying that the PPP had the opportunity to play a vital role in decisive life by strengthening the government through making it more stable and stronger in the next Presidential and DPR terms.

The PPP’s opening statements reflected the range of view in the party. Matori thanked the President and the government for its cooperation and for naming the first PPP minister in 25 years. He said that the President wanting all elements within the PPP to join the coalition is what is making these negotiations necessary. Hamzah was more critical, expressing concern that the President’s stance on terrorism in recent months was making people of the majority religion feel insecure and suspicious that he’s pro-American.

At the PKPB’s National Headquarters, the Leader of the PKPB in the DPR Hartono was convinced that it would be difficult to convince Hamzah and his group to join the coalition because Hamzah was “one of us” and had courted Tutut’s support at the 1999 PPP National Congress. Secretary of PKPB ZA Maulani and Chairman of the PKPB National Campaign Prabowo Subianto were more serious.

“We are stronger than the PKPI in Kalimantan on account of the Secretary coming from South Kalimantan, but we are quite even with the PPP in Kalimantan on account of Hamzah being from West Kalimantan and having influence in the Kalimantan branches”, said Prabowo “They get Hamzah and his followers and we have ourselves a fight in Kalimantan.”

10th January 2002:
Negotiations continue today as Sarwono broke the ice with Hamzah. Being a DPR member in the past, he complimented Hamzah on his knowledge of fiscal policy because of the latter being a member of the DPR’s Budget Committee for some years. Hamzah was flattered, so much so that he became more friendly towards them.

Meanwhile the President had a meeting with Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita. They spoke about two main issues.

First, from backchannels in Saudi Arabia, it can now be confirmed that the reason why Aramco engineers had not returned to EXOR II Construction was Saudi Arabia’s protest at LIPIA being put under intelligence surveillance. The President said that this was a matter of security and that he doesn’t intend to back down from Saudi Arabia.

Second, it would appear that President of Pakistan Pervez Musharraf no longer hold the real power in the country after having been forced to surrender the Chief Executive’s position to Chief of the Army Staff Azis Khan. Khan’s first act had been to call for China to mediate in the developing situation between India and Pakistan. Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee had countered by asking for Russia to also mediate. With the United States still distracted in Afghanistan, this will be China and Russia’s chance to prove themselves as alternative leaders on the world stage. The President asked Ginandjar to keep watch on the situation.

Finally, Ginandjar reported that preparations are being finalized for the Conference of Cooperation to be attended by Thailand, Philippines, Laos, and Vietnam.

As the meeting ended and Ginandjar was getting ready to leave, the President realized that Ginandjar was watching the television intently. On the screen were the two negotiating teams from the PKPI and PPP holding a press conference about how negotiations went that day.

“It’s probably my first real look at domestic politics in a while, Mr. President”, said Ginandjar “I don't have the time to keep up with things flying around the world and whatnot.”

11th January 2002:
The President met with State Minister of Rural Development Feisal Tamin who brought the participants of a State Ministry of Rural Development Annual Meeting with him. Feisal reported that in the last year, the ministry has accelerated rural electrification as per the President’s instruction and that he present rate of rural electrification stands at 91% of all villages in Indonesia. The President complimented Feisal’s work even with the slowdown by Feisal’s predecessor and half-jokingly said that the only criticism was that Feisal’s work was not publicized enough. Feisal said that the challenge now will be getting to the most isolated villages and getting them connected to electricity during the final two years of Repelita VII since the target is 100% rural electrification.

Ginandjar lunched with former Vice President Sudharmono after Friday prayer. Sudharmono said that the PKPB feels confident that it can win against the PKPI on its own, but a PKPI-PPP Coalition will be sure to give it headaches.

“It’s not good for us, not good for you”, said Sudharmono “Our plan relies on the PKPI and PKPB getting into a stalemate with each other, forcing them to reach out to you; you haven’t joined the PKPI by any chance, right?”

“I certainly haven’t joined”, said Ginandjar with a wry smile “They don’t really make a big deal about it because I’m busy with my duties.”

12th January 2002:
In a corner of the Presidential Palace, the President sat down with his Four Horsemen. Harsudiono Hartas explained how the negotiations with the PPP were faring to State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo, and OCDS Sugeng Subroto. Edi backslapped Harsudiono on a job well done though Harsudiono said Sarwono and Indra Bambang Utoyo did the heavy lifting.

“Who would have thought musallas in public places is a cause near and dear to Hamzah?” asked Sugeng.

“Well if it means the entire party supports the President, I’m all for it”, said Edi.

“They still insist on differentiating themselves with us as far as the War on Terror goes”, argued Ari.

“They said they will focus their criticism on the United States instead of us”, replied Harsudiono “And they’ve also agreed that such a stance disqualifies them from a ministry related to national security and foreign affairs.”

“Speaking of ministries”, began Edi “How many has been agreed to be given to them?”

“For sure they will want more than one”, said Try “Though I haven’t settled on how much.”

“It’s a certainty that they also want a state institution”, said Harsudiono “The vice presidency, the chairmanship of the DPR/MPR, the chief justiceship of the Supreme Court, the chairmanship of the BPK, and the chairmanship of the DPA; they told us to pick which one just as long as they get one.”

“They’re not getting the vice presidency”, said Try “The Supreme Court…I don’t want to throw away an important position while reforms are being carried out over there and in the court system.”

“Matori’s interested in the chairmanship of the DPR/MPR”, said Edi.

“That’s going to be tricky”, countered Ari “From what I gather, Harmoko’s interested in a second term as Chairman of the DPR/MPR.”

“He has to back down”, countered Edi coldly.

“I don’t think he will”, said Ari “It would be awkward if he successfully prove himself useful by getting rural voters to choose the PKPI and then we don’t allow him to nominate for his current position.”

“We have to give the PPP something” argued Edi “It might as well be the chairmanship of the DPR/MPR. The 3rd highest ranking position in the national order of precedence, head of our supreme state institution and our legislative branch, not to mention the person who gets the read the Proclamation of Independence during the Independence Day celebrations.”

“Let’s just say that they will get a state institution but don’t specify what it is”, said Try “Aside from that, how far away are we from settling this?”

“Monday at the earliest, Mr. President”, replied Harsudiono “If all goes smoothly.”

13th January 2002:
But things did not go smoothly. Though a Sunday morning, Chairman of BPK Kunarto requested a meeting with the President. The President had braced himself for new that some large amount of funds in the budget had been misused and that this meant a scandal 4 months out from legislative elections. Instead the President immediately knew what was coming when Kunarto began to give a spiel not unlike that given by Liem Sioe Liong some months ago about not wanting to be a part of the increasingly intense battle between the President and Tutut. Kunarto said that whilst he agree that there was no contradiction between supporting President Soeharto and supporting President Try, he believes that this was a battle which he did not want to be a part of or to be seen as taking a part.

“Accordingly, I announce my resignation as Chairman of the BPK, which will take effect immediately”, said Kunarto to the gathered press.

Try watched this on the television screen; annoyed but with some pangs of sympathy for Kunarto who, like him, was also a former aide-de-camp to Soeharto. Within an hour, Vice President JB Sumarlin, Harmoko, Harsudiono Hartas, and Minister of Legal Affairs Marzuki Darusman had been summoned to talk about what the next step was.

In December 1997, the then Chairman of the BPK JB Sumarlin had reached the age of 65 and handed in his resignation at which point, then-Vice Chairman of the BPK Kunarto took over first on an acting and then on a permanent basis. The issue quickly became obvious: the vice chairmanship of the BPK had been left vacant when Kunarto became chairman of the BPK and that now, there was no clear successor to Kunarto at the BPK.

There was consensus that the vacant chairmanship of the BPK, because it concerned a state institution explicitly mentioned in the constitution, should be filled immediately. But Harsudiono had second thoughts when Marzuki explained the selection process.

“The DPR nominates three names and then the President makes the final choice” said Marzuki “Of course in practice you, Mr. President, name the nominee in your capacity as Leader of the PKPI and then the PKPI will make sure that the nominee makes it through the nominating process in the DPR.”

At a joint press conference with Harmoko, the President paid tribute to Kunarto for his past services and said that this vacancy will be filled immediately. Harmoko said that the DPR will cooperate and has arranged to meet with the leaders of PKPI, PPP,and ABRI in the DPR to organize the time to nominate candidates for the vacant chairmanship of the BPK.

Not long after the President and Harmoko’s conference, Tutut held a press conference at her Cendana Street home. After thanking Kunarto for his past services and telling a few anecdotes about Kunarto’s time as aide-de-camp to President Soeharto, Tutut said that she agreed with the President that the vacant chairman of the BPK’s position had to be filled immediately and began speaking about what qualities are important in a chairman of the BPK.

Watching on television, Harsudiono’s stomach did not feel good. The PPP was an unfinished job. While Matori, a figure who was friendly to Try, was successfully elected as Chairman of the PPP at the 1999 PPP National Congress and had brought a majority of the PPP over to support Try, a sizeable minority was still wary of Try. This sizeable minority turned to Hamzah Haz, who Matori beat for the chairmanship, for leadership. Try tried to include them, appointing Hamzah’s ally Tosari Widjaja as Head of the BN2PTKI but this did not work. Hamzah still took positions that defied the government’s stance, most recently on the War on Terror and Try, taking a tough stance, dismissed Tosari from his position.

The PPP’s full support for the President, therefore, hinged on Hamzah Haz. A lot of effort was put in the coalition negotiations to accommodate him and the negotiation team was close to achieving its goals when Kunarto resigned; a development that was unwelcome for Harsudiono for a reason that will become obvious.

“I hereby announce that I have instructed PKPB members in the DPR to nominate Mr. Hamzah Haz as Chairman of BPK”, said Tutut with a mischievous smile.

---
You know you’re pretty well into a TL when historical events are increasingly what happens ITTL than OTL.

For an OTL profile of the PPP, refer to https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Development_Party

For an OTL profile of Hamzah Haz, refer to https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hamzah_Haz . He has a record of trying to play the religion card but it is more likely that he’s an opportunist, he was against Megawati being president before being for her when the opportunity to become her VP emerged. This is why negotiations were starting to produce results, because ITTL, he’s interested in the PPP and his prospects if the PPP goes into coalition with the PKPI.

Having musallas in public places was part of OTL Hamzah’s political platform when running for president in 2004: http://web.archive.org/web/20040606025043/http://kpu.go.id/Capres_Cawapres/visimisi5.htm

Profile of the OTL BPK: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Audit_Board_of_Indonesia

 

[Rajveer Naha]

I don't know how exactly Indonesian politics works. It is proportional representation? Otherwise I don't know how PPP is useful. The old PKI(if I am wrong, the party Megawati was in) was suppressed and so probably the only alternative to the Holkar was the PPP but now with freer elections the conservative and parts of the rural vote goes to Tutut's PKPB, the left and maybe some urban votes go to Mega's PNI(new name of her party right?) and Try's PKPI gets the centre vote of a wide range. So where does that leave the PPP? It it only the hardcore Islamists and those who have a grievance against all the three parties would be voting for them in places where they would be winning and the rest of the vote would be scattered so much that no significant gain would be observed. In a first past the post system I see them coming last possibly with less seats than even the ABRI. Correct me if I am wrong.
All my knowledge about Indonesian development and politics arises from this TL, so I don't know any details.

first time it had dropped beyond $1= Rp. 1,000

Shouldn't it be $1=Rp. 4,000? I was reading back a little so I noticed it.

Does the US already have boots on the ground in Afghanistan?

What happened IPTN N-250 aircraft?

Another question- I see the prefix PT used before many Indonesian companies say PT Inka your railway rolling stock manufacturer. What does PT mean and what's the full form of PT?

Honestly I find this TL so interesting that I regularly check if you have updated it and I missed and I am quite surprised that no major discussion takes place in this thread unlike the other TLs.

 

[Pio2013]

How about Try being a third leg on India-Pakistan issue?

Would the ARAMCO technicians leave, be a kind of contract breach? Im sure there are lots of big oil interested on business...

 

[Gillan1220]

Just caught up with this timeline. I see with the POD being in 1965 Indonesia so some butterflies made its way such as McCain being the President and Estrada remaining beyond 2001 (in OTL, he was ousted the same day Bush was inaugurated). Now we are in the War on Terror, I could see closer cooperation between ASEAN to combat terrorism in the SEA. The Philippines has the Abu-Sayaff Group problem while J.I. is active in the Sulu Seas.

 

[deepoceanblue]

I don't know how exactly Indonesian politics works. It is proportional representation? Otherwise I don't know how PPP is useful. The old PKI(if I am wrong, the party Megawati was in) was suppressed and so probably the only alternative to the Holkar was the PPP but now with freer elections the conservative and parts of the rural vote goes to Tutut's PKPB, the left and maybe some urban votes go to Mega's PNI(new name of her party right?) and Try's PKPI gets the centre vote of a wide range. So where does that leave the PPP? It it only the hardcore Islamists and those who have a grievance against all the three parties would be voting for them in places where they would be winning and the rest of the vote would be scattered so much that no significant gain would be observed. In a first past the post system I see them coming last possibly with less seats than even the ABRI. Correct me if I am wrong.
All my knowledge about Indonesian development and politics arises from this TL, so I don't know any details.
?

Another question- I see the prefix PT used before many Indonesian companies say PT Inka your railway rolling stock manufacturer. What does PT mean and what's the full form of PT?

the PPP isnt just for hardcore islamists, it containes elements of many grassroot islamic instutions so they were quite powerful at the time. In the past it was about Golkar 70%, PPP 20-25% and PDI 5-10% or so. So an even break from Golkar would net PKPI and PKPB each at ~35% with PPP the next largest block. In OTL the next election after 1998 golkar suffered a lot but ITTL they should be stronger

PT means perseroan terbatas or Limited Liability Company

 

[Rajveer Naha]

the PPP isnt just for hardcore islamists, it containes elements of many grassroot islamic instutions so they were quite powerful at the time. In the past it was about Golkar 70%, PPP 20-25% and PDI 5-10% or so. So an even break from Golkar would net PKPI and PKPB each at ~35% with PPP the next largest block. In OTL the next election after 1998 golkar suffered a lot but ITTL they should be stronger

Oh no no no what I meant was that without grassroot institutions being mobilized and in the presence of two major parties offering clear alternatives the vote is more likely to split between the two with the PPP and PNI being relegated to minor party status.
I assumed that earlier with Golkar dominating and PDI suppressed the PPP was the only alternative to Golkar and therefore they were easily the second largest party. In that line of thinking I guessed that the PKPB and PKPI gets about 70-80% of the vote combined and the PDI steals more of the secular vote so the PPP is left only with hardcore Islamists and those who don't like all the three other parties as their primary voter base.
Of course you know more about Indonesia than me so your assessment must be better.

So the elections are based on proportional representation? Right?

PT means perseroan terbatas or Limited Liability Company

I knew only of Private limited companies and public limited companies (the ones listed in stock exchanges) which are commonly shortened to only Limited company. It is the latter or a special type of company found only in Indonesia

 

[GSD310]

Thank you very much @Rajveer Naha for the attention and questions. I would say it doesn't get more attention because it's a bit of a niche topic and because despite Try increasingly stepping up on the international scene it is first and foremost an Indonesia TL. That said at 63kish views, this is already more views than what I anticipated for the entire duration of the TL.

I'll cover the questions on the PPP and the election first.

-The Indonesian election system used ITTL is proportional representation, it is inherited from the Soeharto regime. The DPR consists of 500 seats. 425 seats are up for grabs at the election and will be contested by the PKPI, PKPB, PPP, and PNI. The remaining 75 seats are reserved for ABRI as part of the military's dual function doctrine.

-I wouldn't say that the PPP are "hardcore islamists". They certainly go after the Islam vote but they're not of the "let's replace Pancasila with Sharia Law" variety because they are after all a created political party, 4 Islamic political parties forced to join and designed to be the Islamic party within Soeharto's system.

@deepoceanblue is correct. The logic behind the PKPI wanting to have a coalition with the PPP is because of the "bombshell" that even if they win there was no way the victory would be of the scale of past Golkar victories. As pointed out in the TL, the other reason was because not all of the PPP shares the Chairman of the PPP Matori's stance of siding with Try. There's still a faction led by Hamzah that are more wary of Try. The only thing keeping these two factions together, especially after Golkar broke into the PKPI and PKPB, is the possibility that the PPP can do better than on past elections; the PPP being the only remnant of Soeharto's political party system.

-Yes, I'll correct the exchange rate, it should be $1= Rp. 4,000.

-We'll get to the IPTN's N-250 eventually.

-I'm not sure about the actual technical or legal meanings of PT, but I've always translated that in my head as incorporated.

@Pio2013 , keep following the TL those issues will be explored in the next updates.

 

[Pio2013]

@Pio2013 , keep following the TL those issues will be explored in the next updates.

Thanks - will keep an eye then.

 

[deepoceanblue]

I knew only of Private limited companies and public limited companies (the ones listed in stock exchanges) which are commonly shortened to only Limited company. It is the latter or a special type of company found only in Indonesia

its mostly the former, basically all companies in indo having legal entity is a PT, and default state is private limited companies. If they went public they have a persero or TBK suffix on their name noting that it is a public company

back then also have special type companies which get even more confusing so lets not hahaha

 

[GSD310]

14th January 2002:
The PKPI and PPP Negotiation Teams met for a breakfast meeting but it was clear that things have changed. Chairman of the PKPI Basofi was absent, now having to focus on his other duties as Leader of the PKPI in the DPR. From the PPP’s side, Chairman of the the PPP National Campaign Hamzah Haz was also absent.

There was tension when Secretary of the PPP Bachtiar Chamsyah said that the PPP would have to, in the interests of party solidarity, support the PKPB’s nomination of Hamzah Haz as chairman of the BPK. State Minister of Research and Technology Indra Bambang Utoyo said that if that was to happen and Hamzah becomes chairman of the BPK, the PKPI did not have to agree on a PPP member becoming a head of a state institution. The PPP members on the team except for Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil protested this saying that if Hamzah became chairman of the BPK, it was not the PPP’s fault.

Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas called for negotiations to go on recess. Matori agreed and walked next to him as they got out of the room.

“I’m in a pickle, Mr. Minister of Home Affairs”, said Matori “If I support Hamzah, I’m not sure if elements in your party will be enthusiastic about coalitioning with me and if I don’t, I would look bad to people in my own party.”

“Either way, this is a great move by the PKPB”, muttered Harsudiono “They’ve just delayed this coalition agreement from being concluded.”

---
Basofi and a delegation of PKPI DPR members went to the Presidential Palace to meet with President Try Sutrisno. Coming out, Basofi said that the PKPI and the President were just discussing possible nominees for Chairman of the BPK. When asked if the President supported Hamzah’s nomination, Basofi said that all options were on the table. Basofi walked away when asked about what the effect the nomination had on the PKPI and the PPP’s coalition negotiations.

---
Hamzah Haz is seen having lunch with Leader of the PKPB in the DPR Hartono. Afterwards, Hamzah said that he and Hartono talked about “major issues” of the day.

---
Senior PPP Member Hartono Mardjono called on PPP members to treat this moment as a chance to reflect on whether or not it is wise to go into a full coalition with the PKPI saying that the PKPI supports a government and a president whose attitude towards Islam was questionable.

As he attended an event, Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja was approached by the press. He said that that the scope of the coalition, the policies agreed, and the division of power between the coalition partners are very nearly finalized until the PKPB’s announcement. In a rather frustrated tone, Sarwono said that the PKPB has resorted to this move because they know if the coalition happens, the PKPI will win the election.
---
Leader of the PPP in the DPR Zarkasih Nur said to the press as he walked out of the DPR building that the “temperature” of the PPP was tending to support Hamzah Haz but that the final decision will belong to the chairman.

15th January 2002:
Secretary of the PKPI Joyokusumo confirms that there will not be negotiations between the PKPI and the PPP today. Joyokusumo denies that negotiations has broken down between the two parties
---
Though this did not make the news, word spread in the business community that Chairman of KADIN Aburizal Bakrie is considering ceasing donations to the PKPI if it ends up in a coalition with the the PPP saying that he signed up to donate for one party. The word spread quickly, reaching State Secretary Edi Sudrajat via Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo. Edi conveyed it to the President who only smiled to himself.

“He’s one of Ginandjar’s boys”, said Edi “Ginandjar should bring him in line.”

“But Ginandjar is not interested in domestic politics”, Try said to himself sarcastically.

---
In a DPR Session led by Chairman of the DPR Harmoko, PKPB DPR Member Fuad Bawazier announced that the PKPB will be nominating Hamzah Haz as Chairman of the BPK saying that Hamzah has proven himself to be an expert in fiscal and budgetary issues from his years in the budget committee. Jeers greeted the PKPI when it announced that it does not have a nominee yet while chants of “Come on”, greeted the PPP when it also announced it also does not yet have a nominee.

Just before lunch at the DPR building, Hamzah Haz held a press conference. He said that he thanked the PKPB for its intention to nominate him as chairman of the BPK and said that he would neither accept his nomination or withdraw it, preferring for the processes in the DPR carry itself to conclusion.

---
The President’s meals were related with the PPP and lunch was with Matori. Matori explained his position again to the President saying that even his supporters tended to want to support Hamzah’s candidacy out of party solidarity. Matori also said that he had been selling the idea of the PPP as the party that was still united and had a chance to make gains at the next election and that it would not look good for him. The President said he understood Matori’s position.

Dinner was with Hamzah Haz and the President was keen to know the man. Hamzah for his part felt good about himself that the President was asking him about his experience on the budget committee in the DPR asking questions to various ministers of finance.

“Well, Pak Hamzah, I don’t see why you shouldn’t be nominated and indeed elected as the chairman of the BPK”, said Try.

“Thank you very much, Mr. President”, said Hamzah, smiling broadly.

“But…”, continued

“But what, Mr. President?” asked Hamzah.

“You have to step down from your role as Chairman of the PPP’s National Campaign and any other office you hold in your party”, said Try.

Hamzah looked confused.

“You’ll be the chairman of the BPK and that’s an important job, you need to focus on your new tasks instead of trying to organize a national campaign, you have to step down”, said Try calmly “If you want to take on this position, consider your part in the elections to be over.”

Hamzah tried to wriggle his way out of the situation. He proposed that he assume the chairmanship of the BPK after the elections but the President said it won’t do, this was a vacancy that had to be filled immediately. Hamzah then said that if he was to resign, he wanted to name his successor as the chairman of the PPP’s campaign. The President shrugged and said that it was an internal matter for the PPP.

Thus it was that Hamzah left the meeting emptyhanded.

16th January 2002:
By morning word had spread in the PPP about the President’s conversation with Hamzah. This time the tide was against him. It was difficult to argue against the idea the party should support Hamzah in his candidacy but it was difficult to argue against the idea that Hamzah should not resign from the PPP’s campaign if he was to become chairman of the BPK. When Hamzah threw out the suggestion that he would like to name his successor at the PPP’s campaign, even his allies told him that it could be seen as Hamzah wanting to “have his cake and eat it too”.

There was talk in Hamzah’s circle of defecting to the PKPB but that the “Jemaah Tarbiyah and Masyumi crowds already have a head start there” as far as jockeying for position was concerned. Hamzah’s close associate Tosari Widjaya said that if Hamzah does not become chairman of the BPK and remains in his position at the PPP campaign, “there has to be a reward for you somewhere.”

---
The day’s DPR Session was a quick one. To jeers from the PKPB members, cheers from the PKPI members and applause from the PPP members, Hamzah said that he will reject any and all nomination for him to become chairman of the BPK because he would like to remain focused on the PPP’s election campaign. The PKPI and the PPP still does not have a nominee for the chairmanship of the BPK whereupon Harmoko called the session into recess.

---
There was a lot of intrigue at lunch.

Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto attended a lunch for forest concessionaires hosted by Prajogo Pangestu. Tutut said that “a future government” should treat people in the natural resources sectors as partners rather than as opponents or even enemies and that the government’s attitude is prejudicial. The first question that she took from the press was regarding the PKPI and PPP coalition negotiations which had begun again in the wake of Hamzah’s refusal to be nominated for the chairmanship of the BPK.

“Isn’t it nice to be taken seriously?” she asked as laughter broke in the room.

She was not laughing however when the next question was “Does this mean that your attempt to prevent the PKPI-PPP Coalition had failed?” In an annoyed tone, Tutut said the the coalition had not been finalized yet.

At another lunch, businessman Arifin Panigoro was telling Ginandjar Kartasasmita about what Bakrie was intending to stop donations if the coalition came to be. Ginandjar said that that was up to him because one shouldn’t be forced to donate to people they do not know and said that Arifin should do the same if he felt uncomfortable. Arifin gave Ginandjar, who was a close friend, an evasive reply and moved on to other things. After the lunch, Arifin spoke to two other close friends of his, Sarwono and Siswono about the conversation.

A third lunch was at the Presidential Palace between the President and Harmoko. The latter advised the President that it would be good for the PKPI to nominate its candidate for the chairman of the BPK tomorrow. Harmoko however had other questions on his head.

“Mr. President, I was just wondering which chairmanships of other state institutions were negotiated with the PPP if the chairmanship of the BPK was not on the card for them?” asked Harmoko.

“A lot of offices, including cabinet posts were negotiated with the PPP, Mr. Chairman”, replied Try evasively.

“I see”, said Harmoko.

Awkward silence.

“I just want to put it on the record that should there be a conversation about the chairmanship of the DPR/MPR, I intend to be part of it”, said Harmoko, expressing his interest in a second term as gently as possible.

---
Approaching evening at the Presidential Palace, there was a lot of movement going on. First the President, accompanied by Edi Sudrajat met with the the PKPI-PPP negotiating teams as well as Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, Siswono Yudohusodo, as well as businessmen Sofyan Wanandi and Arifin Panigoro.

The discussion was about campaign funding arrangements and the idea that the PKPI’s campaign donors would be required to donate to the PPP as well as insinuated by Aburizal Bakrie. Speaking on behalf of the negotiating teams, Indra Bambang Utoyo said that the negotiating teams had agreement that such donations should be on a voluntary basis without any expectation that those donating to the PKPI should donate to the PPP and vice versa.

As the meeting broke, Harsudiono approached Edi.

“I know you like and trust the guy”, said Harsudiono “But Ginandjar’s playing a game here.”

“I don’t like and trust the guy, I just think he’s good”, replied Edi “But you’re night, Aburizal’s delayed the agreement by going around telling everybody about his made-up concerns. How long do you expect to be delayed?”

“Not long if people would stop trying to delay it”, said Harsudiono “I already told the President this but I'll say it to you too it’d be good if he throws something the PPP’s way.”

The two negotiating teams left though Basofi stuck around, now in his capacity as the Leader of the PKPI in the DPR and accompanied by a small delegation of PKPI members. Basofi and the PKPI delegation met with the President who was this time accompanied by Vice President JB Sumarlin.

After the meeting, Basofi announced that the PKPI will be nominating the following:

*Marzuki Usman, currently the Junior Minister of Finance, to be the new Chairman of the BPK
*Luhut Panjaitan, currently the Army Chief of Staff, to the Vice Chairmanship of the BPK which had been vacant since December 1997

To avoid “further shenanigans” from the PKPB during coalition negotiations, the PKPI will also be nominating:

*Syaifuddin Kartasasmita (no relation to Ginandjar), currently a Supreme Court Judge, to the Deputy Chief Justice of the Supreme Court position which had been vacant since December 2000.

---
The last meeting of the night for the President was with Commander of ABRI Wiranto and Edi walked in just as the meeting was coming to an end.

“I agree with you, the command shuffle as small as possible”, the President “But do move quickly, the Army Chief of Staff’s position will need to be filled soon. Dismiss.”

“Yes Sir”, said Wiranto as he stood up, saluted and left the room.

“There’s also the Junior Minister of Finance’s position which will need to be filled, Mr. President”, said Edi “The Vice President has some names.”

“I’m going to need names for more than just the Junior Minister of Finance’s position”, replied Try, massaging his forehead.

“Why would that be?” asked Edi.

“The Vice President’s man soon be the Chairman of the BPK and another one will soon be the Junior Minister of Finance; I trust him fully but he will need to lose influence somewhere in the cabinet for things to balance out, Habibie has gone into retirement and yet one of his guys still sits around the cabinet, Ginandjar needs to be disciplined, the PPP to be convinced that they are making the right decision, the Sane Soehartoists will have their respect for President Soeharto questioned as we go into the election campaign and will need to have their loyalty reinforced”, said Try “All this need to be addressed.”

---
OTL Ginandjar was known as the patron of indigenous Indonesian businessmen and helping the likes of Aburizal Bakrie and Arifin Panigoro get their start. This is why when we have Bakrie is expressing disapproval of the coalition, the reaction is “Ginandjar should really keep him in line”.

The term of the DPR/MPR, along with the Chairman of the DPR/MPR, ends on 1st October. Harmoko’s starting to get pushy here because there’s not too long left in his term and someone else is interested in his job.

I didn’t really put much thought about who was going to be Vice Chairman of the BPK or the Deputy Chief Justice of the Supreme Court because I was too lazy but things have a way of working themselves into the story.

Here’s a trivia question: if OTL Syaifuddin Kartasasmita has been dead for nearly half a year by January 2002, how come his ITTL self is still alive?

 

[GSD310]

17th January 2002:
From early morning, people wearing t-shirts, flags, and banners carrying the PKPI and the PPP’s logos had begun gathering in and around National Awakening Museum where in 1908, when it was known as the Dutch Colonial Government’s Indigenous Faculty of Medicine, the youth organization Boedi Oetomo was formed. TV trucks and cameras were also standing by to cover the news that had spread across Jakarta and the nation overnight: the PKPI and the PPP had concluded an agreement.

One by one the dignitaries arrived starting with the party officials. Coming out of the same car, looking tired but enjoying the cheers were none other than Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman and Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil. Then came the DPR members and ministers followed by the Chairman of the DPR Harmoko and Vice President JB Sumarlin. Last was President Try Sutrisno, waving to the crowd and smiling sheepishly when he saw a “Try 2003” banner.

The ceremony, televised and held at the museum’s auditorium was very efficient. After the national anthem and prayers, it was straight to the coalition agreement. The honor of reading the agreement fell to PKPI Member and DPR Candidate Slamet Effendy Yusuf, chosen because he had been a member of both the PPP and Golkar in the past.

When the time came, Basofi and Matori stepped up to a table where there were two copies of the agreement. With the President standing behind the table, Basofi and Matori affixed their signatures on both copies. Then to a rapturous applause, the President bent down and signed the agreement. Then Sumarlin followed and Harmoko, though looking hesitant for a few seconds, signed the agreement. To a standing ovation, Basofi and Matori shook hands and hugged each other.

Spoiler: PKPI-PPP Coalition Agreement

Agreement Between
The Partai Karya Pembangunan Indonesia (PKPI)
And
The Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP)
​

The last three decades years has been a time of national development for our nation and our people. Through consistent and continuous effort, bolstered by economic growth, our nation has become stronger and our people more prosperous.

Having lost our previous leader to unforeseen circumstances in November 1997, it has been the fortune of our nation that the mantle of leadership had fallen upon our nation’s third president, Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno. Under the leadership of President Try these past 4 years, Indonesia has not only survived the Asian Financial Crisis, it has also continued on the road of national development by retaining what has worked and removing what has not worked as well as building upon past successes and improving upon past shortcomings.

Bearing in mind that one of the prerequisites of our past and present economic growth has been stability, with the full realization that this stability best takes the shape of the continuing leadership of our present president, and identifying areas of agreement where cooperation can be made possible, the PKPI and the PPP have seen fit to join one another in a coalition to strengthen and secure the continuing leadership of our current president.

With consideration of the differing backgrounds, base of supports, and priorities of our two parties, we have also seen fit to outline the mechanisms by which this coalition will function in this agreement so that both of our party members and the public at large will be aware of the momentous decision which we have come into.

Jakarta, 17th January 2002

The General Aims of the Coalition:​

The general aims of the coalition are as follows:

• Upholding Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution
• Ensuring the continuity of national development
• Securing the continuing leadership of Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno as the nation’s leader
• Providing political stability for the fulfillment of the aforementioned aims

The Nature and Scope of the Coalition:​

This coalition is entered into voluntarily by the PKPI and the PPP on the basis of common aspirations and goals for the country that the PKPI and the PPP respectively has.

This coalition is entered into by the two parties for an undetermined period of time.

The PKPI and the PPP will continue to retain its respective and distinctive identities and organizational structures throughout the duration of the coalition.

The PKPI and the PPP will continue to retain authority and autonomy over its internal affairs as governed in both parties’ respective constitutions and by-laws.

The coalition commits the two parties to acting and voting as a united bloc in the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), the People’s Representative Council (DPR), the Provincial Regional People’s Representative Councils (DPRD), and the Regency/Municipal DPRDs.

The coalition commits the two parties to functioning as a united political force in the nation’s political life, providing support and stability for the government led by President Try Sutrisno.

In the pursuit of its joint aims, the coalition engages in partnership with ABRI across the MPR, the DPR, the Provincial DPRD, and the Regency/Municipal DPRDs.

The coalition between the PKPI and the PPP takes into effect upon the signing of the agreement by the Chairman of the PKPI and the Chairman of the PPP with the approval of the President of the Republic of Indonesia.

Election Campaigns:
​

The coalition’s goal in an election campaign is to at the very least maintain, if not increase the amount of seats its holds in the MPR, DPR, Provincial DPRDs, and the Regency/Municipal DPRDs.

The PKPI and the PPP’s election campaigns, whether nationally or regionally, are conducted independently of one another.

The determination of both parties’ candidates in an election campaign is an internal matter for each respective party.

In its respective campaigns, the PKPI and the PPP’s candidates may compete freely against each other whilst remaining civil with each other.

The PKPI may identify itself with the PPP’s policies provided that it also defends said policies when it is attacked by other parties.

The PPP may identify itself with the Government’s policies provided that it also defends said policies when it is by attacked by other parties.

By common consent and on the basis of mutual benefit, the PKPI and the PPP’s election campaigns, whether on a national or a regional level, may engage in cooperation with one another.

On a voluntary basis, campaign donors of the PKPI and PPP may donate to each other’s parties and vice versa.

The PKPI and the PPP commits themselves not to obtain or attempt to obtain assistance to gain electoral advantage from ABRI during the course of the election campaign.

This Agreement doubles as an agreement by both parties to direct leftover votes towards one another as the situation calls for it in which, if there are sufficient votes, such leftover votes may produce extra seats.

Policies:​

The basic policy guideline of the coalition is President Try Sutrisno’s 2001 State Address which was delivered to the nation in the presence of the DPR on 16th August 2001.

The two parties commit themselves to advance the aspirations set out by the President in this speech.

Commitment to the President’s 2001 State Address does not preclude the formulation and inclusion of other policies.

The PKPI makes the following policy commitments to the PPP in deference to the latter’s wishes and as a precondition for going into coalition:

• Consolidation and strengthening of the nation’s zakat and waqf systems which the Government had begun to develop.
• A land certification and registration program for waqf land.
• Making it mandatory to establish Musallas in public places, workplaces, and schools.
• Passage of an Islamic Education Law to give legal standing to the Islamic Education System and the appointment of a Junior Minister of Islamic Education.
• Passage of a Halal Products Law.
• Pontianak-Singkawang and Balikpapan-Samarinda Toll Roads to be included and constructed in Repelita VIII.
• Strengthen the Government’s internal auditing system by upgrading the BPKP from an agency to a ministry.
• Aiming for a tax ratio of 15% to maximize revenue and increase the Government’s fiscal capacity to facilitate growth.
• Take concrete measures to realize Article 34 of the 1945 Constitution

The PPP makes the following policy commitments to the PKPI in deference to the latter’s wishes and as a precondition for going into coalition:

• The realization of the national goals and aspirations set forth by President Try Sutrisno in the 2001 State Address.
• Taking an active stand against forces hostile to Pancasila especially those from the Extreme Right.
• Treating the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution as final and proposing no further amendments to it.

Offices:​

A PPP member will hold one of the state institutions mentioned in the constitution outside of the presidency (either the Vice Presidency, the Chairmanship of the DPR/MPR, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the Chairmanship of the BPK, and the Chairmanship of the DPA).

PPP members will hold office as ministers of the cabinet, the amount of PPP members holding cabinet positions will be the prerogative of the president but will be reflective of the amount of votes the PPP has gained and that at least one government department must be headed by a PPP minister.

Further Provisions:
​

Further provisions regarding the coalition which has not been covered in this agreement to be formulated on an as needed basis.

Signed in Jakarta on 17th January 2002
By:
Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Basofi Sudirman
Chairman of the PKPI

Matori Abdul Djalil
Chairman of the PPP

With the Approval of:
Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno
President of the Republic of Indonesia

Witnessed by:
Prof. Dr. Johannes Baptista Sumarlin
Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia

Harmoko
Chairman of the DPR/MPR​

Making the keynote speech, Try said that the coalition agreement was a momentous occasion saying that it will give the Government stability in the present and in the future. The President complimented the two chairmen on the agreement though he said that he “blushed” each time he saw his name being mentioned. At that the people in the auditorium cheered with him whilst the crowd outside chanted “Try for President Again!”.

The President was the first to leave, there being other matters requiring his attention. He left behind Basofi and Matori who delivered speeches pledging their loyalties and their parties’ loyalties to the President.

Over the next few hours, the television networks provided coverage and analysis of what just happened. The most insightful analysis, everyone seemed to agree, came from Political Scientist Rizal Mallarangeng who appeared on SCTV’s Liputan 6:

“I think when we look back at this presidency, they’re going to see the 2001 State Address and this PKPI-PPP Coalition Agreement as two important milestones. In the former, you have President Try outlining his aspirations for the nation or in other words, the things he would like to achieve on the policy aspect. Now you see President Try moulding the political structures to provide him with the environment to achieve those goals.”

---

Political structures were indeed the concern of Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri as she paid the KPU a visit. Flanked by PNI DPR Candidate Members Sidarto Danusubroto and Rizal Ramli, Megawati said that she was complaining about the provision in the PKPI and PPP’s coalition agreement which states that the coalition agreement binds the PKPI and PPP together as one bloc not only in the but also in the DPR, the MPR, and the DPRDs at both the provincial and municipal/regency level.

“If the President controls the PKPI and PPP in the DPR, the MPR, and the DPRDs, combine that with the ABRI presence in all of the aforementioned legislatures, then effectively whatever the election results is, the Government still has a good chance of retaining control in the various legislatures”, Megawati said “If say the PKPI does badly in Jakarta’s DPRD for example, it can still retain control if the PPP has enough seats and by combining with ABRI.”
---
The day however was not over yet.

The sight of Minister of Mining and Energy Djiteng Marsudi arriving at the Presidential Palace at night after all the gas stations had closed got people buzzing.

After the TVRI’s late night news, Djiteng came out of his meeting. Djiteng announced that the President had approved of a 40% “price adjustment” in a bid to cut fuel subsidies. As he made his announcement, Djiteng said that with the economy strong, the currency strong, and inflation low, this was the time to adjust fuel prices so that funds previously used for fuel subsidies could be diverted for other purposes.

---

At a café at Grand Hyatt Hotel, Chairman of the PKPB National Campaign Prabowo Subianto, Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, and Kivlan Zen watched the television. Kivlan commented that with the coalition done and dusted, the President’s getting back to work. Prabowo was not so sure about that.

18th January 2002:
Harmoko presided over another session of the DPR. Basofi Sudirman, in his capacity as Leader of the PKPI in the DPR, announced that the PKPI is nominating Junior Minister of Finance Marzuki Usman as Chairman of the BPK. PPP, with none other than Hamzah Haz speaking followed suit. Fachrul Rozi spoke on behalf of ABRI’s DPR members, nominating Marzuki Uzman as well. Outnumbered, the PKPB delayed the inevitable by calling for a vote saying that there was no acclamation.

Harmoko thought to himself that a PKPI-PPP Coalition, with ABRI backing it, in the DPR looked solid. At the same time, Harmoko thought to himself about how he would fit into the equation.

---
During Indosiar’s live coverage of the voting in the DPR, PKPB DPR Candidate Yusril Ihza Mahendra condemned the PPP for signing a bad deal.

“I accept Musallas being made compulsory in public places and legal standing for Islamic education”, said Yusril “But there’s no mention of sharia banking, no mention of possibly revisiting the question of the Jakarta Charter…come on, the PPP had the chance to get something here but frankly they have blown it all in the name of getting a few toll roads for Kalimantan and a few seats around the cabinet as ministers.”

---
At the ABRI Headquarters, ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs Staff Djamari Chaniago said that ABRI welcomes the PKPI and the PPP’s coalition agreements. Djamari said that ABRI looks forward to working together with the PKPI and the PPP. When asked about who the new Army Chief of Staff would be, Djamari said that that was the prerogative of the President who will discuss the appointment with the Commander of ABRI.

---
Even though it took until nearly sunset there was no stopping the PKPI-PPP Coalition in its first outing as Junior Minister of Finance Marzuki Usman is nominated as Chairman of the BPK, Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan is nominated as Vice Chairman of the BPK, and Supreme Court Judge Syaifuddin Kartasasmita is nominated as Deputy Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

---
At dusk, the President and Vice President JB Sumarlin met with Marzuki and Luhut. The meeting began with Marzuki and Luhut announcing that they will accept their nominations. Marzuki handed in his resignation from the cabinet while Luhut reported that he awaits his discharge.

The President said to Marzuki that with the economy growing at a fast rate and the debt moratorium, there is a lot of money flowing in and out of government coffers and that the role of the BPK will be all the more important. Turning around to Luhut, the President told him to pay attention to ABRI as the government increases defense spending.

After Marzuki and Luhut left, the President and Sumarlin continued their meeting. When it was over, the President watched his television. On the screen, Hamzah Haz was dutifully defending the government’s decision to raise fuel prices saying that it was better to make the decision now rather than later to raise fuel prices. His opponent on the show, PKPB DPR Member Fuad Bawazier said he welcomes it if it meant the PKPI and the PPP will have a bad time at the next election.

19th January 2002:
It was Saturday morning and State Secretary Edi Sudrajat made an appearance at the ABRI Headquarters. He had been Commander of ABRI for only two months, that was how much Soeharto (did not) trust him but that was enough for him to speak on friendly terms with the building staff. The building was quiet, it was after all the Army Chief of Staff’s position that would be changing hands so the activity would be at the Army Headquarters not the ABRI Headquarters.

There was one person who hoped that he would be transferred from his current assignment at ABRI Headquarters to the Army Headquarters and his face sank when he saw Edi.

“Hello, Bambang”, said Edi to ABRI Chief of General Staff Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

---
Commander of ABRI Wiranto only smiled when he was asked who will be the next Army Chief of Staff as he stepped into the meeting. Inside he went through a list of the nation’s lieutenant generals though this was a formality because the President knew who he was choosing. It was with the rest of the appointments that there was a lot shuffling around and bargaining going on. One hour into the meeting, Edi joined the meeting. He too was not saying anything to those outside.

When the command shuffle was completed, the following highlights may be pointed out:

*Lt. Gen. TB Hasanuddin, presently Commander Kostrad, will be promoted to the rank of general and appointed as Army Chief of Staff. He was Vice Presidential Aide-De-Camp (1996-1997) and Presidential Aide-De-Camp (1997-1998) during President Try’s short term. After that TB Hasanuddin was Second in Command at the Jakarta Regional Military Command (1998-1999) and Commander of the Jakarta Regional Military Command (1999-2001), where he kept order when Golkar broke into two in June 2000. As Commander of Kostrad, he was in the middle of preparations of establishing a 3rd Kostrad Division.

*Maj. Gen. Prijanto, presently Commander of the Jakarta Regional Military Command, will be promoted to the rank of lieutenant general and appointed Deputy Army Chief of Staff. An Air Defense Artillerymen, Prijanto spent the bulk of his career at the Jakarta Regional Military Command. He came into the President’s radar when he became Commander of the Jakarta Regional Military Command where working together with TB Hasanuddin, he was in charge of security at the G-15 Summit in May 2001 and kept a vigilant watch over the capital in the first weeks after 11th September. He succeeds Deputy Army Chief of Staff Endriartono Sutarto who goes into retirement in April 1947.

*Maj. Gen. Srijanto, presently Commander of the Kopassus, will be promoted to the rank of lieutenant general and appointed Commander of Kostrad to replace TB Hasanuddin. He is widely seen as “Try’s man in the Kopassus”. He was Deputy Commander of Kopassus (1998-1999) during Luhut’s commandership and assisted the latter consolidate Try’s grip over the Kopassus before stepping up as commander himself to further ensure the Kopassus’ political reliability (read: rid the Kopassus of Prabowo Subianto’s influence).

*Brig. Gen. Noer Muis, presently Second In Command at the Jakarta Regional Military Command and who has been in that position for two years will be promoted to the rank of major general and appointed Commander of the Jakarta Regional Military Command. A unit commander under Wiranto when the latter was Commander of Kostrad and secretary to Wiranto when the latter began as Commander of ABRI, Noer Muis is seen as the officer who will carry Wiranto’s torch for him among the active duty officers after Wiranto retires.

*Brig. Gen. Hotmangaradja Panjaitan, presently Commander of the East Timor Operations Command will be promoted to the rank of major general and appointed Commander of the Kopassus. Hotmangaradja is not related to the outgoing Army Chief of Staff though he does have a more famous relative, Brig. Gen. DI Panjaitan who was one of the generals kidnapped and killed by the 30th September Movement. During Try’s presidency, Hotmangaradja made his name in the President’s eyes as the field commander who extracted Abu Sayyaf hostages in September 2000.

There were two rotations that were not originally planned but were included in the day’s events. This was done when Edi joined the meeting. Edi told the President and Wiranto that when told he would not be Army Chief of Staff, Yudhoyono accepted the decision but that he immediately made a transfer request to be Governor of Lemhanas.

“He’s a soldier, he should do as he’s ordered”, said Wiranto “And right now his orders are to remain as ABRI Chief of the General Staff.”

“Ordinarily I would agree” replied Edi before turning to the President “But we are depriving a talented officer of the chance to become Army Chief of Staff for a second time.”

Wiranto looked at Edi. Edi was a tough officer but had a soft spot for Yudhoyono who had once been on his personal staff. And in turn, the President listened to Edi. As the President looked between him and the State Secretary, Wiranto knew he wasn’t going to win the argument.

“Give Lemhanas to Bambang”, the President said to Wiranto “Johnny Lumintang’s about to hit retirement age, it’s good that we have a replacement now.”

That left the ABRI Chief of the General Staff’s position vacant, the President decided that Djaja Suparman should have that position. A former Commander of Kostrad, presently Commander of the Army Education and Training, and a Wirantoite, Djaja’s appointment into the position left vacant by Yudhoyono places Wiranto in his strongest position yet since becoming Commander of ABRI.

The final military matter that day was Wiranto himself. Wiranto was going to reach retirement age in April 2002, but with a signature, the President extended Wiranto’s period of service to April 2003.

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There was a lot of analysis going on in the aftermath of the command shuffle but it was generally agreed that though relatively small, the command shuffle was considered something of a seismic shift with the Army Chief of Staff, the Deputy Army Chief of Staff, the Commandership of Kostrad, and the Commandership of Kopassus changing hands; this in addition to the ABRI Chief of General Staff’s position changing hands.

For those with cameras, tape recorders, and notepads recording the day’s events it was a relief that the command shuffle was over. After the coalition had been signed, the push and pull of the chairman of the BPK’s nomination, the fuel price adjustment, and now the ABRI command shuffle, surely the week was over.

---
If I was to say what the most important part of the coalition agreement is, it would be the part that says that the PKPI-PPP Coalition in the DPR is to be replicated in DPRDs across the nation. The implication is as Megawati pointed out, unless the PKPI and the PPP has a really bad day at the polls, it has a good chance of still controlling DPR and DPRDs across the nation. This is not to mention that ABRI ie. the military still has seats in the DPR and DPRDs because Dual Function is still in effect.

For info on the Jakarta Charter: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jakarta_Charter

Essentially the Jakarta Charter would have provided for explicit recognition of Sharia Law in the Indonesian Constitution but this was aborted

OTL TB Hasanuddin was Try’s Vice Presidential Aide-de-Camp from 1996-1998, he remained Vice Presidential Aide-de-Camp to Vice President BJ Habibie and then was Presidential Aide-de-Camp throughout Habibie’s presidency. He’s a PDI-P politician now and DPR member. This is a picte

 

[deepoceanblue]

Here’s a trivia question: if OTL Syaifuddin Kartasasmita has been dead for nearly half a year by January 2002, how come his ITTL self is still alive?

Whoa he’s the one that tommy assasinated

10 Ribu Dolar untuk Nyawa Hakim Agung Syafiuddin

MATA INDONESIA, JAKARTA – Kasus pembunuhan Hakim Agung Syafiuddin Kartasasmita pada Juli 2001 silam, ikut menyeret nama Tommy Soeharto. Putra mendiang mantan Presiden RI kedua ini terbukti menyuap Mulawarman dan Noval Hadad untuk menghabisi nyawa sang hakim agung. Keduanya mengaku menembak...

www.minews.id

 

[Pilatypus]

Whoa he’s the one that tommy assasinated

10 Ribu Dolar untuk Nyawa Hakim Agung Syafiuddin

MATA INDONESIA, JAKARTA – Kasus pembunuhan Hakim Agung Syafiuddin Kartasasmita pada Juli 2001 silam, ikut menyeret nama Tommy Soeharto. Putra mendiang mantan Presiden RI kedua ini terbukti menyuap Mulawarman dan Noval Hadad untuk menghabisi nyawa sang hakim agung. Keduanya mengaku menembak...

www.minews.id

Damn, the mastermind only served 5 years in prison while the executors got life sentence. I have no words how easily someone can get away from literal assassination with virtually nothing. I imagine the next judges got the message when they were bribed.

 

[SkylineDreamer]

Here’s a trivia question: if OTL Syaifuddin Kartasasmita has been dead for nearly half a year by January 2002, how come his ITTL self is still alive?

For one, afaik he escaped custody IOTL so he can demand someone to hunt Syaifuddin Kartasasmita down.

In the political perspective, I don't think Tommy's sister would like her party's popularity drop in shambles when news began covering the assasination if said event had happened.