Probably the closest will be anarchism. Not sure if the Communards ever got to make their stand.
In this country , it is good to kill an admiral from time to time
- Thread starter Antony444
- Start date
A few armies have agreed to tone down the colours but most are in still fighting with modified uniforms of the Damocles War. The Saxons for exemple, are in bright green. So yes, it's going to be very ugly.
Yes, there is Collectivism...and the effect on the world is such it's practically guaranteed there are going to be revolutions.
Hmm...it is giving me ideas...
Finish this Civil War (Japan September 1897- October 1897)
There had never been any great doubt in East Asia that the moment hostilities were declared, the two Shogunates of Japan would go to war with each other. The anger between the two rival nations had reached a level almost legendary and belligerent speeches were routinely exchanged between Kagoshima and Edo.
The Tokugawa Generals were very well-aware their economy was far less robust than their Satsuma opponents of course. It was also evident to any observer able to count that the navy of Southern Japan far outnumbered the Northern one. Once the hostilities began, Edo and the Emperor would have to rely on their own strategic reserves to win. Fortunately, their membership in the Central Alliance had allowed Shogun Tokugawa Mitsukune to augment the nitrate stocks along with the war resources but it would only delay the problem, not erase it. The Tokugawa Shogunate had to win quickly. This was why Operation Senkogu was going to destroy the rebels of the South in one offensive; a formidable thrust in the second week of the war accomplished by thirty of the best army divisions the daimyos had been able to train. The great attack would be carried on an axis Nagoya-Kyoto, therefore liberating the old capital of Japan before striking at the critical cities of Kobe and Osaka.
Long months of training were spent improving the mobilisation effort. When the time came, Edo High Command wanted the 1st Japan Army to face the peacetime divisions of the South, which according to their best agents were only numbering eight at the frontier.
On September 12 1897, the war everyone from Tsushima to Sendai had know was coming finally came to the Japanese shores in a very large skirmish near the town of Obama. Who was at fault was irrelevant in the end as the declarations of war succeeded to another. The world was at war and there could be only one Japan to emerge from the inferno.
The Tokugawa leaders did not waste time. Hours after the initial clash, trains were already racing to the frontlines, bringing tens of thousands men. By the time Emperor Meiji himself declared in front of the Imperial Palace his divine will to go to war and restore Japanese greatness on the world stage, the war mobilisation was long started.
On September 16 1897, the Tokugawa 1st army launched Operation Sengoku and for the first time of the year, thousands of cannons bombarded the Japanese soil. And for the first hours, the great gamble taken by the North seemed to pay. They had mobilised and attacked with over six hundred and fifty thousand men, with more regiments being formed in the barracks of Nagoya. One Southern division had been almost wiped out, two were in dire need or resupply and reinforcements and the rest were withdrawing to Kyoto, pursued by an ecstatic 1st Japan Army. On September 21, Satsuma resistance appeared to be crumbling and Tokugawa Mitsukune affirmed in front of the diplomats of the Central Alliance victory would be a matter of weeks.
This proved to be a very premature opinion. The Satsuma High Command had been completely surprised by the speed of Northern mobilisation, but they had done their best to counter it. Trains, cars and ship transports were requisitioned to bring the divisions to the front. By September 23, General Kuroda of the Satsuma High Command had gathered twenty-eight divisions around Kyoto to counter the offensive of his enemies. The Southern 3rd Army was still outnumbered, as the Tokugawas were bringing literally every soldier they could on the battlefield and had now near forty divisions, but the Southern forces had received their full artillery contingent, machine guns and their new rifles.
On September 24, the Battle of Kyoto could begin. While it was not fought in the city itself, the Tokugawa soldiers could see the city in the distance and thus had a very bad surprise when the enemy they believed on the ropes revealed an impressive firepower. The apocalyptic bombardment of the artillery lasted hours. There were so many impacts that the earth was transformed into a lunar landscape. The Northern infantry was forced to find cover where they could. The artillery which had managed somehow to follow the furious rhythm of their offensive was decimated. A few cavalry regiments who tried to resurrect the time of samurai cavalry charges were gunned down before they managed to do any damage. And then the Southern infantry moved out of their fortifications, charging and screaming at their long-hated enemies. The Tokugawa 1st Army was severely beaten, and it was only its sheer size which saved it. Indeed, many divisions were still on the road to Kyoto when the cannons devastating barrage began. These were these formations which held the lines at the end of the day, digging trenches and improvising fortifications as best as they could.
The Battle of Kyoto was a horrific butchery. A million four hundred and forty thousand men fought in this battle for over a week and the losses were counted in the tens of thousands. Modern weaponry revealed all its horrific potential, vaporising thousands of soldiers in red midst and crippling thousands of young men until death came to take them decades after.
The Tokugawa 1st Army suffered an awful defeat from September 24 to September 30. Eight of their divisions were so hammered they were disbanded after the battle and the survivors assigned other under-strength forces. Many regiments lost half their effectives. Thousands were made prisoner by the Satsuma counter-attack. The Sengoku offensive withdrew from twenty kilometres, its first retreat in this bloody war. Over two hundred and seventy thousand men were dead, fleeing, missing or prisoners. The pride of Edo and the Tokugawa elite armies had been butchered on the ravaged battlefield of Central Honshu. The red and white colours of the Emperor supporters were now crimson of the blood lost. Losses from the Satsuma 3rd Army were also heavy, but rapidly compensated by the tide of conscripts arriving to the frontlines in their white-grey uniforms.
On the strategic side, the future had suddenly darkened considerably for Shogun Tokugawa Mitsukune. The one-sided victory had disappeared with this defeat, and now it seemed the war was going to be a long and difficult struggle, exactly the long conflict he and his subordinates wanted to avoid in the first place.
The end of September and the beginning of October were not full of events to reassure him. The Satsuma Navy defeated a Tokugawa cruiser squadron at the Battle of Kozushima on October 3, sinking many precious transports of nitrates and American weapons that would have been a great boon for his nation.
On land, the front was stabilising. General Tanaka of the 1st Army had finally managed to bloody the Southern infantry on October 9, the succession trenches and concentrated artillery destroying many fresh regiments coming from Fukuoka and Hiroshima. They had lost ten more kilometres, but the Satsuma counter-attack had been stopped. The Northern army was still on former Southern territory and enjoyed showing it to the Satsuma citizens which had not managed to evacuate in time.
Like on many other fronts, the Japanese factions were stalemated and now entrenched solidly. The hope for a short war was not completely gone...and Edo authorities knew very well that with their ships blockaded in their harbours, the months to come would definitely not allow them to reinforce faster than Kagoshima...
There had never been any great doubt in East Asia that the moment hostilities were declared, the two Shogunates of Japan would go to war with each other. The anger between the two rival nations had reached a level almost legendary and belligerent speeches were routinely exchanged between Kagoshima and Edo.
The Tokugawa Generals were very well-aware their economy was far less robust than their Satsuma opponents of course. It was also evident to any observer able to count that the navy of Southern Japan far outnumbered the Northern one. Once the hostilities began, Edo and the Emperor would have to rely on their own strategic reserves to win. Fortunately, their membership in the Central Alliance had allowed Shogun Tokugawa Mitsukune to augment the nitrate stocks along with the war resources but it would only delay the problem, not erase it. The Tokugawa Shogunate had to win quickly. This was why Operation Senkogu was going to destroy the rebels of the South in one offensive; a formidable thrust in the second week of the war accomplished by thirty of the best army divisions the daimyos had been able to train. The great attack would be carried on an axis Nagoya-Kyoto, therefore liberating the old capital of Japan before striking at the critical cities of Kobe and Osaka.
Long months of training were spent improving the mobilisation effort. When the time came, Edo High Command wanted the 1st Japan Army to face the peacetime divisions of the South, which according to their best agents were only numbering eight at the frontier.
On September 12 1897, the war everyone from Tsushima to Sendai had know was coming finally came to the Japanese shores in a very large skirmish near the town of Obama. Who was at fault was irrelevant in the end as the declarations of war succeeded to another. The world was at war and there could be only one Japan to emerge from the inferno.
The Tokugawa leaders did not waste time. Hours after the initial clash, trains were already racing to the frontlines, bringing tens of thousands men. By the time Emperor Meiji himself declared in front of the Imperial Palace his divine will to go to war and restore Japanese greatness on the world stage, the war mobilisation was long started.
On September 16 1897, the Tokugawa 1st army launched Operation Sengoku and for the first time of the year, thousands of cannons bombarded the Japanese soil. And for the first hours, the great gamble taken by the North seemed to pay. They had mobilised and attacked with over six hundred and fifty thousand men, with more regiments being formed in the barracks of Nagoya. One Southern division had been almost wiped out, two were in dire need or resupply and reinforcements and the rest were withdrawing to Kyoto, pursued by an ecstatic 1st Japan Army. On September 21, Satsuma resistance appeared to be crumbling and Tokugawa Mitsukune affirmed in front of the diplomats of the Central Alliance victory would be a matter of weeks.
This proved to be a very premature opinion. The Satsuma High Command had been completely surprised by the speed of Northern mobilisation, but they had done their best to counter it. Trains, cars and ship transports were requisitioned to bring the divisions to the front. By September 23, General Kuroda of the Satsuma High Command had gathered twenty-eight divisions around Kyoto to counter the offensive of his enemies. The Southern 3rd Army was still outnumbered, as the Tokugawas were bringing literally every soldier they could on the battlefield and had now near forty divisions, but the Southern forces had received their full artillery contingent, machine guns and their new rifles.
On September 24, the Battle of Kyoto could begin. While it was not fought in the city itself, the Tokugawa soldiers could see the city in the distance and thus had a very bad surprise when the enemy they believed on the ropes revealed an impressive firepower. The apocalyptic bombardment of the artillery lasted hours. There were so many impacts that the earth was transformed into a lunar landscape. The Northern infantry was forced to find cover where they could. The artillery which had managed somehow to follow the furious rhythm of their offensive was decimated. A few cavalry regiments who tried to resurrect the time of samurai cavalry charges were gunned down before they managed to do any damage. And then the Southern infantry moved out of their fortifications, charging and screaming at their long-hated enemies. The Tokugawa 1st Army was severely beaten, and it was only its sheer size which saved it. Indeed, many divisions were still on the road to Kyoto when the cannons devastating barrage began. These were these formations which held the lines at the end of the day, digging trenches and improvising fortifications as best as they could.
The Battle of Kyoto was a horrific butchery. A million four hundred and forty thousand men fought in this battle for over a week and the losses were counted in the tens of thousands. Modern weaponry revealed all its horrific potential, vaporising thousands of soldiers in red midst and crippling thousands of young men until death came to take them decades after.
The Tokugawa 1st Army suffered an awful defeat from September 24 to September 30. Eight of their divisions were so hammered they were disbanded after the battle and the survivors assigned other under-strength forces. Many regiments lost half their effectives. Thousands were made prisoner by the Satsuma counter-attack. The Sengoku offensive withdrew from twenty kilometres, its first retreat in this bloody war. Over two hundred and seventy thousand men were dead, fleeing, missing or prisoners. The pride of Edo and the Tokugawa elite armies had been butchered on the ravaged battlefield of Central Honshu. The red and white colours of the Emperor supporters were now crimson of the blood lost. Losses from the Satsuma 3rd Army were also heavy, but rapidly compensated by the tide of conscripts arriving to the frontlines in their white-grey uniforms.
On the strategic side, the future had suddenly darkened considerably for Shogun Tokugawa Mitsukune. The one-sided victory had disappeared with this defeat, and now it seemed the war was going to be a long and difficult struggle, exactly the long conflict he and his subordinates wanted to avoid in the first place.
The end of September and the beginning of October were not full of events to reassure him. The Satsuma Navy defeated a Tokugawa cruiser squadron at the Battle of Kozushima on October 3, sinking many precious transports of nitrates and American weapons that would have been a great boon for his nation.
On land, the front was stabilising. General Tanaka of the 1st Army had finally managed to bloody the Southern infantry on October 9, the succession trenches and concentrated artillery destroying many fresh regiments coming from Fukuoka and Hiroshima. They had lost ten more kilometres, but the Satsuma counter-attack had been stopped. The Northern army was still on former Southern territory and enjoyed showing it to the Satsuma citizens which had not managed to evacuate in time.
Like on many other fronts, the Japanese factions were stalemated and now entrenched solidly. The hope for a short war was not completely gone...and Edo authorities knew very well that with their ships blockaded in their harbours, the months to come would definitely not allow them to reinforce faster than Kagoshima...
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Good!!! Go Emperor *cheer*
Just a little note, losing hundred of thousands men in 3 days is an absolutely ridiculous numbers even for WW1, I think you should space this on a few weeks, battle lasted a long time in those days anyways, since advancing on foot was still the most used method.(especially in ennemies territories)
If they lost that many men in such a short period of time, the war wouldn't have lasted 1 months.
Just a little note, losing hundred of thousands men in 3 days is an absolutely ridiculous numbers even for WW1, I think you should space this on a few weeks, battle lasted a long time in those days anyways, since advancing on foot was still the most used method.(especially in ennemies territories)
If they lost that many men in such a short period of time, the war wouldn't have lasted 1 months.
The 550,000 casualties of the 1914 Battle of the Frontiers are for august 7 to september, 10.
Yes and that's for more than 30 days, not 3 there is an quite a difference here.
Especially since the South has properly adapted and such. North has only done the ones they have to, and are in debt to the asshats.
Yes, it is indeed what awaits Northern Japan. Now if one of their allies was willing to break the blockade, it could change the game...but said allies would have to send precious reserves and with the war raging everywhere, there is not much to spare for a far-away front...
Thanks for the remarks. I modified the last paragraphs a bit to lenghten the battle to a week.
Yes, though the debt they have is not the great preocupation for the present time. After all, if they lose, being indebted is going to be the least of their problems...
Slight mistake, it's the Southerners who are fighting against the legitimate Emperor. The Kagoshima regime was never able to find a man of royal blood to put as claimant...most of the time they are presenting the Emperor as a puppet manipulated by the villain Tokugawa generals and Shogun. This has the advantage of being grounded in reality...Emperor Meiji is a figurehead and the northern nobles have not tried to convince their foreign allies this is false.
Good good. Denmark of course is much smarter and are not using red uniforms right ?
Hey Antoine I know that the two Japanese factions don’t have a chance to retake Hokkaido but do either of them want too retake it?
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You're welcome.
Don't worry Denmark soldiers are not big flashy targets...not that for the moment it's a problem for them. They are one of the rare countries not to have a land front for their armies to fight. The Central Alliance and the European Union are not at war and Sweden is neutral...
Well, the South is on the same side as Russia, so their plan is basically to win the civil war and then to (bribe) buy the island of Hokkaido from the tsar.
The North have some insane ideas to attack it, but remember too well that the only time they tried to cross the straits, they were massacred. Unless they have a big fleet for protection, it is not feasible.
Asia Burns (Eastern Asia and Pacific September 1897-December 1897)
The two Shogunates of Japan were not the only nations who chose to resume their grievances in an explosive manner once war was declared. On the continent to the east of the great island, a titanic battlefield opened as the two Empires of China went to war against each other on September 19 1897.
Hundreds of thousands soldiers were mobilised in every Chinese province and the logistics began to break in a matter of weeks. While the Chinese generals had made a lot of progress thanks to foreign help, they had underestimated even more severely than the Europeans and the Americans how long the ammunition stocks would last in a modern war. Moreover, the growing factories were unable to keep up with the demand and produce the millions of rifles and the thousands of guns the frontline armies were asking desperately.
Worse, unlike many of the other fronts raging all over the world, the Chinese front was anything but static. Looking at a map, it was evident the thousands of kilometres of frontier separating Northern and Southern China could not possibly be covered in trenches. True, they were some targets –like major cities – which had to be captured and stormed by force of arms but in general the Chinese High Command on both sides preferred to wage long movement campaigns, ravaging the countryside, laying waste to villages and towns and generally destroying the ability of the enemy army to make war.
Not that the cost was any less expensive than the carnage of the Japanese front. In fact, there were more soldiers dying, though the gigantism of the forces sent to the bloodied battlefields played a role. Strategically, the first months of this war were to Wu China’s advantage. The Empire allied to the Entente was not able to field as many modern artillery and innovations than their enemy, but they had plenty of soldiers to throw at the Chuan pretender. Beijing also profited from their land victory against the Kingdom of Chosen.
Emperor Jeongjong of the Chosen Empire had believed in the early days of October that Northern China was wide open for an invasion army, but he was brutally showed the contrary in the Battle of the Frontiers where a combined Russian-Chinese force repulsed the onslaught and destroyed two Chosen divisions. The Empire ruled from Seoul had to order a withdrawal of thirty kilometres to stabilise the front.
Chuan China had other problems to the South too. Initially, the Chinese Generals had estimated the Empire of Annam would surrender in weeks when faced by the two full armies they were sending south. This point of view did not last long when faced with reality. The Annam regiments excelled in irregular fighting and adopted a frustrating approach of warfare: hit fast isolated columns and retreat before the enemy had the time to launch a counterattack. Despite holding a fifth of the total territory and all the northern area, the Chinese soldiers were forced to watch behind every tree and their divisions were bled man after man in the jungles.
On the seas, the outcome was different for the Central Alliance. The Pacific Russian and French Fleets were forced to cover the western coast of North America, Japan, the Chilean coast and the many islands Paris had claimed in decades past. And the number of warships deployed to this theatre had never been important in the first place.
The UPNG and California, however, had deployed all their battleships and nine-tenths of their naval squadrons to the Pacific in order to defeat the Spanish Philippines Fleet and the Batavian Navy. It was a tremendous success. The Spanish Admirals had been forced to divide their fleet in two: one to cover Taiwan, the other part remaining in the Philippines. Wanting to protect everything, they had no naval reserves available (or any land ones for that matter) when a fleet of five battleships began to shell Mindanao defences in preparation for an amphibious landing. At five modern battleships against an obsolete one, the fight was about as one-sided as it could be.
The Battle of the Moro Gulf cost the Imperial Spanish Navy one old battleship, four cruisers and nine lighter units, all lost while inflicting only minor damage in return to a few cruisers and battleships of the Alliance. The UPNG could now ferry troops and equipments to Brunei without opposition, launching a decisive offensive in Borneo on December 5 1897. The situation was not brilliant either for the Philippines. Californian troops debarked at Samar and Leyte while the Granadans fortified the bay holdings they had conquered. The only saving grace was the draw the Satsuma Navy managed to achieve with the Chuan Navy, preventing for the time being an invasion of Taiwan.
The Batavian Kingdom had no grand miracle to boost miracle in the last months of 1897. The ill-advised declarations of war had opened fronts everywhere and the VOC observers thus could tell the Batavians and their allies were losing everywhere. Annam’s irregular warfare was not presenting good results on a global map, but at least they inflicted minor defeats on the Chinese. The Kingdom of Burma was losing against the Bengali armies, and it was losing badly. On Sumatra, a French expeditionary force had launched an attack south, trying to reclaim the entire island in the name of the Sultanate of Aceh. In New Guinea, Carolinian troops were routing the tiny garrison of Batavian militiamen. On the soil of Borneo, the Brunei-UPNG alliance was destroying divisions after divisions in spectacular clashes. In the Pacific Ocean, the Batavian-claimed archipelagos were lost to light cruisers and scout units. And to increase the instability, Theodore Roosevelt was brandishing the flag of revolution in the different ports of Java while Queen Ingrid was making her own bid for the throne. The Central Alliance and the Grande Entente had not managed to defeat each other in the Pacific theatre for four months, but the Batavian Pact was already in serious danger of collapsing...
The two Shogunates of Japan were not the only nations who chose to resume their grievances in an explosive manner once war was declared. On the continent to the east of the great island, a titanic battlefield opened as the two Empires of China went to war against each other on September 19 1897.
Hundreds of thousands soldiers were mobilised in every Chinese province and the logistics began to break in a matter of weeks. While the Chinese generals had made a lot of progress thanks to foreign help, they had underestimated even more severely than the Europeans and the Americans how long the ammunition stocks would last in a modern war. Moreover, the growing factories were unable to keep up with the demand and produce the millions of rifles and the thousands of guns the frontline armies were asking desperately.
Worse, unlike many of the other fronts raging all over the world, the Chinese front was anything but static. Looking at a map, it was evident the thousands of kilometres of frontier separating Northern and Southern China could not possibly be covered in trenches. True, they were some targets –like major cities – which had to be captured and stormed by force of arms but in general the Chinese High Command on both sides preferred to wage long movement campaigns, ravaging the countryside, laying waste to villages and towns and generally destroying the ability of the enemy army to make war.
Not that the cost was any less expensive than the carnage of the Japanese front. In fact, there were more soldiers dying, though the gigantism of the forces sent to the bloodied battlefields played a role. Strategically, the first months of this war were to Wu China’s advantage. The Empire allied to the Entente was not able to field as many modern artillery and innovations than their enemy, but they had plenty of soldiers to throw at the Chuan pretender. Beijing also profited from their land victory against the Kingdom of Chosen.
Emperor Jeongjong of the Chosen Empire had believed in the early days of October that Northern China was wide open for an invasion army, but he was brutally showed the contrary in the Battle of the Frontiers where a combined Russian-Chinese force repulsed the onslaught and destroyed two Chosen divisions. The Empire ruled from Seoul had to order a withdrawal of thirty kilometres to stabilise the front.
Chuan China had other problems to the South too. Initially, the Chinese Generals had estimated the Empire of Annam would surrender in weeks when faced by the two full armies they were sending south. This point of view did not last long when faced with reality. The Annam regiments excelled in irregular fighting and adopted a frustrating approach of warfare: hit fast isolated columns and retreat before the enemy had the time to launch a counterattack. Despite holding a fifth of the total territory and all the northern area, the Chinese soldiers were forced to watch behind every tree and their divisions were bled man after man in the jungles.
On the seas, the outcome was different for the Central Alliance. The Pacific Russian and French Fleets were forced to cover the western coast of North America, Japan, the Chilean coast and the many islands Paris had claimed in decades past. And the number of warships deployed to this theatre had never been important in the first place.
The UPNG and California, however, had deployed all their battleships and nine-tenths of their naval squadrons to the Pacific in order to defeat the Spanish Philippines Fleet and the Batavian Navy. It was a tremendous success. The Spanish Admirals had been forced to divide their fleet in two: one to cover Taiwan, the other part remaining in the Philippines. Wanting to protect everything, they had no naval reserves available (or any land ones for that matter) when a fleet of five battleships began to shell Mindanao defences in preparation for an amphibious landing. At five modern battleships against an obsolete one, the fight was about as one-sided as it could be.
The Battle of the Moro Gulf cost the Imperial Spanish Navy one old battleship, four cruisers and nine lighter units, all lost while inflicting only minor damage in return to a few cruisers and battleships of the Alliance. The UPNG could now ferry troops and equipments to Brunei without opposition, launching a decisive offensive in Borneo on December 5 1897. The situation was not brilliant either for the Philippines. Californian troops debarked at Samar and Leyte while the Granadans fortified the bay holdings they had conquered. The only saving grace was the draw the Satsuma Navy managed to achieve with the Chuan Navy, preventing for the time being an invasion of Taiwan.
The Batavian Kingdom had no grand miracle to boost miracle in the last months of 1897. The ill-advised declarations of war had opened fronts everywhere and the VOC observers thus could tell the Batavians and their allies were losing everywhere. Annam’s irregular warfare was not presenting good results on a global map, but at least they inflicted minor defeats on the Chinese. The Kingdom of Burma was losing against the Bengali armies, and it was losing badly. On Sumatra, a French expeditionary force had launched an attack south, trying to reclaim the entire island in the name of the Sultanate of Aceh. In New Guinea, Carolinian troops were routing the tiny garrison of Batavian militiamen. On the soil of Borneo, the Brunei-UPNG alliance was destroying divisions after divisions in spectacular clashes. In the Pacific Ocean, the Batavian-claimed archipelagos were lost to light cruisers and scout units. And to increase the instability, Theodore Roosevelt was brandishing the flag of revolution in the different ports of Java while Queen Ingrid was making her own bid for the throne. The Central Alliance and the Grande Entente had not managed to defeat each other in the Pacific theatre for four months, but the Batavian Pact was already in serious danger of collapsing...
I am really hoping those racist bastards in Bavaria are dealt a good hard blow to send their little edifice of corruption crashing down....
Do you mean the Batavian's not the Bavarian's. I don't think the Bavarians are in Asia. And when the Batavian's lose their main territory i think they'll retreat to their territory in Australia and fortify it. Unless the Australasian's declare war and steal it.