Thanks mate for the compliment. Just got five minutes while my houseguests went up to the local grocery stores. Expecting them back any second, but I will try to find some time after they go to bed tonight to do another post. I think that the next post will be the Great Powers Conference of 1921 (I currenlty have notes up to October, 1922).
In His Own Right, Part IV
- Thread starter LacheyS
- Start date
Thanks for the supportive comments.
The idea of a conference amongst the "Great Powers" had been promoted by the US President Joshua Alexander at the same time as he announced the intention of the Americans to cooperate with the Strasbourg Commission. Thus, the Great Powers were those who supported or were affiliated with the Alsatian-based organisation. He invited the Prime Ministers of Japan and Great Britain, the Chancellor of the USSR and the President of France to attend Philadelphia in mid-November 1921. The reconstruction of the Capitol and the new Executive Mansion had only recently been contracted to architect Bernard Maybeck, famous for his work at the 1915 Pacific International Exhibition and his construction of the First Church of Christ, Scientist, both in San Francisco.
Prime Minister Hara Takashi was unable to attend, due to ill health (he would die on 4 November, before the commencement of the conference). Thus, representing Japan was Prince Saionji Kinmochi, the former Prime Minister and also the man who would succeed Takashi upon his death. Ramsay MacDonald gave the excuse of his business in Europe, but promised to visit the United States during his trip to Canada in February, 1922. In the interim, Foreign Secretary Arthur Henderson would represent Great Britain. Chancellor Alexander Shlyapnikov was happy to attend, making his first trip outside Europe since his succession to the Marquess of Crimea, and left Vice Chancellor Alexandra Kollontai to act on his behalf. President Jean Jaures cleared his schedule, keen to see the results of the Second American Revolution in real terms.
Each came with their own issues for the agenda. The US had respected the wishes of the Strasbourg Commission in restricting capital access to Germany. However, President Alexander wanted to be sure that there was a deadline for the lifting of sanctions. As it turned out, only the British wanted to avoid a deadline entirely. The Great Powers agreed that sanctions should be lifted partially on 1 March, 1922 and should be lifted completely when the Germans ended martial law in Bavaria. The President also wanted the International Trade Federation to adopt new regulations that favoured small business. Furthermore, he wished to advise attendees of the new advances towards the much-vaunted but repeatedly unsuccessful federation of Central America. Due to American willingness to deal with, rather than exclude, President Emiliano Zapata of Maya, it appeared as though there was a new impetus for the movement. The American position was that, if Zapata was forced into a larger confederation to protect himself from Mexico, it would also moderate his demands and expectations.
The French President was primarily here to discuss business and the arts. In relation to the former, the French Government had sponsored many of its musicians and soloists to use the new phonograph technology and he had travelled via Canada to promote the sale of French artists to a French-speaking audience. However, in business, he announced that in February, Air France would be the world's first national airline, commercially run but government owned. He wanted to sponsor and control the development of airports, rather than airfields, infrastructure that would provide points of entry and transit the same as naval ports had done. Britain had already agreed to grant the French government the contract to build their first airport - the French wanted to use this expertise to build in New York and Washington as well. They also wished to promote governments to buy a share in the International Airmail Services Company (IASC), a shell company which would oversee the development of airmail links. Russia was very interested and agreed to pay for the establishment of the first link between Vienna and St Petersburg.
Chancellor Shlyapnikov also wanted to advance Russian trade, but he wanted to pressure the Americans to move toward the establishment of a Global Reserve Bank. He also wished to advise the meeting that the borders of the USSR "remain unsettled". In particular, he wanted to advise that he would be seeking to take control of all Polish-speaking territories and was preparing a proposal for Germany and Austria. There were complaints amongst attendees that the proposal outline was in violation of the sanctions agreement. He persisted in his point, but then changed tack and offered to back down if the other states were prepared to sponsor branches of his new personal brainchild and pet project, the Association for Human Progress, a youth organisation for children aged 10 to 15 that created large camping grounds to promote love of the natural environment, promoted excellence in sport to build health and character, and encouraged youth involvement in the fine arts and crafts to maintain cultural legacies in an increasingly international world. The AHP was the beginning of the International Youth Movement of today and a direct competition to the British-based Boy Scouts and Girl Guides, who they eventually absorbed. By 1972, the fiftieth anniversary of its founding, one third of the world's population were either members or former members of the Association for Human Progress.
Prince Saionji Kinmochi, who bore the sympathies of the attendees at Japan's recent loss, provided an update on the collapse of the final significant resistance cells in Mongolia. He also brought into the specially-bound copies of the bestselling book in the world - Tales from the Middle Kingdom. Japanese publishers had purchased the rights to a number of traditional folk tales from Chinese villages, even though most of the signatories were completely uneducated, had failed to understand the language of the contracts and had sold their cultural heritage for a pittance. The Japanese had then translated the stories, added intrigues and side stories to appeal to Western readers and created a cultural phenomenon. Despite this capitalist plunder, Chinese officials were actually pleased as a positive promotion of their country and were offering Japan a seven-year cooperation pact, one which Kinmochi assured the meeting it was intending to pursue.
The major discussion point of the British Government, other than its recent problems with Ireland and support for the Global Reserve Bank proposal, was the increasing role of "functionaries" in the maintenance of a socialist state. The Russians called them "apparatchiks", but the outcome was the same. Foreign Secretary Henderson said that his government was concerned about the creation of an entrenched bureaucratic elite, an oligarchy that would replace the old capitalist oligarchy they were attempting to moderate. Professor Robert Michels, a German import to Britain, had suggested that it was entirely possible that every system created its own oligarchy. He wanted systematic research on the problem to see if could be resolved.
The Great Powers Conference on 12-13 November, 1921, was indicative of a rising level of trust within the international system. It was the first time since Metternich that a signal had been made of a willingness to renegotiate the international architecture. In time to come, it would represent the beginning of increased interdependence and the beginning of the end of the nation-state.
The idea of a conference amongst the "Great Powers" had been promoted by the US President Joshua Alexander at the same time as he announced the intention of the Americans to cooperate with the Strasbourg Commission. Thus, the Great Powers were those who supported or were affiliated with the Alsatian-based organisation. He invited the Prime Ministers of Japan and Great Britain, the Chancellor of the USSR and the President of France to attend Philadelphia in mid-November 1921. The reconstruction of the Capitol and the new Executive Mansion had only recently been contracted to architect Bernard Maybeck, famous for his work at the 1915 Pacific International Exhibition and his construction of the First Church of Christ, Scientist, both in San Francisco.
Prime Minister Hara Takashi was unable to attend, due to ill health (he would die on 4 November, before the commencement of the conference). Thus, representing Japan was Prince Saionji Kinmochi, the former Prime Minister and also the man who would succeed Takashi upon his death. Ramsay MacDonald gave the excuse of his business in Europe, but promised to visit the United States during his trip to Canada in February, 1922. In the interim, Foreign Secretary Arthur Henderson would represent Great Britain. Chancellor Alexander Shlyapnikov was happy to attend, making his first trip outside Europe since his succession to the Marquess of Crimea, and left Vice Chancellor Alexandra Kollontai to act on his behalf. President Jean Jaures cleared his schedule, keen to see the results of the Second American Revolution in real terms.
Each came with their own issues for the agenda. The US had respected the wishes of the Strasbourg Commission in restricting capital access to Germany. However, President Alexander wanted to be sure that there was a deadline for the lifting of sanctions. As it turned out, only the British wanted to avoid a deadline entirely. The Great Powers agreed that sanctions should be lifted partially on 1 March, 1922 and should be lifted completely when the Germans ended martial law in Bavaria. The President also wanted the International Trade Federation to adopt new regulations that favoured small business. Furthermore, he wished to advise attendees of the new advances towards the much-vaunted but repeatedly unsuccessful federation of Central America. Due to American willingness to deal with, rather than exclude, President Emiliano Zapata of Maya, it appeared as though there was a new impetus for the movement. The American position was that, if Zapata was forced into a larger confederation to protect himself from Mexico, it would also moderate his demands and expectations.
The French President was primarily here to discuss business and the arts. In relation to the former, the French Government had sponsored many of its musicians and soloists to use the new phonograph technology and he had travelled via Canada to promote the sale of French artists to a French-speaking audience. However, in business, he announced that in February, Air France would be the world's first national airline, commercially run but government owned. He wanted to sponsor and control the development of airports, rather than airfields, infrastructure that would provide points of entry and transit the same as naval ports had done. Britain had already agreed to grant the French government the contract to build their first airport - the French wanted to use this expertise to build in New York and Washington as well. They also wished to promote governments to buy a share in the International Airmail Services Company (IASC), a shell company which would oversee the development of airmail links. Russia was very interested and agreed to pay for the establishment of the first link between Vienna and St Petersburg.
Chancellor Shlyapnikov also wanted to advance Russian trade, but he wanted to pressure the Americans to move toward the establishment of a Global Reserve Bank. He also wished to advise the meeting that the borders of the USSR "remain unsettled". In particular, he wanted to advise that he would be seeking to take control of all Polish-speaking territories and was preparing a proposal for Germany and Austria. There were complaints amongst attendees that the proposal outline was in violation of the sanctions agreement. He persisted in his point, but then changed tack and offered to back down if the other states were prepared to sponsor branches of his new personal brainchild and pet project, the Association for Human Progress, a youth organisation for children aged 10 to 15 that created large camping grounds to promote love of the natural environment, promoted excellence in sport to build health and character, and encouraged youth involvement in the fine arts and crafts to maintain cultural legacies in an increasingly international world. The AHP was the beginning of the International Youth Movement of today and a direct competition to the British-based Boy Scouts and Girl Guides, who they eventually absorbed. By 1972, the fiftieth anniversary of its founding, one third of the world's population were either members or former members of the Association for Human Progress.
Prince Saionji Kinmochi, who bore the sympathies of the attendees at Japan's recent loss, provided an update on the collapse of the final significant resistance cells in Mongolia. He also brought into the specially-bound copies of the bestselling book in the world - Tales from the Middle Kingdom. Japanese publishers had purchased the rights to a number of traditional folk tales from Chinese villages, even though most of the signatories were completely uneducated, had failed to understand the language of the contracts and had sold their cultural heritage for a pittance. The Japanese had then translated the stories, added intrigues and side stories to appeal to Western readers and created a cultural phenomenon. Despite this capitalist plunder, Chinese officials were actually pleased as a positive promotion of their country and were offering Japan a seven-year cooperation pact, one which Kinmochi assured the meeting it was intending to pursue.
The major discussion point of the British Government, other than its recent problems with Ireland and support for the Global Reserve Bank proposal, was the increasing role of "functionaries" in the maintenance of a socialist state. The Russians called them "apparatchiks", but the outcome was the same. Foreign Secretary Henderson said that his government was concerned about the creation of an entrenched bureaucratic elite, an oligarchy that would replace the old capitalist oligarchy they were attempting to moderate. Professor Robert Michels, a German import to Britain, had suggested that it was entirely possible that every system created its own oligarchy. He wanted systematic research on the problem to see if could be resolved.
The Great Powers Conference on 12-13 November, 1921, was indicative of a rising level of trust within the international system. It was the first time since Metternich that a signal had been made of a willingness to renegotiate the international architecture. In time to come, it would represent the beginning of increased interdependence and the beginning of the end of the nation-state.
A Little Bit of Pre-Election Flag Waving
At the beginning of the year 1922, the Prime Minister of the Dominion of Ireland, Dr John Dillon, had served in the nation's inaugural government for almost a decade and nearly four years as its leader. Since the death of Sir John Redmond, he had struggled to maintain control of the United Ireland Party and to keep the institution which had brought him to prominence united. In turn, the UIP had struggled to maintain legitimacy and support. He had waited as long he could before heading back to a general election, but now there was one on the horizon, in August, and he needed to win back some support from the Labour Party if he was to survive.
On 15 January, he travelled to the southwest coast and the township of Bhearra, the location of one of three British naval bases (the other two were at Loch Suili, Donegal in the northwest and at Cobh, also in Cork but on the southeastern coast). He began to strike the nationalist drum, calling for the Irish to establish their own separate army, rather than remaining part of the Imperial Forces, as had all the other Dominions. Furthermore, he called for the removal of all British bases in Ireland.
The Parliament in Westminster responded almost instantly to the demands. During the establishment of the Dominion, the United Kingdom had allowed the new Government to seize lands belonging to British landlords and had, as a gesture of goodwill, paid compensation on Ireland's behalf to those landlords. The costs to the British budget had exceeded eighty million pounds sterling. It was these costs that had justified British retention of the naval bases. As far as Prime Minister MacDonald was concerned, any consideration of Dr. Dillon's demands would have to include negotiations for the repayment of those expenses.
The nationalist rhetoric escalated, with Dillon claiming that Ireland would never be truly free until the bases had been removed. Opposition Leader William O'Brien went silent on the matter; while there was no guarantee that the position of the Government would be popular outside the more radical nationalists, there was every chance that opposing the measure would drive some of his own supporters into the arms of the UIP. Every time he was confronted with the question of the bases, O'Brien ignored it and instead attacked the Government for its lack of finesse. He stated that, with a Condominium meeting just around the corner, Dillon could have raised the subject in a way that did not deliberately cause an offence to Ireland's nearest neighbour and closest ally. For those who opposed the bases, they read O'Brien as being a supporter of base closures, but unhappy with the method used by Dillon. For those supporting the bases, they interpreted him as being squarely behind working with the British and therefore, keeping the bases.
As a result, the popular appeal of the Prime Minister, despite an initial bump in support, continued its downward slide. On 12 August, the United Ireland Party, the driving force behind Irish independence, was voted out of office in a landslide defeat. The UIP would fall apart in 1923 after its resounding defeat, but by that time, Dillon had already retired from his seat, forcing a by-election which, to his comfort, was taken over by his 21-year-old son, James. Dillon passed away in 1927.
At the beginning of the year 1922, the Prime Minister of the Dominion of Ireland, Dr John Dillon, had served in the nation's inaugural government for almost a decade and nearly four years as its leader. Since the death of Sir John Redmond, he had struggled to maintain control of the United Ireland Party and to keep the institution which had brought him to prominence united. In turn, the UIP had struggled to maintain legitimacy and support. He had waited as long he could before heading back to a general election, but now there was one on the horizon, in August, and he needed to win back some support from the Labour Party if he was to survive.
On 15 January, he travelled to the southwest coast and the township of Bhearra, the location of one of three British naval bases (the other two were at Loch Suili, Donegal in the northwest and at Cobh, also in Cork but on the southeastern coast). He began to strike the nationalist drum, calling for the Irish to establish their own separate army, rather than remaining part of the Imperial Forces, as had all the other Dominions. Furthermore, he called for the removal of all British bases in Ireland.
The Parliament in Westminster responded almost instantly to the demands. During the establishment of the Dominion, the United Kingdom had allowed the new Government to seize lands belonging to British landlords and had, as a gesture of goodwill, paid compensation on Ireland's behalf to those landlords. The costs to the British budget had exceeded eighty million pounds sterling. It was these costs that had justified British retention of the naval bases. As far as Prime Minister MacDonald was concerned, any consideration of Dr. Dillon's demands would have to include negotiations for the repayment of those expenses.
The nationalist rhetoric escalated, with Dillon claiming that Ireland would never be truly free until the bases had been removed. Opposition Leader William O'Brien went silent on the matter; while there was no guarantee that the position of the Government would be popular outside the more radical nationalists, there was every chance that opposing the measure would drive some of his own supporters into the arms of the UIP. Every time he was confronted with the question of the bases, O'Brien ignored it and instead attacked the Government for its lack of finesse. He stated that, with a Condominium meeting just around the corner, Dillon could have raised the subject in a way that did not deliberately cause an offence to Ireland's nearest neighbour and closest ally. For those who opposed the bases, they read O'Brien as being a supporter of base closures, but unhappy with the method used by Dillon. For those supporting the bases, they interpreted him as being squarely behind working with the British and therefore, keeping the bases.
As a result, the popular appeal of the Prime Minister, despite an initial bump in support, continued its downward slide. On 12 August, the United Ireland Party, the driving force behind Irish independence, was voted out of office in a landslide defeat. The UIP would fall apart in 1923 after its resounding defeat, but by that time, Dillon had already retired from his seat, forcing a by-election which, to his comfort, was taken over by his 21-year-old son, James. Dillon passed away in 1927.
Good question....I have an image in my head for the Capitol, but not for the Executive Mansion. I am going to attempt to draw it first. Wish me luck!
This is the design
for the new Congress building. It is only very, very rough - I am not an artist and did this by hand. Think white marble. The space in the middle is a reflecting pool. The buildings on either side are the House and the Senate offices and are connected underground to the Great Hall.
for the new Congress building. It is only very, very rough - I am not an artist and did this by hand. Think white marble. The space in the middle is a reflecting pool. The buildings on either side are the House and the Senate offices and are connected underground to the Great Hall.
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The Archbishop Arrives
His Holiness, Pope Gregory XVII, had used his 1921 Christmas Message to call for peace and harmony in the disputed Wittelsbach lands. As the New Year dawned, however, the prospect of ongoing martial law and a continued state of emergency was as strong as ever. Fortunately, the old Italian retained a steely determination to prevent bloodshed and was willing to make sacrifices to achieve that goal.
On 22 January, 1922, the private secretary of the Pontiff left Rome for Munich. His commission was to fill in the details of a draft peace plan and to use the influence of the Roman basilica to convince Catholics to accept terms that the Holy Father believed would be suitable to Berlin. Archbishop Eugenio Pacelli had been a long-time friend of the Holy Father, and many suspected that one day, he would become his successor. Nonetheless, his task at this time was to visit every synod, every parish, every chapel and tutor the priests on the position of the Church in relation to the Bavarian crisis. Catholics were to retain peaceful demonstrations only and to push for a plebiscite as the way to resolve the issue. Priests were ordered to refuse the sacraments to any Catholic suspected of involvement in violent activity.
At the same time, papal legates visited many of the crowned heads and presidents of Europe, determined to wind back the economic sanctions that had been imposed upon Germany. It is unclear how successful Pacelli and his team would have been had it not been for the events of 1 March. On that day, an engineering team working on extensions to the Oder Dam (located just outside Breslau) misjudged the placement of charges designed to clear a rock wall. The ground beneath the dam's superstructure gave way and the edifice crumbled. Gigalitres of water went running down the river valley into the city of Breslau itself, creating a humanitarian and ecological crisis. France, which had itself been suffering from raw material shortages, immediately cancelled trade restrictions. Russia sent in aircraft over the region, dropping supplies to isolated communities. More importantly, it gave the Roman Catholic Church the opportunity to offer to pay for the enormous costs of the clean-up.
There were marginal but measurable decreases in violence in Bavaria over the next five months, especially when the Pope declared the support of the Church for ongoing German sovereignty until a peaceful and orderly plebiscite could be held to determine the will of the Bavarian people. The Kaiser was grateful and was pleased to accept a visit by the Holy Father in June. The two held closed talks on the matter of Bavaria, and the Bavarian people increasingly began to look at the Pontiff over the Cisalpine monarch as the representative of their interests.
On 26 June, Kaiser Wilhelm announced that the direct annexation of Bavaria would be partially held in abeyance until further notice. However, the Rhenish Palatine would be directly incorporated into Prussia. The remainder of Bavaria would be granted a plebiscite in twelve weeks, with the offer of three options. Under terms of an agreement between Rome and Berlin, the plebiscite would not be binding. However, it would provide a fair indication of the thinking of the general populace and highlight where sentiment was strongest, thereby offering solid intelligence on what steps to take next.
The first option was a maintenance of the status quo, with the appointment of a Catholic monarch by the Kaiser to take over the vacant throne of the Wittelsbach family. The second option was that the throne would be abolished and that Bavaria would become an independent and sovereign republic following a constitutional convention and a referendum overseen by Berlin. The third option was that the people would prefer to be under the rule of the Hapsburgs, provided Vienna was prepared to make suitable compensation to Germany for the transfer.
His Holiness, Pope Gregory XVII, had used his 1921 Christmas Message to call for peace and harmony in the disputed Wittelsbach lands. As the New Year dawned, however, the prospect of ongoing martial law and a continued state of emergency was as strong as ever. Fortunately, the old Italian retained a steely determination to prevent bloodshed and was willing to make sacrifices to achieve that goal.
On 22 January, 1922, the private secretary of the Pontiff left Rome for Munich. His commission was to fill in the details of a draft peace plan and to use the influence of the Roman basilica to convince Catholics to accept terms that the Holy Father believed would be suitable to Berlin. Archbishop Eugenio Pacelli had been a long-time friend of the Holy Father, and many suspected that one day, he would become his successor. Nonetheless, his task at this time was to visit every synod, every parish, every chapel and tutor the priests on the position of the Church in relation to the Bavarian crisis. Catholics were to retain peaceful demonstrations only and to push for a plebiscite as the way to resolve the issue. Priests were ordered to refuse the sacraments to any Catholic suspected of involvement in violent activity.
At the same time, papal legates visited many of the crowned heads and presidents of Europe, determined to wind back the economic sanctions that had been imposed upon Germany. It is unclear how successful Pacelli and his team would have been had it not been for the events of 1 March. On that day, an engineering team working on extensions to the Oder Dam (located just outside Breslau) misjudged the placement of charges designed to clear a rock wall. The ground beneath the dam's superstructure gave way and the edifice crumbled. Gigalitres of water went running down the river valley into the city of Breslau itself, creating a humanitarian and ecological crisis. France, which had itself been suffering from raw material shortages, immediately cancelled trade restrictions. Russia sent in aircraft over the region, dropping supplies to isolated communities. More importantly, it gave the Roman Catholic Church the opportunity to offer to pay for the enormous costs of the clean-up.
There were marginal but measurable decreases in violence in Bavaria over the next five months, especially when the Pope declared the support of the Church for ongoing German sovereignty until a peaceful and orderly plebiscite could be held to determine the will of the Bavarian people. The Kaiser was grateful and was pleased to accept a visit by the Holy Father in June. The two held closed talks on the matter of Bavaria, and the Bavarian people increasingly began to look at the Pontiff over the Cisalpine monarch as the representative of their interests.
On 26 June, Kaiser Wilhelm announced that the direct annexation of Bavaria would be partially held in abeyance until further notice. However, the Rhenish Palatine would be directly incorporated into Prussia. The remainder of Bavaria would be granted a plebiscite in twelve weeks, with the offer of three options. Under terms of an agreement between Rome and Berlin, the plebiscite would not be binding. However, it would provide a fair indication of the thinking of the general populace and highlight where sentiment was strongest, thereby offering solid intelligence on what steps to take next.
The first option was a maintenance of the status quo, with the appointment of a Catholic monarch by the Kaiser to take over the vacant throne of the Wittelsbach family. The second option was that the throne would be abolished and that Bavaria would become an independent and sovereign republic following a constitutional convention and a referendum overseen by Berlin. The third option was that the people would prefer to be under the rule of the Hapsburgs, provided Vienna was prepared to make suitable compensation to Germany for the transfer.
Federation
President Joshua Alexander was glad to be away from Philadelphia. The blizzards that were afflicting the northeastern United States were debilitating, not only holding up the reconstruction work in Washington D.C., but generally depressing. It was certainly a lot warmer here in San Salvador.
The arrival of the US President in the city was greeted by spectacular celebrations. Masses of people in colourful costumes danced through the street in a carnival atmosphere that took in multiple traditions. Almost spontaneously, Alexander decided to leave his motor vehicle and walk on foot, shaking hands and dancing with a number of the party-makers. On both sides there was a lot to celebrate. The President was here to inaugurate a new era: the birth of the Federated Provinces of Central America.
On 29 January, 1922, President Emiliano Zapata Salazar of Maya had finally managed to get the disparate countries of the peninsula to put aside their differences and agree to a federation. Only Costa Rica and Panama had held out for more concessions. Now he marched forward to shake the hand of the American President and to thank him for his support.
The US had a major vested interest in making sure this had been done right. For well over a decade, US marines had formed the backbone of security, creating an enormous drain on the budget. With the Liberation Army now prepared to take over the responsibility for defence and security, President Alexander had already outlined the advance of air forces and an expansion of the Navy. The Army would undoubtedly suffer, losing close to a quarter of its funding. However, the cuts may just be sufficient to weaken the ties that bound the Bolivarian Pact together, allowing America to divide the bloc halting its geopolitical advance. Already, it had much of the region in its economic grip; by making nice, Alexander hoped that he would also win their diplomatic loyalties.
In addition, the US budget needed as much money as it could make. The Supreme Court had recently handed down a decision that the licensing of radio through broadcasting fees was a violation of the freedom of speech. Radio stations that had already paid for their licenses were demanding refunds, projecting the money would be used to boost their signals and to drown out what they suspected would now become a free-for-all on the airwaves.
The advantages for Zapata were numerous. With the military and the political system of an enlarged state now under his control, Mexico would be forced to concede his departure and end the blatant hostility. While the President was under no illusions that Mexico and Central America would be cooperative partners, at least it was a step towards normalisation. Secondly, the disagreements and disputes within the political systems of the other provinces meant that any chance of their politicians taking a leading role was slim at best; Maya's united and strong leadership would ensure that it would be a dominating force in the new federation, despite only holding 23% of the population.
President Joshua Alexander was glad to be away from Philadelphia. The blizzards that were afflicting the northeastern United States were debilitating, not only holding up the reconstruction work in Washington D.C., but generally depressing. It was certainly a lot warmer here in San Salvador.
The arrival of the US President in the city was greeted by spectacular celebrations. Masses of people in colourful costumes danced through the street in a carnival atmosphere that took in multiple traditions. Almost spontaneously, Alexander decided to leave his motor vehicle and walk on foot, shaking hands and dancing with a number of the party-makers. On both sides there was a lot to celebrate. The President was here to inaugurate a new era: the birth of the Federated Provinces of Central America.
On 29 January, 1922, President Emiliano Zapata Salazar of Maya had finally managed to get the disparate countries of the peninsula to put aside their differences and agree to a federation. Only Costa Rica and Panama had held out for more concessions. Now he marched forward to shake the hand of the American President and to thank him for his support.
The US had a major vested interest in making sure this had been done right. For well over a decade, US marines had formed the backbone of security, creating an enormous drain on the budget. With the Liberation Army now prepared to take over the responsibility for defence and security, President Alexander had already outlined the advance of air forces and an expansion of the Navy. The Army would undoubtedly suffer, losing close to a quarter of its funding. However, the cuts may just be sufficient to weaken the ties that bound the Bolivarian Pact together, allowing America to divide the bloc halting its geopolitical advance. Already, it had much of the region in its economic grip; by making nice, Alexander hoped that he would also win their diplomatic loyalties.
In addition, the US budget needed as much money as it could make. The Supreme Court had recently handed down a decision that the licensing of radio through broadcasting fees was a violation of the freedom of speech. Radio stations that had already paid for their licenses were demanding refunds, projecting the money would be used to boost their signals and to drown out what they suspected would now become a free-for-all on the airwaves.
The advantages for Zapata were numerous. With the military and the political system of an enlarged state now under his control, Mexico would be forced to concede his departure and end the blatant hostility. While the President was under no illusions that Mexico and Central America would be cooperative partners, at least it was a step towards normalisation. Secondly, the disagreements and disputes within the political systems of the other provinces meant that any chance of their politicians taking a leading role was slim at best; Maya's united and strong leadership would ensure that it would be a dominating force in the new federation, despite only holding 23% of the population.
The Ottawa Conference
The leaders of the Condominium gathered in Ottawa in the winter of 1922 to renew acquaintances and to resolve differences. Excepting their former host, the Earl of Koubah, all of the attendees from Cairo were still in office and and they had begun to become familiar with each other.
Their current host, Sir Robert Borden, had already indicated this would be his last such conference. He would be retiring from politics in 1924 to take up a number of lucrative chairmanships. Nobody begrudged him his quiet years; thirteen years as head of government would be long enough for anyone. Prime Minister Matthew Charlton of Australia had no plans for leaving office anytime soon. During his five years in office, he had brought Papua and New Guinea into statehood, but the lustre of such an achievement had been somewhat dampened by a number of High Court decisions that overrode the attempts of the Parliament to keep the "bois" from entering the mainland. He had also pursued a vigorous policy of development under the watchful eye of his Treasurer, James Scullin, who was widely regarded as an economic genius.
Marshal Smuts had established a superior position in South Africa, using the threat of the exploding population of German colonies to get the British out to vote and winning the loyalty of both women and the mixed races by granting them the vote. He had used the National Party's opposition to the British Empire, and their leader's Jewish ancestry, to build a strong electoral base over the last three years. Mohammed Ali Jinnah had few electoral concerns; after all, India remained a virtual one-party state. However, there were emerging questions about the stability of his marriage and it was widely expected that he would step down shortly after this conference. While Jinnah undoubtedly favoured his Minister of Health, Dr. Hakim Ajmal Khan, it appeared much more likely that he would be followed by a Kashmiri Brahmin barrister, the wealthy moderate Attorney General Motilal Nehru.
Egypt had experienced a change of the hierarchy in the last few months. Their new Prime Minister, Adli Yakan, was the great-grandnephew of Muhammed Ali. Newfoundland was preparing for its own change. Despite only three years in the top job, Prime Minister Sir Michael Cashin had indicated that he would step aside half way through his second term to clear the path for exporter John Chalker Crosbie. John Dillon was experiencing his last visit to an Imperial Conference; he would be defeated at the polls in August. Some, however, were much more secure. New Zealand's Prime Minister Patrick Webb joked that dynamite would be required to move him. (He would remain Prime Minister into the 1930's). Pashtunistan's Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan was chief of the Mohammedzais tribe and it was likely only death could remove him.
Attending the conference for the first time were two men. Sergio Osmena had been the Prime Minister of the Philippines for fifteen years and was about to become Chief Justice, whereupon he would be succeeded by his political ally, Manuel Quezon. However, Quezon had agreed to allow him to delay his departure until after the Philippines had been represented internationally as a British Dominion for the first time. Also represented for the first time was the Malay Federation; their delegate and first Prime Minister was Abdullah Jaafar, son of a Johori datuk.
The first matter that came up for discussion was the lag in economic development by India. While the underlying economy had grown by nearly 42% since the end of the Mutiny and the British had invested heavily, the sheer size of India's population, now approaching 270 million, meant that lots of money had minimal impact. What emerged was the Imperial Development of India Company. The new company, which had an initial life span of two years, would seek out new businesses willing to invest in India and would grant subsidies to those willing to do so. To give a modern impression of the size of the enterprise initiated, in 1922 alone, the IDIC would direct investments worth 6.46 billion pounds sterling. However, it was appreciated that any effort to improve the standard of living in India would require a coordinated effort over a decade. Of that money, 1.15 billion pounds would come from Egypt. However, they had a provisio to the spending of their money. They demanded and received sovereignty over the Sudan at the conference.
A second order of business was the development of the imperial currency. It had already been discussed ad nauseum by all parties and general concensus was that the Imperial Reserve Bank should be established in London. It was agreed that banks should begin to use the new currency unit, the banc, on 1 January, 1923, at which point all exchange rates for other currencies would become fixed against each other. The banks would then be required to begin issuing the new currency on 1 January, 1926, and all other currencies would cease to be effective on 1 January, 1927. It was also agreed that decimalisation should proceed, with each banc having one hundred pence. Coins would be the penny, two pence, five pence, shilling, florin and half banc. They would retain the old pound glyph (£) for its familiarity.
A general discussion was also held on recent work by Britain's Institute of Engineers, who, this May, would conduct the first general television broadcast. They were finally prepared to admit, in this forum, that the previous year they had transmitted a television signal from London to Glasgow. They were repeating work done previously in America, of course, but the Americans were still keeping their technology under wraps and using it for military transmissions. The British hoped to get colour transmission within the next year and to develop an all-electronic television system within five years. (They would miss this target by about eighteen months.) They also hoped to surprise the Americans by sending the first transatlantic transmission in short order. Another general discussion was held regarding the establishment of a single Imperial Airlines to service the world.
As the meeting came to a conclusion, Prime Minister Dillon of Ireland attempting to get the delegates involved in his confrontation over sovereign bases in Ireland. With most of the other delegates heavily dependent upon imperial forces, they were either indifferent or hostile. Irish newspapers reported that it had been a diplomatic slap to Dillon, raising the death knell over his administration. He would be voted out of office on 12 August.
The leaders of the Condominium gathered in Ottawa in the winter of 1922 to renew acquaintances and to resolve differences. Excepting their former host, the Earl of Koubah, all of the attendees from Cairo were still in office and and they had begun to become familiar with each other.
Their current host, Sir Robert Borden, had already indicated this would be his last such conference. He would be retiring from politics in 1924 to take up a number of lucrative chairmanships. Nobody begrudged him his quiet years; thirteen years as head of government would be long enough for anyone. Prime Minister Matthew Charlton of Australia had no plans for leaving office anytime soon. During his five years in office, he had brought Papua and New Guinea into statehood, but the lustre of such an achievement had been somewhat dampened by a number of High Court decisions that overrode the attempts of the Parliament to keep the "bois" from entering the mainland. He had also pursued a vigorous policy of development under the watchful eye of his Treasurer, James Scullin, who was widely regarded as an economic genius.
Marshal Smuts had established a superior position in South Africa, using the threat of the exploding population of German colonies to get the British out to vote and winning the loyalty of both women and the mixed races by granting them the vote. He had used the National Party's opposition to the British Empire, and their leader's Jewish ancestry, to build a strong electoral base over the last three years. Mohammed Ali Jinnah had few electoral concerns; after all, India remained a virtual one-party state. However, there were emerging questions about the stability of his marriage and it was widely expected that he would step down shortly after this conference. While Jinnah undoubtedly favoured his Minister of Health, Dr. Hakim Ajmal Khan, it appeared much more likely that he would be followed by a Kashmiri Brahmin barrister, the wealthy moderate Attorney General Motilal Nehru.
Egypt had experienced a change of the hierarchy in the last few months. Their new Prime Minister, Adli Yakan, was the great-grandnephew of Muhammed Ali. Newfoundland was preparing for its own change. Despite only three years in the top job, Prime Minister Sir Michael Cashin had indicated that he would step aside half way through his second term to clear the path for exporter John Chalker Crosbie. John Dillon was experiencing his last visit to an Imperial Conference; he would be defeated at the polls in August. Some, however, were much more secure. New Zealand's Prime Minister Patrick Webb joked that dynamite would be required to move him. (He would remain Prime Minister into the 1930's). Pashtunistan's Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan was chief of the Mohammedzais tribe and it was likely only death could remove him.
Attending the conference for the first time were two men. Sergio Osmena had been the Prime Minister of the Philippines for fifteen years and was about to become Chief Justice, whereupon he would be succeeded by his political ally, Manuel Quezon. However, Quezon had agreed to allow him to delay his departure until after the Philippines had been represented internationally as a British Dominion for the first time. Also represented for the first time was the Malay Federation; their delegate and first Prime Minister was Abdullah Jaafar, son of a Johori datuk.
The first matter that came up for discussion was the lag in economic development by India. While the underlying economy had grown by nearly 42% since the end of the Mutiny and the British had invested heavily, the sheer size of India's population, now approaching 270 million, meant that lots of money had minimal impact. What emerged was the Imperial Development of India Company. The new company, which had an initial life span of two years, would seek out new businesses willing to invest in India and would grant subsidies to those willing to do so. To give a modern impression of the size of the enterprise initiated, in 1922 alone, the IDIC would direct investments worth 6.46 billion pounds sterling. However, it was appreciated that any effort to improve the standard of living in India would require a coordinated effort over a decade. Of that money, 1.15 billion pounds would come from Egypt. However, they had a provisio to the spending of their money. They demanded and received sovereignty over the Sudan at the conference.
A second order of business was the development of the imperial currency. It had already been discussed ad nauseum by all parties and general concensus was that the Imperial Reserve Bank should be established in London. It was agreed that banks should begin to use the new currency unit, the banc, on 1 January, 1923, at which point all exchange rates for other currencies would become fixed against each other. The banks would then be required to begin issuing the new currency on 1 January, 1926, and all other currencies would cease to be effective on 1 January, 1927. It was also agreed that decimalisation should proceed, with each banc having one hundred pence. Coins would be the penny, two pence, five pence, shilling, florin and half banc. They would retain the old pound glyph (£) for its familiarity.
A general discussion was also held on recent work by Britain's Institute of Engineers, who, this May, would conduct the first general television broadcast. They were finally prepared to admit, in this forum, that the previous year they had transmitted a television signal from London to Glasgow. They were repeating work done previously in America, of course, but the Americans were still keeping their technology under wraps and using it for military transmissions. The British hoped to get colour transmission within the next year and to develop an all-electronic television system within five years. (They would miss this target by about eighteen months.) They also hoped to surprise the Americans by sending the first transatlantic transmission in short order. Another general discussion was held regarding the establishment of a single Imperial Airlines to service the world.
As the meeting came to a conclusion, Prime Minister Dillon of Ireland attempting to get the delegates involved in his confrontation over sovereign bases in Ireland. With most of the other delegates heavily dependent upon imperial forces, they were either indifferent or hostile. Irish newspapers reported that it had been a diplomatic slap to Dillon, raising the death knell over his administration. He would be voted out of office on 12 August.
I have nothing to say but, another nice update.
Waiting to see what will happen to Bavaria.
And seem like the British have another good year.
Thanks to all of you who have stuck with me over this. There will be a number of countries that play a part in resolving the problem. The British are having a great time at it - they are still the world's dominant geopolitical power and their economy is running about eighteen years ahead of OTL schedule (they did not reach their current size TTL until 1940 OTL). India, despite its backwardness relative to other areas of the Condominium, has just eclipsed the United States to become the world's largest economy and is nearly four times the size of the Chinese economy. It has just hit the benchmark that it reached in 1986 in OTL, so it is currently running about sixty years ahead of schedule.
Ere I saw Elba
On 1 June, 1922, Minister President Karl Seitz of Austria-Hungary announced that the armed forces would be conducting long-term military exercises in Venetia due north of Bologna. The number of soldiers involved would initially be fifty thousand, but the numbers may fluctuate due to rotation. However, the Minister President stated that there was no threat to the Cisalpine Kingdom. Austrian troops would not enter anyone's territory without an express invitation.
The express invitation came exactly two months later, when the Cisalpinian military overthrew King Roberto in a coup d'etat and asked the Austrians for assistance. Seitz already had his troops mobilised and seized the opportunity. In hindsight, there can be no doubt that Austrian intelligence forces had assisted in the organisation and orchestration of the coup. (There is also considerable circumstancial evidence that Germany was involved in the financing, which explains her decision to sell her Polish territories to the USSR early in April. The USSR had financed that deal by selling some more land to the Finns.) The King fled to Florence, where he hoped to make a stand with those who remained loyal to his government, but ended up moving from safe house to safe house.
It was in this climate that the plebiscite took place in Bavaria on 16 September, 1922. The attitude of the largest part of electorate was definitely a case of "better the devil you know", with 41.3% voting in favour of the status quo, Bavaria as a kingdom of Germany with a new monarch appointed by the Kaiser. The next largest contingent were from those who were prepared to admit that Bavaria could not afford to stand alone, but who were not prepared to continue to submit to the Kaiser's rule. 34.0% of eligible votes were recorded in favour of union with Austria-Hungary. The remaining 24.7%, led by extremists from the left and the right, voted for independence.
Two days after the declaration of the result, Kaiser Wilhelm III stated that the option of an independent Bavaria was off the table, prompting large protests of the streets of Munich. The Kaiser and his Chancellor ordered an unprecedented crackdown, in which a number of revolutionary organisations were utterly crushed. Bavarian nationalist movements were destroyed and a number of members killed when they attempted to resist. The Resistance struck back, poisoning Colonel Hans von Seisser, head of the Bavarian State Police, but he was the only high-profile victim on the side of the Government. The most high profile victim for the Resistance was journalist Dietrich Eckart, the son of a royal notary. By 23 October, the German government felt confident enough that it ended the State of Emergency. France immediately called for Germany to be re-admitted to the Strasbourg Commission, but Britain insisted that Ebert must first resolve the Bavarian issue fully. That could not be achieved with discussions between Germany and Austria and the latter was somewhat distracted at the moment.
On 27 October, King Roberto was finally captured in Livorno by pro-Austrians and forced to sign an abdication. He was then permitted to flee across the sea to Elba, the island that had once imprisoned the Emperor Napoleon of France. Three days later, when Emperor Franz Ferdinand heard of his cousin's plight, he announced an immediate ceasefire and offered to come to Elba for a peace conference. Between 2 November and 4 December, delegates from France, Russia, the Ottoman Empire, Austria and Germany met on Elba to discuss the future of Eastern and Southern Europe. Only one thing was immediately clear from the outset: the House of Wittelsbach had played its cards and had been dealt out of the Great Game.
On 1 June, 1922, Minister President Karl Seitz of Austria-Hungary announced that the armed forces would be conducting long-term military exercises in Venetia due north of Bologna. The number of soldiers involved would initially be fifty thousand, but the numbers may fluctuate due to rotation. However, the Minister President stated that there was no threat to the Cisalpine Kingdom. Austrian troops would not enter anyone's territory without an express invitation.
The express invitation came exactly two months later, when the Cisalpinian military overthrew King Roberto in a coup d'etat and asked the Austrians for assistance. Seitz already had his troops mobilised and seized the opportunity. In hindsight, there can be no doubt that Austrian intelligence forces had assisted in the organisation and orchestration of the coup. (There is also considerable circumstancial evidence that Germany was involved in the financing, which explains her decision to sell her Polish territories to the USSR early in April. The USSR had financed that deal by selling some more land to the Finns.) The King fled to Florence, where he hoped to make a stand with those who remained loyal to his government, but ended up moving from safe house to safe house.
It was in this climate that the plebiscite took place in Bavaria on 16 September, 1922. The attitude of the largest part of electorate was definitely a case of "better the devil you know", with 41.3% voting in favour of the status quo, Bavaria as a kingdom of Germany with a new monarch appointed by the Kaiser. The next largest contingent were from those who were prepared to admit that Bavaria could not afford to stand alone, but who were not prepared to continue to submit to the Kaiser's rule. 34.0% of eligible votes were recorded in favour of union with Austria-Hungary. The remaining 24.7%, led by extremists from the left and the right, voted for independence.
Two days after the declaration of the result, Kaiser Wilhelm III stated that the option of an independent Bavaria was off the table, prompting large protests of the streets of Munich. The Kaiser and his Chancellor ordered an unprecedented crackdown, in which a number of revolutionary organisations were utterly crushed. Bavarian nationalist movements were destroyed and a number of members killed when they attempted to resist. The Resistance struck back, poisoning Colonel Hans von Seisser, head of the Bavarian State Police, but he was the only high-profile victim on the side of the Government. The most high profile victim for the Resistance was journalist Dietrich Eckart, the son of a royal notary. By 23 October, the German government felt confident enough that it ended the State of Emergency. France immediately called for Germany to be re-admitted to the Strasbourg Commission, but Britain insisted that Ebert must first resolve the Bavarian issue fully. That could not be achieved with discussions between Germany and Austria and the latter was somewhat distracted at the moment.
On 27 October, King Roberto was finally captured in Livorno by pro-Austrians and forced to sign an abdication. He was then permitted to flee across the sea to Elba, the island that had once imprisoned the Emperor Napoleon of France. Three days later, when Emperor Franz Ferdinand heard of his cousin's plight, he announced an immediate ceasefire and offered to come to Elba for a peace conference. Between 2 November and 4 December, delegates from France, Russia, the Ottoman Empire, Austria and Germany met on Elba to discuss the future of Eastern and Southern Europe. Only one thing was immediately clear from the outset: the House of Wittelsbach had played its cards and had been dealt out of the Great Game.
Wouldn't the French President, the regent of Aragon on the queen's behalf, have something to say about this?
I agree with G.Bone. Sometime, we need a TL that's not 'dark' and I think it's quite a challenge in itself to create a TL better than our own.
But again, I'm doubt that the peoples of this TL will agree with me. While the clonies are undergoing the path to autonomy under the European aegis, there will be no decolonization or fully independent.(not that it's the bad thing, thinking that they could avoid the disaster of OTL) While there is no major war that close to anything of OTL World Wars, the number of 'local wars' are higher, I think.
The Italian and Spanish will look at OTL and pondered. Not to mention the Chinese(if they could overlook the disaster visited upon them in the first three quaters of the 20th century)
I agree with G.Bone. Sometime, we need a TL that's not 'dark' and I think it's quite a challenge in itself to create a TL better than our own.
But again, I'm doubt that the peoples of this TL will agree with me. While the clonies are undergoing the path to autonomy under the European aegis, there will be no decolonization or fully independent.(not that it's the bad thing, thinking that they could avoid the disaster of OTL) While there is no major war that close to anything of OTL World Wars, the number of 'local wars' are higher, I think.
The Italian and Spanish will look at OTL and pondered.
Not to mention the Chinese(if they could overlook the disaster visited upon them in the first three quaters of the 20th century)
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