In His Own Right, Part II
- Thread starter LacheyS
- Start date
Wendell said:
Well, of course not! However, it doesn't hurt him to get them out there and piss off his fellow Republicans. I assume you are speaking of the first two, since the latter three were all passed in some form later on. I have brought forward part of the 25th Amendment because Roosevelt had to spend so long without a Vice President. The income tax one passed eventually. I can also see 18 thru 20 passing. 16 and 17 will mostly be opposed by Republicans and will thus have considerable problems.
The End of the Grandfather Clause
There had been considerable discussion about segregation in American society since the decisions of the Supreme Court in 1909 and, with Oklahoma moving to introduce an amendment to its constitution, the new National Negro Committee saw an opportunity for its first case.
Oklahoma's new proposed amendment stated that illiterate people could not vote, unless their grandfather had voted. This meant that illiterate whites would be able to vote; illiterate blacks could not. With an election due in November, the NNC was concerned that black voters would be disenfranchised. They also wanted an explicit ruling, in light of the increasing weakness of Plessy, on the status of the grandfather clauses. Only 1.5% of African Americans qualified to vote based on these clauses.
Although public facilities were steadily desegregating (including transport, schools and dining areas), the prohibitions against voting by black citizens were the last outstanding point of discrimination. In June, the Government backed the NNC to obtain a restraining order, forbidding any amendment to the Oklahoma Constitution until the Supreme Court had considered whether or not the proposal was constitutional.
Justice Harlan stepped up to take the case, however, the bench was not full. Justice Peckham was too ill to attend, as was Justice Brewer. Chief Justice Fuller himself was irregular. The remaining six judges agreed to allow Harlan to take the opinion. He said,
"The Fifteenth Amendment secures freedom from discrimination on account of race in matters affecting the franchise. Whosoever 'under color of any statute' subjects another to such discrimination thereby deprives him of what the Fifteenth Amendment secures and becomes liable to the party injured in an action at law. The theory of the plaintiff's action is that the State of Oklahoma would discriminate against him because the proposed state consitutional amendment inherently operates discriminatorily. If this claim is sustained, the right of the plaintiff to sue follows. The basis of this action is inequality of treatment though under color of law, not denial of the right to vote."
He continued, "We believe that the opportunity given Negro voters to free themselves from the effects of discrimination to which they should never have been subjected is too cabined and confined. The restrictions imposed must be judged with reference to those for whom they were designed. It must be remembered that we are dealing with a body of citizens lacking the habits and traditions of political independence and otherwise living in circumstances which do not encourage initiative and enterprise. To be sure, in exceptional cases, a supplemental period was previously made available by this Court. However, this supplemental period has now been used repeatedly in an invalid fashion to operate unfairly against the very class on whose behalf the protection of the Constitution was invoked. The abuse of the supplemental period is no longer acceptable and the Court hereby declares it ended. All discrimination based on race must now be declared illegal."
He further stated that, while the Court could not enforce past rights, it could rule invalid legislation that prevented the exercise of current rights and would not hesitate to declare invalid any government which prevented the vote of citizens, black or white.
There had been considerable discussion about segregation in American society since the decisions of the Supreme Court in 1909 and, with Oklahoma moving to introduce an amendment to its constitution, the new National Negro Committee saw an opportunity for its first case.
Oklahoma's new proposed amendment stated that illiterate people could not vote, unless their grandfather had voted. This meant that illiterate whites would be able to vote; illiterate blacks could not. With an election due in November, the NNC was concerned that black voters would be disenfranchised. They also wanted an explicit ruling, in light of the increasing weakness of Plessy, on the status of the grandfather clauses. Only 1.5% of African Americans qualified to vote based on these clauses.
Although public facilities were steadily desegregating (including transport, schools and dining areas), the prohibitions against voting by black citizens were the last outstanding point of discrimination. In June, the Government backed the NNC to obtain a restraining order, forbidding any amendment to the Oklahoma Constitution until the Supreme Court had considered whether or not the proposal was constitutional.
Justice Harlan stepped up to take the case, however, the bench was not full. Justice Peckham was too ill to attend, as was Justice Brewer. Chief Justice Fuller himself was irregular. The remaining six judges agreed to allow Harlan to take the opinion. He said,
"The Fifteenth Amendment secures freedom from discrimination on account of race in matters affecting the franchise. Whosoever 'under color of any statute' subjects another to such discrimination thereby deprives him of what the Fifteenth Amendment secures and becomes liable to the party injured in an action at law. The theory of the plaintiff's action is that the State of Oklahoma would discriminate against him because the proposed state consitutional amendment inherently operates discriminatorily. If this claim is sustained, the right of the plaintiff to sue follows. The basis of this action is inequality of treatment though under color of law, not denial of the right to vote."
He continued, "We believe that the opportunity given Negro voters to free themselves from the effects of discrimination to which they should never have been subjected is too cabined and confined. The restrictions imposed must be judged with reference to those for whom they were designed. It must be remembered that we are dealing with a body of citizens lacking the habits and traditions of political independence and otherwise living in circumstances which do not encourage initiative and enterprise. To be sure, in exceptional cases, a supplemental period was previously made available by this Court. However, this supplemental period has now been used repeatedly in an invalid fashion to operate unfairly against the very class on whose behalf the protection of the Constitution was invoked. The abuse of the supplemental period is no longer acceptable and the Court hereby declares it ended. All discrimination based on race must now be declared illegal."
He further stated that, while the Court could not enforce past rights, it could rule invalid legislation that prevented the exercise of current rights and would not hesitate to declare invalid any government which prevented the vote of citizens, black or white.
Thanks. I think more than a few people caught that.
After that, after seeing a couple of other threads, I wanted to change it to slayerfuckingrules, but I ultimately decided that looked unprofessional, as I'm currently a TL writer. What's the likely future of big business anyway? Will they still hold influence in politics for many years to come? Nice to see the end of that "grandfather cause", which is one of the stupedest' 'clauses' ever. And I bet the White Citizens of America aren't happy about this at all. I expect there'll be more attacks.
After that, after seeing a couple of other threads, I wanted to change it to slayerfuckingrules, but I ultimately decided that looked unprofessional, as I'm currently a TL writer. What's the likely future of big business anyway? Will they still hold influence in politics for many years to come? Nice to see the end of that "grandfather cause", which is one of the stupedest' 'clauses' ever. And I bet the White Citizens of America aren't happy about this at all. I expect there'll be more attacks.JP_Morgan said:Thanks. I think more than a few people caught that.
I have NIL appreciation for heavy metal, but I can understand the sentiment. I don't know why I don't get it; I just don't. At one stage, I had a "recreational sleepover friend" who was really into it, and I tried to learn to appreciate it for the benefit of the post-coital pillow talk, but failed miserably. Now, if you had wanted to sing a song of worship to the gods of the Ministry of Sound, then I could begin chanting beside you.
There is still big business, but, in this type of scenario, big business will be those businesses that survive the oversight of the President. Are you a "good" big business? Then, welcome on board the Roosevelt train; you can have a monopoly. Are you a "bad" big business? We will prosecute you until we own all your assets and then establish a government big business, which is guaranteed to be good. Right?
So despite the fact that the anti-trust mechanism was meant to encourage competition, Roosevelt did, and is, using it to encourage domination by those whom he trusts.There will be more attacks, but, on 24 July, the way in which the Administration views these riots and attacks will change dramatically.
The Abdication of the Kaiser
The Kaiser was carefully guided out of his old apartments at the Hohenzollern Castle, to be met by his son and his new Chancellor, August Bebel. He shuddered at the idea that Germany had a socialist chancellor, but the elections had clearly given the Social Democrats 121 seats out of a total of 391, and every indication was that they were increasingly in popularity. The three proceeded up to the Schnarrwacht Bastion to overlook the beautiful Swabian Alb.
Kaiser Wilhelm told his son frankly, "I don't understand this world." The new Chancellor was detailing his arguments with the Russian leadership over the basic laws of a socialist society, and with British socialists over the value of traditions. He was supporting the idea of a homeland for the Jews during discussions with the Ottoman Ambassador. He was advocating full employment and the gradual nationalisation of all land. He was even talking about "alternate uses" for the Berliner Dom. Sacrilege! Fortunately, as he had told Philipp, it was no longer necessary that this be his responsibility.
On 2 July, Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated as German Emperor and King of Prussia, making way for his son. He would assume the title of Grand Duke of Baden-Wurttemberg and would reside at Sigmaringen on the Danube (with Prince Eulenberg-Hertefeld). His wife, Auguste Viktoria, took responsibility for the residence at Kiel and began to preside, somewhat controversially, over Laboe Beach, though, in future, she would also be regularly spotted in Paris. However, the former Emperor and his "Dona" remained close and constant friends throughout their remaining years. Their son would be crowned Kaiser Wilhelm III of Germany and Prussia in April, 1910.
In 1921, the Grand Duke would lose both his wife and his partner. At that time, he moved to Achilleas Thniskon, his residence on the Greek island of Corfu. He lived a solitary existence in the sanctuary of Corfu until his death in 1932.
The Kaiser was carefully guided out of his old apartments at the Hohenzollern Castle, to be met by his son and his new Chancellor, August Bebel. He shuddered at the idea that Germany had a socialist chancellor, but the elections had clearly given the Social Democrats 121 seats out of a total of 391, and every indication was that they were increasingly in popularity. The three proceeded up to the Schnarrwacht Bastion to overlook the beautiful Swabian Alb.
Kaiser Wilhelm told his son frankly, "I don't understand this world." The new Chancellor was detailing his arguments with the Russian leadership over the basic laws of a socialist society, and with British socialists over the value of traditions. He was supporting the idea of a homeland for the Jews during discussions with the Ottoman Ambassador. He was advocating full employment and the gradual nationalisation of all land. He was even talking about "alternate uses" for the Berliner Dom. Sacrilege! Fortunately, as he had told Philipp, it was no longer necessary that this be his responsibility.
On 2 July, Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated as German Emperor and King of Prussia, making way for his son. He would assume the title of Grand Duke of Baden-Wurttemberg and would reside at Sigmaringen on the Danube (with Prince Eulenberg-Hertefeld). His wife, Auguste Viktoria, took responsibility for the residence at Kiel and began to preside, somewhat controversially, over Laboe Beach, though, in future, she would also be regularly spotted in Paris. However, the former Emperor and his "Dona" remained close and constant friends throughout their remaining years. Their son would be crowned Kaiser Wilhelm III of Germany and Prussia in April, 1910.
In 1921, the Grand Duke would lose both his wife and his partner. At that time, he moved to Achilleas Thniskon, his residence on the Greek island of Corfu. He lived a solitary existence in the sanctuary of Corfu until his death in 1932.
Constantinople
Banned
Wow, you really fucked Italy. Now huge parts of N italy will be assimilated and Frenchized.
Constantinople said:
The poor Italian state is busted up, and its leading politician is now the Doge of Genoa.
I have a gut instinct that Austria-Hungary is not quite finished, but will be gearing up for an assault on its own, particularly now it is publicly clear that the current Pope is their stooge. If they got far enough south, maybe the Emperor could reclaim the title of HRE.
The Spanish might also come back into play, but that is dependent upon some research I am currently doing for the next installment. However, the French have their share and are not interested in getting involved again. They are now in the process of integrating their gains, which includes a large proportion of Italian industry, and dominating Genoa.
The Russian Interference in Persia
Since the ascension of Mohammed Ali Shah Qajar, on 21 January 1907, the new monarch had directly contravened the commitments he had made to respect the Constitution and national rights. The crisis reached a peak when, on 23 June, 1908, the Russian commander of the Iranian Cossacks, Colonel Liakhov, had refused to follow the orders of the Shah to place the Majlis under seige and bombard it with artillery fire. He and his brigade had been arrested, causing Russia's Foreign Minister Leon Trotsky no shortage of concern.
Russia and Britain had, as yet, failed to reach a conclusive agreement on a division of interests within Persia. Trotsky responded to the lack of cooperation, not by threatening war (something which would provoke British interference), but instead ordering Ambassador Zapolski to promote the value of socialism by providing arms to anti-Qajar forces. From November 1908, uprisings began to spread across the countryside.
In Rasht, Tabriz, Esfahan, Shiraz, Hamadan, Mashhad, Bandar Abbas and Bushehr, a group of fighters known as Socialist Freedom began to take to the streets. Gradually, one by one, cities across Persia fell to the rebel brigades. Britain demanded explanations from Russia as to what was occurring and threatened to intervene. Russia denied all knowledge of the resistance, arguing that the weapons had been stolen from facilities in the Caucasus and stating that it would move its troops to prevent the fall of Tehran.
However, strangely, the Russian troops never arrived in time. And when the Socialist Freedom Brigades broke through pro-Qajar forces and took the capital on 12 July, the Cossack brigade held by the government were among the first liberated. The Shah and a number of his supporters were escorted to the Russian Embassy, where they were granted asylum, and then deported out of the country to Moscow. Four days later, the Majlis deposed Mohammed Ali Shah and named his eleven year old son, Ahmad Shah, as heir.
The first action of the new Regent was to consult with his Russian advisor, Ambassador Zapolski, on how this new social philosophy could arrange for the comprehensive agricultural and industrial development of the country. Of course, it needed funding and Zapolski advised that it was vital that the Anglo-Persian Oil Company concession be renegotiated (the company had just discovered a massive oil field in Masjed Soleiman). In addition, this would raise Russian influence over PersiaWhen the information reached Moscow, Foreign Minister Trotsky argued that the concession would continue to have validity for as long as the Qajar Dynasty held power. He advised the Cabinet, and the Ambassador advised the Regent, that perhaps the time had arrived for a new dynasty in Persia.
The first action of the British was to seek a meeting with the fallen Shah to determine a way in which the British could assist in his restoration.
Since the ascension of Mohammed Ali Shah Qajar, on 21 January 1907, the new monarch had directly contravened the commitments he had made to respect the Constitution and national rights. The crisis reached a peak when, on 23 June, 1908, the Russian commander of the Iranian Cossacks, Colonel Liakhov, had refused to follow the orders of the Shah to place the Majlis under seige and bombard it with artillery fire. He and his brigade had been arrested, causing Russia's Foreign Minister Leon Trotsky no shortage of concern.
Russia and Britain had, as yet, failed to reach a conclusive agreement on a division of interests within Persia. Trotsky responded to the lack of cooperation, not by threatening war (something which would provoke British interference), but instead ordering Ambassador Zapolski to promote the value of socialism by providing arms to anti-Qajar forces. From November 1908, uprisings began to spread across the countryside.
In Rasht, Tabriz, Esfahan, Shiraz, Hamadan, Mashhad, Bandar Abbas and Bushehr, a group of fighters known as Socialist Freedom began to take to the streets. Gradually, one by one, cities across Persia fell to the rebel brigades. Britain demanded explanations from Russia as to what was occurring and threatened to intervene. Russia denied all knowledge of the resistance, arguing that the weapons had been stolen from facilities in the Caucasus and stating that it would move its troops to prevent the fall of Tehran.
However, strangely, the Russian troops never arrived in time. And when the Socialist Freedom Brigades broke through pro-Qajar forces and took the capital on 12 July, the Cossack brigade held by the government were among the first liberated. The Shah and a number of his supporters were escorted to the Russian Embassy, where they were granted asylum, and then deported out of the country to Moscow. Four days later, the Majlis deposed Mohammed Ali Shah and named his eleven year old son, Ahmad Shah, as heir.
The first action of the new Regent was to consult with his Russian advisor, Ambassador Zapolski, on how this new social philosophy could arrange for the comprehensive agricultural and industrial development of the country. Of course, it needed funding and Zapolski advised that it was vital that the Anglo-Persian Oil Company concession be renegotiated (the company had just discovered a massive oil field in Masjed Soleiman). In addition, this would raise Russian influence over PersiaWhen the information reached Moscow, Foreign Minister Trotsky argued that the concession would continue to have validity for as long as the Qajar Dynasty held power. He advised the Cabinet, and the Ambassador advised the Regent, that perhaps the time had arrived for a new dynasty in Persia.
The first action of the British was to seek a meeting with the fallen Shah to determine a way in which the British could assist in his restoration.
Neroon
Banned
Well i'd say Germany loosing Kaiser Bill, as well as Britain and Russia becoming rivals again is 2 good things for them.Wendell said:
I don't think this crisis in Persia is going to go away anytime soon or easy. The new management in Russia now has a great opportunity to show that they are at least as patriotic as the Aristocrats were.
G.Bone said:You know - of all the improvement that Europe has done - Russia still has it's fingers in the pie...
Russia will always get its fingers into the pie!
Seriously, though, Russia is continuing to grow faster than any other economy and, though it is playing catch up, it will definitely be stronger in this world than in ours by 1914.From my reading of Trotsky even after he switched from the Mensheviks to the Bolsheviks, he was still primarily concerned with the promotion of socialism as an international system, rather than being parochial and paranoid like Stalin. He undoubtedly believed that socialism could not be a national system; it had to be an international system.
In this case, you will note that Germany now has a socialist chancellor and it will become apparent in the future that the British Labour Party is further advanced than in OTL. Coincidence? Trotsky may even find common ground with the Porte in the neutralisation and dismemberment of the Bulgarian nation, allowing the Ottomans a recovery of face in return for Russian "assistance" in spending its now considerable surplus of wealth.
Neroon said:
I would agree that the rise of Wilhelm III is a good thing for Germany. What I have attempted to do in this timeline is to make all things go as well as they can at national levels for the countries concerned. (Italy is, of course, the exception, but someone has to lose out.) I don't view the Russian or Ottoman losses as "bad" things for them - in fact, it has made them stronger states.
Britain is, at this stage, becoming incredibly suspicious of any foreign involvement. Betrayed by the French and now, it appears to London, by the Russians, Whitehall is undoubtedly beginning to wonder if any of the European capitals can be trusted. The only ones who haven't lied and cheated are in Berlin. And with the "lunatic" removed from the Stadtschloss, well, perhaps things might be on the improve.
As far as Persia is concerned, I am looking to find a Regent and have found one that I think the Russians would like, and that the British could tolerate. However, I don't know whether he has the capacity to save the Qajar Dynasty. Anyway, the subject of today's post, if I get time to do one after dealing with my lesson plans (yes, I should be doing them now!), will be either the Ottoman Empire or Spain.
Just letting you know, I have spent the evening examining my workload and I regret that I probably won't be able to make another post to this timeline for about a fortnight or so, due to circumstances beyond my control. I also won't be accessing this board, as I have a shitload of work to do and I won't get it done if I spend time doing this. One must prioritise, irregardless of how unpleasant the higher priorities may be. I promise to definitely return to it after 15 May, and will attempt to update before that, but can't make any guarantees.
The Second Tanzimat
The letter from the Sub-Governor of Damascus, Mustafa Kemal Bey, to the new Grand Vizier Prince Sabaheddin recorded that the last of the Jonturkler resistance had been destroyed. The last to fall in the purge had been the head of the rebellion and former General of the 3rd Army, Ahmed Djemal Pasha.
The new Parliament in Instanbul was, for the first time in many years, a diverse gathering from across the Empire. There were those who were there to pursue religious and ethnic policies, however, blocs dedicated to views on taxation, the debate surrounding the role of censorship, and positions on Westernisation soon emerged. However, most importantly, the new Arab political elites came close to holding a majority in the Parliament, despite the fact that they couldn't agree on much.
The most vocal of these was 61-year-old Nafi al-Jabiri of Aleppo, son of a muftu, who quickly emerged as a potential leader. He insisted upon the removal of seniority restrictions in the civil service and demanded that the constitution be reformed to make the Grand Vizier and his ministers accountable to Parliament. He pointed out procedural bottlenecks and demanded that the Ottoman Empire create some meaningful alliances, strongly favouring France.
Within the year, the ministry would incorporate three Arab ministers, Nafi among them as Minister of Finance. It was soon not uncommon for Arab deputies to dominate the floor of the Parliament, however they never incorporated as a bloc. In March, 1910, the same forces would decide to move the administrative capital of the Empire to Beirut. Additionally, Arabic was adopted as one of the official languages of the Empire. However, nationalists was criticised strongly, particularly those of Armenian heritage.
There were elements in the new Parliament who also raised the prospect of using the funds available to expand the Empire once again in Europe, but they were shouted down by those who remembered the last exercise of expansionism and the war with Russia. An anti-imperialist philosophy became one of the keynotes of policy in the early years of the Second Tanzimat. The other important policy was pan-Islamism, in which the role of the Sultan as Caliph took priority over his political position.
The letter from the Sub-Governor of Damascus, Mustafa Kemal Bey, to the new Grand Vizier Prince Sabaheddin recorded that the last of the Jonturkler resistance had been destroyed. The last to fall in the purge had been the head of the rebellion and former General of the 3rd Army, Ahmed Djemal Pasha.
The new Parliament in Instanbul was, for the first time in many years, a diverse gathering from across the Empire. There were those who were there to pursue religious and ethnic policies, however, blocs dedicated to views on taxation, the debate surrounding the role of censorship, and positions on Westernisation soon emerged. However, most importantly, the new Arab political elites came close to holding a majority in the Parliament, despite the fact that they couldn't agree on much.
The most vocal of these was 61-year-old Nafi al-Jabiri of Aleppo, son of a muftu, who quickly emerged as a potential leader. He insisted upon the removal of seniority restrictions in the civil service and demanded that the constitution be reformed to make the Grand Vizier and his ministers accountable to Parliament. He pointed out procedural bottlenecks and demanded that the Ottoman Empire create some meaningful alliances, strongly favouring France.
Within the year, the ministry would incorporate three Arab ministers, Nafi among them as Minister of Finance. It was soon not uncommon for Arab deputies to dominate the floor of the Parliament, however they never incorporated as a bloc. In March, 1910, the same forces would decide to move the administrative capital of the Empire to Beirut. Additionally, Arabic was adopted as one of the official languages of the Empire. However, nationalists was criticised strongly, particularly those of Armenian heritage.
There were elements in the new Parliament who also raised the prospect of using the funds available to expand the Empire once again in Europe, but they were shouted down by those who remembered the last exercise of expansionism and the war with Russia. An anti-imperialist philosophy became one of the keynotes of policy in the early years of the Second Tanzimat. The other important policy was pan-Islamism, in which the role of the Sultan as Caliph took priority over his political position.
The Demands of War
In what many described as a Phyrric victory, the demands of the War of the Mediterranean on the Kingdom of Spain were considerable and costly. The considerable profits added to the Crown as a result of the sale of the African colonies had been expended completely in the effort to control Sardinia and Sicily. There was ongoing resistance to Spanish rule in both territories, particularly in Sardinia, making enormous demands on the military.
In May, 1909, the Spanish Government began to step up the conscription of troops from the general population. Many of Spain's elite soldiers had died in the war, particularly in the Sicilian tsunami disaster of the previous December. However, there was growing resistance to the enforced military service in Spain's north-east, centred on Barcelona, but spreading out to include Aragon, Valencia, Catalonia, the Basque Country and Navarre.
In addition, Spain was ruled by a conservative Catholic elite who had dealt with resistance in the north with a repressive violence. Since 1892, the Catalan people had expressed demands for self-rule in their Bases de Manresa. It was they who started the rebellion, calling a general strike and shutting down the port of Barcelona. They were quickly supported by the Basque. Zaragoza, capital of the agarian north, joined in the general strike and, on 8 June, the port of Valencia also shut down.
Troops headed to stamp out resistance in Sardinia and Sicily found themselves unable to leave, as ships blockaded the harbour and strikers blockaded the streets. Internal disagreements within the Parliament began to grow and socialist and liberal members joined with the strikers in calling for the removal of the Regent and the Government. Students rioted in the universities and by the middle of July, over a million Spanish citizens were on the streets demanding immediate change.
Strangely, the demands by the protestors had little to do with the war itself. They wanted the power of the elite capitalists broken (a cry backed by the Russian government), they wanted employment insurance (something which the cost of the war now prevented), they demanded in some quarters the separation of the Catholic Church from the Spanish state apparatus in imitation of French efforts less than a decade before and finally, they demanded that the vast estates that had existed since time immemorial be broken up and given over to the ownership of those who worked them.
Under the banner of a united alliance, anarchists, socialists, trade unionists, various nationalist groups and other discontent elements gathered in Madrid on 20 July, 1909. Regrettably, however, Prince Regent Carlos had kept his most loyal troops in the capital, sending to the front those who were expendable. In street battles in Madrid on the evening of 21 July, thousands of Spanish citizens were systematically slaughtered by their own military, who then spread out to reinforce the region. It is still unclear how many died in the weeks that followed.
The Madrid insurrection of 1909 taught the Spanish people some lessons. It taught the Regent and his government that monarchist, agarian and capitalist interests must tightly ally themselves to the interests of the military elite, effectively making democratic institutions appear to be reactionary forces to the people. In the second place, it convinced those opposed to the government that they could not protest to effect change; they would have to destroy the appartus of the state to win their freedom. Thirdly, it reestablished connections between the various movements that opposed the status quo, creating an unified force that, while now underground, could continue to stir up discontent.
In what many described as a Phyrric victory, the demands of the War of the Mediterranean on the Kingdom of Spain were considerable and costly. The considerable profits added to the Crown as a result of the sale of the African colonies had been expended completely in the effort to control Sardinia and Sicily. There was ongoing resistance to Spanish rule in both territories, particularly in Sardinia, making enormous demands on the military.
In May, 1909, the Spanish Government began to step up the conscription of troops from the general population. Many of Spain's elite soldiers had died in the war, particularly in the Sicilian tsunami disaster of the previous December. However, there was growing resistance to the enforced military service in Spain's north-east, centred on Barcelona, but spreading out to include Aragon, Valencia, Catalonia, the Basque Country and Navarre.
In addition, Spain was ruled by a conservative Catholic elite who had dealt with resistance in the north with a repressive violence. Since 1892, the Catalan people had expressed demands for self-rule in their Bases de Manresa. It was they who started the rebellion, calling a general strike and shutting down the port of Barcelona. They were quickly supported by the Basque. Zaragoza, capital of the agarian north, joined in the general strike and, on 8 June, the port of Valencia also shut down.
Troops headed to stamp out resistance in Sardinia and Sicily found themselves unable to leave, as ships blockaded the harbour and strikers blockaded the streets. Internal disagreements within the Parliament began to grow and socialist and liberal members joined with the strikers in calling for the removal of the Regent and the Government. Students rioted in the universities and by the middle of July, over a million Spanish citizens were on the streets demanding immediate change.
Strangely, the demands by the protestors had little to do with the war itself. They wanted the power of the elite capitalists broken (a cry backed by the Russian government), they wanted employment insurance (something which the cost of the war now prevented), they demanded in some quarters the separation of the Catholic Church from the Spanish state apparatus in imitation of French efforts less than a decade before and finally, they demanded that the vast estates that had existed since time immemorial be broken up and given over to the ownership of those who worked them.
Under the banner of a united alliance, anarchists, socialists, trade unionists, various nationalist groups and other discontent elements gathered in Madrid on 20 July, 1909. Regrettably, however, Prince Regent Carlos had kept his most loyal troops in the capital, sending to the front those who were expendable. In street battles in Madrid on the evening of 21 July, thousands of Spanish citizens were systematically slaughtered by their own military, who then spread out to reinforce the region. It is still unclear how many died in the weeks that followed.
The Madrid insurrection of 1909 taught the Spanish people some lessons. It taught the Regent and his government that monarchist, agarian and capitalist interests must tightly ally themselves to the interests of the military elite, effectively making democratic institutions appear to be reactionary forces to the people. In the second place, it convinced those opposed to the government that they could not protest to effect change; they would have to destroy the appartus of the state to win their freedom. Thirdly, it reestablished connections between the various movements that opposed the status quo, creating an unified force that, while now underground, could continue to stir up discontent.