Images from the Footprint of Mussolini
- Thread starter Waltzing Brunhilda
- Start date
Thanks. I fixed it. I also want to make an economic and political blocs map. Are there any other blocs beside the the British Commonwealth, the Francophonie and the European Union?
Serbia is member of ITO.
I think that South Egypt should be neutral and South Sudan should be member of ITO.
Didn't they left Roman Alliance soon after fall of their fascist regimes and decided stay out of CIS?
I didn't know that. It's been long since I read the story. I was basing off a wikibox created by Kotka on the CIS in the main thread (#6,417).
I'll fix that, and yes Argentina and Paraguay left the CIS.
I'll fix that as well, but according to the 2020 chapter Greece was a member of ITO in 2020.
Heres a map I made of the world in 2020. It was based on the map from the main thread but with some errors corrected.
Developed in collaboration with the American contractor, Lockheed Martin by Chengdu Aerospace Corporation , the Chengdu J-20 is the Republic of China's premier air superiority fighter. Drawing data and lessons learnt from the F-22 Raptor and the F-35 Lighting II, it is China's first 5th generation air superiority fighter. While it lacks an internal gun with it's main armament being missiles fired at standoff distance , it can mount a GAU-22 Equalizer autocannon in wing mounted pylons if needed for CAS.
Poster for the 2008 stop-motion animation adaption of Carlo Collodi’s 1883 classic novel, “The Adventures of Pinocchio”.
A passion project of famed Spanish filmmaker Guillermo Del Toro ever since 1998, the film spent an entire decade in development hell until being picked up by Fox Animation and getting greenlit. The film is a unique take on the Collodi classic in that it takes place in 1930s Italy and serves as a critique of fascism with mentions of the Second Italo-Ethiopian War and many subtle scenes throughout the movie as well as a rather important scene of Blackshirts turning Geppetto’s home upside down in an effort to find the titular talking puppet at the behest of Count Marco Francesco Lazzari, the fascist mayor of Geppetto’s hometown, who becomes obsessed with capturing the puppet to present to his children as a gift for Christmas (it is considered by some to be a Christmas movie as it takes place in December).
One for the EM-2 or as this timeline is called, the L1A1 (or Rifle No 9 Mark 1) ..
The Fist of the Free World, the L1A1
With the immediate end of World War 2 in 1944 in Europe, many European nations started development onto intermediate rifle cartridges with the British working on a round called the .280 British with the development of several lines of rifles, with the EM-2 being one of the designs developed by a certain Mr Janson. Using a bullpup design like the EM-1, the EM-2 was selected over other designs and adopted in 1951. The US originally wanted what would become ETO to standardize to a 7.62 x 51 round based on the .308 Winchester rifle round , however, due to the Wallace scandal caused by the nuclear bombing of Warsaw and how it caused the US' international reputation to tank as they were seen as duplicitous internationally , the British saw fit to push forward with the .280 British as their next round, with ETO and eventually ITO adopting the .280 British as the 7x43mm ETO/ITO rifle round.
The EM-2 soon entered service as the Rifle No 9 Mark 1 before being redesignated as the L1A1. Using a flapper locked, long stroke gas piston, it is fed from a box magazine of 20 rounds. What's was pioneering for it's time is that it used a bullpup configuration, placing the grip in front of the action and the receiver and magazine in the stock. This shortened the overall length of the rifle despite using a full length barrel of 24.5 inches and allowed it to be more easily stowed in vehicles. It served with distinction with the British Army and other affiliated Commonwealth affiliates (including Israel) where it's short length and powerful, yet controllable rounds earned it the name of 'Fist of the Free World' in contrast with it's FN FAL counterpart (which was called the Right Arm of the Free World) due to it's short profile allowing for ease of mobility in urban combat and it's usage in the Second Arabian War where the L1A1 in the hands of British and Israeli soldiers squared up with UAR soldiers with AK-47/AKMs and proved just as effective as it's Soviet counterparts in close in fighting.
Though replaced by the SA80 (and it's rifle system the L85) in 1985 with the British Armed Forces , the L1A1 is still in service with police units in the Commonwealth together with other nations that were formerly part of the British Empire such as Malaya and Canada . In January 18, 2023, it was announced that Enfield Lock and it's US distributor, DS Arms have announced a Commemorative L1A1 which duplicates the L1A1 exactly as it entered service in 1951 for the civilian market at SHOT Show 2023 . MSRP is expected to be USD $1,550, plus tax.
The Fist of the Free World, the L1A1
With the immediate end of World War 2 in 1944 in Europe, many European nations started development onto intermediate rifle cartridges with the British working on a round called the .280 British with the development of several lines of rifles, with the EM-2 being one of the designs developed by a certain Mr Janson. Using a bullpup design like the EM-1, the EM-2 was selected over other designs and adopted in 1951. The US originally wanted what would become ETO to standardize to a 7.62 x 51 round based on the .308 Winchester rifle round , however, due to the Wallace scandal caused by the nuclear bombing of Warsaw and how it caused the US' international reputation to tank as they were seen as duplicitous internationally , the British saw fit to push forward with the .280 British as their next round, with ETO and eventually ITO adopting the .280 British as the 7x43mm ETO/ITO rifle round.
The EM-2 soon entered service as the Rifle No 9 Mark 1 before being redesignated as the L1A1. Using a flapper locked, long stroke gas piston, it is fed from a box magazine of 20 rounds. What's was pioneering for it's time is that it used a bullpup configuration, placing the grip in front of the action and the receiver and magazine in the stock. This shortened the overall length of the rifle despite using a full length barrel of 24.5 inches and allowed it to be more easily stowed in vehicles. It served with distinction with the British Army and other affiliated Commonwealth affiliates (including Israel) where it's short length and powerful, yet controllable rounds earned it the name of 'Fist of the Free World' in contrast with it's FN FAL counterpart (which was called the Right Arm of the Free World) due to it's short profile allowing for ease of mobility in urban combat and it's usage in the Second Arabian War where the L1A1 in the hands of British and Israeli soldiers squared up with UAR soldiers with AK-47/AKMs and proved just as effective as it's Soviet counterparts in close in fighting.
Though replaced by the SA80 (and it's rifle system the L85) in 1985 with the British Armed Forces , the L1A1 is still in service with police units in the Commonwealth together with other nations that were formerly part of the British Empire such as Malaya and Canada . In January 18, 2023, it was announced that Enfield Lock and it's US distributor, DS Arms have announced a Commemorative L1A1 which duplicates the L1A1 exactly as it entered service in 1951 for the civilian market at SHOT Show 2023 . MSRP is expected to be USD $1,550, plus tax.
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The Various Streams of Fascist Thought in Italy from the 1950s to the 1970s (Part 1).
Esoteric Fascists & the School of Fascist Mysticism
Inspired by the mystical and spiritual takes of Fascist Ideology, the School of Fascist Mysticism was founded by Niccolini Giani. Its goals of training the future leaders of Fascism promoted a line of thought and a philosophy that Fascism was to be accepted as more than a political ideology but a way of life spiritually ingrained into Italian society. To the Mystics, they believed that Fascism was spiritual, transcending reality and existence. Much of the curriculum in the School was focused on philosophy.
Niccolo Giani & Fernando Mezzasoma - Directors of the School of Fascist Mysticism
Initially, during the Second World War, due to sympathies towards the Reich, many of the Fascist Mystics were often purged or dismissed by the State, with its founder Niccolo Giani being accused of Pro-German sympathies on account of his antisemitism. Given these implications, Giani was dismissed from his position, and disgraced and passionate Mussolini supporter Fernando Mezzasoma replaced the leadership of the School. Given how Mezzasoma was put in charge, for the most part, the School would promote Mussolini's Cult of Personality, exalting the Duce as a God while getting rid of the antisemitism.
The Fascist Mystics are a subject of interest in academics within politics and philosophy. Their political stances and philosophical ideals warrant a fascination with their ideals of how society should be governed under Fascist Rule. While this entry merely scratches the surface, there is much more to learn about Fascist Mysticism's philosophy and organization.
The Evolian-Fascists & the Ordine Nuovo
Pino Rauti - "Evolian-Fascist" Intellectual and leader of the Ordine Nuovo.
Influenced by World War II and the concurrent Wars in the Middle East, it would lead to a new wave of Fascist Mystics influenced by these events. The Ordine Nuovo, founded in 1956 by Pino Rauti, was a Think-Tank affiliated initially with the School of Fascist Mysticism (Initially founded as the New Order Scholarship Centre). The ON would be a source of controversy and warrant unwanted attention from the state due to their mysticism and spiritualism being informed by Julius Evola's philosophy (Evola being controversial and with the philosopher on a watchlist for his Pro-German sympathies and antisemitism).
The ON, influenced by Evola's philosophy, wanted to distance itself from Mussolini's legacy and create a Radical Spiritual Fascist Regime dedicated to Action, Heroism, and Aristocracy. They believed enforcing Evola's Mystical and Traditionalist philosophy would rejuvenate Italian society, empowering Italians socially and culturally. Given the conflicts over beliefs, the ON would split off from the School of Fascist Mysticism and become a separate organization.
Franco Freda - A Young Evolian-Fascist of "Nazi-Marxist" Characteristics
For the most part, the regime would reluctantly tolerate the ON's behavior as they did not warrant any threat. But they would be under constant OVRA surveillance, with ON meetings and lectures being bugged and infiltrated by informants. But over time, ON's rhetoric and ideology gradually became bizarre for the Fascist Regime authorities. Aside from Pino Rauti, whose beliefs in Julius Evola's philosophy warranted attention from the state, by the 1960s, a young ON member named Franco Freda would also catch the authorities' attention. Franco Freda, another Evolian-Fascist, incorporated his occultist and spiritual beliefs with Nazism (His admiration for Nazi Racism and Antisemitism with Freda's beliefs in purifying Italy racially and spiritually) and Marxism (His admiration for Stalinist collectivism). Freda believed that Mussolini was wrong to join the Allies and that Italy should have joined the Germans or the Soviets in crushing the "Decadent Jewish-Corrupt Western Democracies."
Freda ran on the philosophy that Democracy is a failed system that corrupts everything it touches, ruining society's moral and traditional fiber. He believed that Fascism itself was not enough and that Nazism and Marxism were essential in purifying a society. (Much of Freda's philosophy involved the moral and societal purification of "decadence" and "inferiors" to create an ideal utopia)
Franco Freda's detainment by a joint OVRA-MVSN raid in 1968
Fearful of the implications of Freda's rhetoric and twist on Evolian-Fascism, given the outrage towards the Nazi and Soviet Holocaust, Rauti had Freda kicked from the Ordine Nuovo, with Freda subsequently dropping off the radar. It would not be until the late 1960s Freda would form a Neo-Nazi Terrorist Group (The Group of Ar) and attempt a bombing of Piazza Fontana. The plot was foiled, and Freda would be arrested and sentenced to life on charges of attempted Terrorism (But would be released following Italy's democratization, albeit under the condition of supervision by authorities). During the trial and investigation into Freda's group, Freda had been in contact with Neo-Nazis from across the border into France, Austria, and Germany, with these groups providing him the means to prepare the bombing. The trial would pressure the ON, who would disband due to threats from the state and the fears by ON leadership about implications. But despite its initial disbanding, after the fall of the Fascist Regime, the Ordine Nuovo would reform and become a political party (The New Order Political Movement) dedicated to restoring the Fascist Regime under Evolian Thought.
Esoteric Fascists & the School of Fascist Mysticism
Inspired by the mystical and spiritual takes of Fascist Ideology, the School of Fascist Mysticism was founded by Niccolini Giani. Its goals of training the future leaders of Fascism promoted a line of thought and a philosophy that Fascism was to be accepted as more than a political ideology but a way of life spiritually ingrained into Italian society. To the Mystics, they believed that Fascism was spiritual, transcending reality and existence. Much of the curriculum in the School was focused on philosophy.
Niccolo Giani & Fernando Mezzasoma - Directors of the School of Fascist Mysticism
Initially, during the Second World War, due to sympathies towards the Reich, many of the Fascist Mystics were often purged or dismissed by the State, with its founder Niccolo Giani being accused of Pro-German sympathies on account of his antisemitism. Given these implications, Giani was dismissed from his position, and disgraced and passionate Mussolini supporter Fernando Mezzasoma replaced the leadership of the School. Given how Mezzasoma was put in charge, for the most part, the School would promote Mussolini's Cult of Personality, exalting the Duce as a God while getting rid of the antisemitism.
The Fascist Mystics are a subject of interest in academics within politics and philosophy. Their political stances and philosophical ideals warrant a fascination with their ideals of how society should be governed under Fascist Rule. While this entry merely scratches the surface, there is much more to learn about Fascist Mysticism's philosophy and organization.
The Evolian-Fascists & the Ordine Nuovo
Pino Rauti - "Evolian-Fascist" Intellectual and leader of the Ordine Nuovo.
Influenced by World War II and the concurrent Wars in the Middle East, it would lead to a new wave of Fascist Mystics influenced by these events. The Ordine Nuovo, founded in 1956 by Pino Rauti, was a Think-Tank affiliated initially with the School of Fascist Mysticism (Initially founded as the New Order Scholarship Centre). The ON would be a source of controversy and warrant unwanted attention from the state due to their mysticism and spiritualism being informed by Julius Evola's philosophy (Evola being controversial and with the philosopher on a watchlist for his Pro-German sympathies and antisemitism).
The ON, influenced by Evola's philosophy, wanted to distance itself from Mussolini's legacy and create a Radical Spiritual Fascist Regime dedicated to Action, Heroism, and Aristocracy. They believed enforcing Evola's Mystical and Traditionalist philosophy would rejuvenate Italian society, empowering Italians socially and culturally. Given the conflicts over beliefs, the ON would split off from the School of Fascist Mysticism and become a separate organization.
Franco Freda - A Young Evolian-Fascist of "Nazi-Marxist" Characteristics
For the most part, the regime would reluctantly tolerate the ON's behavior as they did not warrant any threat. But they would be under constant OVRA surveillance, with ON meetings and lectures being bugged and infiltrated by informants. But over time, ON's rhetoric and ideology gradually became bizarre for the Fascist Regime authorities. Aside from Pino Rauti, whose beliefs in Julius Evola's philosophy warranted attention from the state, by the 1960s, a young ON member named Franco Freda would also catch the authorities' attention. Franco Freda, another Evolian-Fascist, incorporated his occultist and spiritual beliefs with Nazism (His admiration for Nazi Racism and Antisemitism with Freda's beliefs in purifying Italy racially and spiritually) and Marxism (His admiration for Stalinist collectivism). Freda believed that Mussolini was wrong to join the Allies and that Italy should have joined the Germans or the Soviets in crushing the "Decadent Jewish-Corrupt Western Democracies."
Freda ran on the philosophy that Democracy is a failed system that corrupts everything it touches, ruining society's moral and traditional fiber. He believed that Fascism itself was not enough and that Nazism and Marxism were essential in purifying a society. (Much of Freda's philosophy involved the moral and societal purification of "decadence" and "inferiors" to create an ideal utopia)
Franco Freda's detainment by a joint OVRA-MVSN raid in 1968
Fearful of the implications of Freda's rhetoric and twist on Evolian-Fascism, given the outrage towards the Nazi and Soviet Holocaust, Rauti had Freda kicked from the Ordine Nuovo, with Freda subsequently dropping off the radar. It would not be until the late 1960s Freda would form a Neo-Nazi Terrorist Group (The Group of Ar) and attempt a bombing of Piazza Fontana. The plot was foiled, and Freda would be arrested and sentenced to life on charges of attempted Terrorism (But would be released following Italy's democratization, albeit under the condition of supervision by authorities). During the trial and investigation into Freda's group, Freda had been in contact with Neo-Nazis from across the border into France, Austria, and Germany, with these groups providing him the means to prepare the bombing. The trial would pressure the ON, who would disband due to threats from the state and the fears by ON leadership about implications. But despite its initial disbanding, after the fall of the Fascist Regime, the Ordine Nuovo would reform and become a political party (The New Order Political Movement) dedicated to restoring the Fascist Regime under Evolian Thought.
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The Various Streams of Fascist Thought in Italy from the 1950s to the 1970s (Part 2).
Revolutionary Fascists of the PNF
Berto Ricci - A Revolutionary Fascist and Lecturer in the School of Fascist Mysticism
While not a specific faction within the PNF, the Revolutionary Fascists is a collective term used to refer to the "Left-Wing" elements of the PNF.
Before Mussolini's takeover in 1922, the Fascist Party harbored revolutionary points. Initially, the Fascist Party held strong Republican leanings desiring the end of the monarchy and support for more Pro-Worker Economic Policies. After the takeover and Mussolini's ascension to power, the Fascist Movement abandoned many of these revolutionary viewpoints, establishing relations with the Church, enforcing Socially Conservative Policies, and making deals with Private Interests.
In the early years of Mussolini's reign, Mussolini did keep his promise to enforce Revolutionary social and economic policies. Still, over time, he would gradually abandon these policies in favor of more Corporatist Economic Policies. The policy changes led to the alienation of many Revolutionary Fascists, but not enough to provoke a significant split in the PNF.
Throughout the 1930s - 1940s, despite their differences with the Mainstream Fascists, the Revolutionary Fascists mainly were compliant, maintaining their loyalty to the Fascist Cause and Mussolini.
A List of Revolutionary Factions:
Edmondo Rossoni, Tullio Cianetti, and Angelo Tarchi - Known Leaders of the Fascist Syndicalist Wing
A Syndicalist strain of the Fascist Party, they support the early views of Sansepolcrismo. In terms of their platform, they favor a Syndicalist State, pushing for a decentralization of the Corporatist Economy along Syndicalist Lines managed by workers for the interest of workers. The Syndicalists seek to empower the Fascist Trades and rework Class Collaborationism to favor the interest of Working-Class Italians.
Given their Syndicalist Pro-Worker rhetoric, they appeal to a Working-Class and Lower Middle-Class Base. As well, given their stance, they support taxation on the Wealthy. Plus, the Syndicalists, in supporting the interests of workers and the lower middle class, want to expand significantly on Italy's social aid, healthcare, and welfare policies.
For the most part, while they never played a dominant role in Mussolini's reign, Mussolini would appeal to the Syndicalists favoring socialization of the economy and allowing for several worker representation measures. At the same time, while harboring a more leftist stance, the Fascist Syndicalists would, for the most part, uphold loyalty to Mussolini's Partyline.
Vanguardists of the PNF
Roberto Farinacci (Left) and Giuseppe Bottai (Right) - Radical Fascist Syndicalists with known Pro-German and antisemitic sympathies.
While upholding loyalty to Mussolini, several Fascist Syndicalists harbored Pro-Nazi sympathies and Antisemitic views. These Radical Fascist Syndicalists would earn the name Vanguardist describing their hardline viewpoints. Many of these elements, with their Pro-Worker Syndicalist viewpoints, justified their antisemitism, with Jews being accused of being Anti-Worker, Pro-Capitalist, and Anti-Fascist. Notably, Roberto Farinacci was slavishly Pro-German and a proponent of Antisemitism, with Farinacci accusing Mussolini of straying from Fascism's Syndicalist Ideals and of being "too Liberal."
Of course, once the war against Germany began, Farinacci was disgraced and purged of his position within the PNF, as were many of the Pro-German elements of the PNF. Meanwhile, seeing the writing on the wall, Bottai repented and "renounced" his Pro-German stance and antisemitism, although many saw this as Bottai trying to save his skin.
After the war, with Farinacci purged and Bottai renouncing his treasonous views, Bottai would fill the void of the Vanguardist Camp of the PNF. Bottai wanting to hide/abandon his Pro-German and Antisemitic sympathies would be one of the first to condemn the Germans and Soviets for their Holocaust. Keeping to their radical position, Bottai's Vanguardists would push for an "Anti-American" line of Fascism while blaming the Soviets.
Action Fascists of the PNF
Ettore Muti - A Representative Face of the "Action Fascists"
A New Wave of Fascists emerging in the post-war period from the Revolutionary Fascists of the PNF are influenced by Futurism and the ideals of Gabriele D'Annunzio. This camp of "Action Fascists," as suggested by their name, is made up of radicalized Italian Youth. The Action Fascist ideology would appeal to a Younger Fascist base ranging from Fascist University Students to those in Fascist Youth Groups like the GIL.
As suggested by their ideological takes, they want to rejuvenate Italian Fascism to appeal to a younger radical base. Their Fascist ideology promoted the idea of rapidly innovating Italian society, believing in a Fascist Cultural Revolution that would rejuvenate Italian society and culture, with Young Italians leading Italy. For the most part, this movement did not have much of a political influence and mainly was at best regarded as a youth subculture within the PNF.
Ettore Muti, a known PNF official, would be the ideal role model for Action Fascists, given Muti's thrill-seeking lifestyle and hobbies of riding motorcycles, exercising and fitness, and sleeping with various women (Read: womanizing). Given how Muti is a role model, the Action Fascists would also celebrate Masculinity using Muti's reputation as an ideal model for masculinity.
Action Fascist Youths at a "Camp Hobbit" Festival
Revolutionary Fascists of the PNF
Berto Ricci - A Revolutionary Fascist and Lecturer in the School of Fascist Mysticism
While not a specific faction within the PNF, the Revolutionary Fascists is a collective term used to refer to the "Left-Wing" elements of the PNF.
Before Mussolini's takeover in 1922, the Fascist Party harbored revolutionary points. Initially, the Fascist Party held strong Republican leanings desiring the end of the monarchy and support for more Pro-Worker Economic Policies. After the takeover and Mussolini's ascension to power, the Fascist Movement abandoned many of these revolutionary viewpoints, establishing relations with the Church, enforcing Socially Conservative Policies, and making deals with Private Interests.
In the early years of Mussolini's reign, Mussolini did keep his promise to enforce Revolutionary social and economic policies. Still, over time, he would gradually abandon these policies in favor of more Corporatist Economic Policies. The policy changes led to the alienation of many Revolutionary Fascists, but not enough to provoke a significant split in the PNF.
Throughout the 1930s - 1940s, despite their differences with the Mainstream Fascists, the Revolutionary Fascists mainly were compliant, maintaining their loyalty to the Fascist Cause and Mussolini.
A List of Revolutionary Factions:
- Fascist Syndicalists
- Fascist Vanguardists
- Action Fascists
Edmondo Rossoni, Tullio Cianetti, and Angelo Tarchi - Known Leaders of the Fascist Syndicalist Wing
A Syndicalist strain of the Fascist Party, they support the early views of Sansepolcrismo. In terms of their platform, they favor a Syndicalist State, pushing for a decentralization of the Corporatist Economy along Syndicalist Lines managed by workers for the interest of workers. The Syndicalists seek to empower the Fascist Trades and rework Class Collaborationism to favor the interest of Working-Class Italians.
Given their Syndicalist Pro-Worker rhetoric, they appeal to a Working-Class and Lower Middle-Class Base. As well, given their stance, they support taxation on the Wealthy. Plus, the Syndicalists, in supporting the interests of workers and the lower middle class, want to expand significantly on Italy's social aid, healthcare, and welfare policies.
For the most part, while they never played a dominant role in Mussolini's reign, Mussolini would appeal to the Syndicalists favoring socialization of the economy and allowing for several worker representation measures. At the same time, while harboring a more leftist stance, the Fascist Syndicalists would, for the most part, uphold loyalty to Mussolini's Partyline.
Vanguardists of the PNF
Roberto Farinacci (Left) and Giuseppe Bottai (Right) - Radical Fascist Syndicalists with known Pro-German and antisemitic sympathies.
While upholding loyalty to Mussolini, several Fascist Syndicalists harbored Pro-Nazi sympathies and Antisemitic views. These Radical Fascist Syndicalists would earn the name Vanguardist describing their hardline viewpoints. Many of these elements, with their Pro-Worker Syndicalist viewpoints, justified their antisemitism, with Jews being accused of being Anti-Worker, Pro-Capitalist, and Anti-Fascist. Notably, Roberto Farinacci was slavishly Pro-German and a proponent of Antisemitism, with Farinacci accusing Mussolini of straying from Fascism's Syndicalist Ideals and of being "too Liberal."
Of course, once the war against Germany began, Farinacci was disgraced and purged of his position within the PNF, as were many of the Pro-German elements of the PNF. Meanwhile, seeing the writing on the wall, Bottai repented and "renounced" his Pro-German stance and antisemitism, although many saw this as Bottai trying to save his skin.
After the war, with Farinacci purged and Bottai renouncing his treasonous views, Bottai would fill the void of the Vanguardist Camp of the PNF. Bottai wanting to hide/abandon his Pro-German and Antisemitic sympathies would be one of the first to condemn the Germans and Soviets for their Holocaust. Keeping to their radical position, Bottai's Vanguardists would push for an "Anti-American" line of Fascism while blaming the Soviets.
Action Fascists of the PNF
Ettore Muti - A Representative Face of the "Action Fascists"
A New Wave of Fascists emerging in the post-war period from the Revolutionary Fascists of the PNF are influenced by Futurism and the ideals of Gabriele D'Annunzio. This camp of "Action Fascists," as suggested by their name, is made up of radicalized Italian Youth. The Action Fascist ideology would appeal to a Younger Fascist base ranging from Fascist University Students to those in Fascist Youth Groups like the GIL.
As suggested by their ideological takes, they want to rejuvenate Italian Fascism to appeal to a younger radical base. Their Fascist ideology promoted the idea of rapidly innovating Italian society, believing in a Fascist Cultural Revolution that would rejuvenate Italian society and culture, with Young Italians leading Italy. For the most part, this movement did not have much of a political influence and mainly was at best regarded as a youth subculture within the PNF.
Ettore Muti, a known PNF official, would be the ideal role model for Action Fascists, given Muti's thrill-seeking lifestyle and hobbies of riding motorcycles, exercising and fitness, and sleeping with various women (Read: womanizing). Given how Muti is a role model, the Action Fascists would also celebrate Masculinity using Muti's reputation as an ideal model for masculinity.
Action Fascist Youths at a "Camp Hobbit" Festival
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The Divided French Fascist Movement during the Second World War
The Second World War was a tumultuous period for the French Fascist Movement.
During the occupation of France, the French Fascist Movement was divided. Initially, many French Fascists collaborated with the Germans and the Vichy Regime under Petain, especially in the case of the Petainist Regime promoting a Traditionalist Catholic Nationalism, which appealed to many French Fascists. But seeing France being exploited under German Occupation, with the Vichy Regime being a front for German exploitation, many Fascist elements would take part in the Resistance. This was exacerbated by poor relations between Italy and Germany (Before Italy joined the War), with Italy sponsoring several French Fascist Movements.
While many opposed German occupations and its exploitation of France, others willingly collaborated with the Germans, with other elements of the French Fascist movement feeling ideological solidarity with Germany's goals and their National Socialism. Groups like the PPF under Jacques Doriot, the RNP under Marcel Deat, and the Milice under Edgar Puaud would be notable in their collaboration with Germany; these groups would also begin to adopt a more National Socialist view of Fascism.
Fascist Resistance to Germany during Occupation
Many of these French Fascists were World War 1 Veterans who, from their experience of the war, maintained Anti-German sentiments and were influenced by Traditional Catholic Nationalism.
After the war had ended with an Allied Victory, many of the Collaborators would be punished for treason and disgraced. In contrast, many of the Resistant Fascists would gain a positive reputation as Liberators for resisting German rule. Many Resistant Fascists would demilitarize their paramilitaries and try their luck at mainstream electoral politics.
Bucard's Francistes and Darnand's Service d'Ordre Legionnaire (Transitioning from a Paramilitary to a Party) in the postwar period would campaign on supporting the mainstream of the French Colonial Empire, a reorganization of the French economy under a Fascist Corporatist line, as well enforcement of more Nationalistic social and political policy.
While old Fascist parties would participate in French politics, many new Fascist parties would emerge in the Cold War period, filling the void left behind by the Collaborators who were punished for treason.
Pierre Sidos - Marcel Bucard's Successor and Leader of the Francistes from 1956 to 2013
With Marcel Bucard retiring from politics in 1956, a young Pierre Sidos would take over the Francistes. Under Sidos, the Francistes adopted a more Syncretist Fascist Ideology, seeking to combine Fascism, Futurism, and Catholic Nationalism. In embracing a Syncretist Fascism, through his inclusion of Futurist Ideological takes of Youth Empowerment, Sidos appealed to a more Nationalistic French Youth, appealing to the frustrations and grievances of French Youth. All the while, Sidos' Traditionalist aspect also appealed to a more older French generation.
For Sidos, he harbored antisemitism which he toned down. He also felt uneasy with Fascist Italy's philosemitism and criticized Israel's existence, with Bucard feeling sympathy for the Arab Nationalists. While not officially his policy, due to the Francistes' Italian ties, he was noted for saying this many times by members of his party off the record. Which would cause some controversy and earn the ire of his Italian sponsors.
Raoul Salan and Edmond Jouhoud - French Army Generals and Leaders of the Service d'Ordre Legionnaire
The Service d'Ordre Legionnaire would earn a legendary status for resisting German occupation. The SOL would, in its direction, promote a Fascism influenced by Military Nationalism. Darnand, by the 1960s, would retire, leaving it up to a new generation of Fascists. Due to Darnand's association with the military and its militarist-fascist views, much of the SOL's membership and base would appeal to French military elements.
Mostly, their ideology is similar to the Francistes, upholding Catholic Fascism and establishing a Fascist Corporate State, albeit with an added militarist ethos. The SOL, however, with their militarism, wanted France to impose a military draft viewing military service as an ideal for French society. Although, unlike the Francistes, despite the SOL's reputation in the Resistance, the SOL fared poorly on the polls compared to other Fascist parties.
Founders of the Mouvment National Francaise - Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, André Bettencourt and Jacques Arthurys
Among the New Fascist Parties founded in the Post-War Period, the Mouvement National Francaise was founded by Fascist Tixier-Vignancour along with Resistant leaders Bettencourt and Arthurys. Unlike the Francistes and the SOL, the MNF takes on a more populist and seeks to gain a more widespread appeal to the French people. Unlike most Fascists who adopt a Corporatist Economic Line, the MNF would adopt a more Populist Economic System.
For the most part, the MNF maintained a strong pro-West line favoring alignment with the Italians. The MNF has also fared better in French politics than the Francistes and the SOL; while upholding a Fascist ideology, the MNF doesn't make Fascism the leading forefront of their platform. Instead, they focus on dealing with public grievances of French society.
The MNF has never won an election, but it would become one of the major parties in French politics, still winning a considerable number of votes and maintaining somewhat of an influence on politics.
French Neo-Nazism in the Post-War Era
Not much to say about this section, but there are several fringe Neo-Nazi and "Revisionist" Fascist movements (Pro-German sympathizing and Holocaust-denying Fascists) in France that exist. Despite their numbers, they are unrepresented in French politics and are most targets of mainstream Fascists.
Francois Duprat, Maurice Bardeche, and Rene Binet - Known proponents of French "Revisionist" Fascism and Neo-Nazism
Due to the lack of political interest or support for Neo-Nazis and "Revisionist" Fascists (With mainstream Fascists refusing an association), most of these groups form Small Political Parties, Political Activist Movements or Think-Tanks/Philosophical Circles. These groups, especially some under Bardeche, disseminate and discuss Antisemitism as a Fascist ideal and try to promote the view that Fascism and National Socialism are linked and should unite (With these groups condemning Mussolini's decision to join the Allies). Controversially, Duprat, and Bardeche maintained close ties to self-proclaimed "Nazi-Marxist" Franco Freda (Who would be arrested in a joint OVRA-MVSN operation for plotting a terrorist attack).
At the same time, the Neo-Nazi and "Revisionist" Fascist movement is somewhat divided. While Duprat and Bardiche are more focused on trying to reconcile Nazism and Antisemitism with Fascism as well as deny the Holocaust, others like Rene Binet call for more radical ideas seeking to fully implement more Racist, National Socialist and White Supremacist ideas in France, with the Neo-Nazis under Binet's line worried about the future of the White Race.
The Second World War was a tumultuous period for the French Fascist Movement.
During the occupation of France, the French Fascist Movement was divided. Initially, many French Fascists collaborated with the Germans and the Vichy Regime under Petain, especially in the case of the Petainist Regime promoting a Traditionalist Catholic Nationalism, which appealed to many French Fascists. But seeing France being exploited under German Occupation, with the Vichy Regime being a front for German exploitation, many Fascist elements would take part in the Resistance. This was exacerbated by poor relations between Italy and Germany (Before Italy joined the War), with Italy sponsoring several French Fascist Movements.
While many opposed German occupations and its exploitation of France, others willingly collaborated with the Germans, with other elements of the French Fascist movement feeling ideological solidarity with Germany's goals and their National Socialism. Groups like the PPF under Jacques Doriot, the RNP under Marcel Deat, and the Milice under Edgar Puaud would be notable in their collaboration with Germany; these groups would also begin to adopt a more National Socialist view of Fascism.
Fascist Resistance to Germany during Occupation
Many of these French Fascists were World War 1 Veterans who, from their experience of the war, maintained Anti-German sentiments and were influenced by Traditional Catholic Nationalism.
- Joseph Darnand (Left) - A Fascist Paramilitary Leader who leads the Service d'Ordre Legionnaire (SOL). Influenced by Fascist and Catholic Nationalism, he would serve under Petain's Vichyist Regime. Initially, he led the Paramilitary Security Forces of the Vichy Regime. Still, he had left due to his Anti-German sentiments (Although it's rumored that Italian contacts provided him with a better offer). His Paramilitary Force would also split between the Pro-Resistant SOL (With Darnand taking command), who would fight a guerilla war in the French countryside, and the Collaboratist Milice (With Edgar Puaud taking control), who would terrorize communities accused of harboring resistant sympathies.
- Marcel Bucard (Centre) - A Leader of the Francistes, his movement found inspiration from Italian Fascism, devising the ideology of Francism. Like many, his party would collaborate with Germany, mainly due to Bucard's identification with Petain's Vichyist Regime. However, he would also leave and join the resistance since the Vichyist Regime was a weakened German puppet. The Francistes would be supported by Italy, with the Francistes receiving funding from Mussolini's Government. While Bucard was Pro-Italian, he was also antisemitic (While Mussolini embraced philosemitism), as were many French Fascists at the time (Although Bucard was heard a few times proclaiming that French Jews could be French Patriots). However, he would be appalled by the revelations of the Holocaust.
- Jacques Arthurys (Right) - A French Fascist Resistant, he was initially associated with various interwar Fascist movements. During the war, he maintained many contacts with various French Fascist movements from both the resistant and collaborator sides. Unhappy with France being under a German boot and opposition to National Socialism, Arthurys would establish a Fascist spy network for the Resistance, utilizing these contacts within the collaborator fascist movements for information, which he would use to the Resistance's advantage.
- Jacques Doriot (Left) - A French Fascist and National Socialist Leader of the Parti Populaire Francaise. His PPF initially started as a "moderate" Fascist party. Still, over time in the interwar period, the PPF became increasingly radical, pro-German, and antisemitic, with the PPF adopting a more National Socialist Ideology. When Germany occupied France, under a sense of Pan-Europeanist ideology, Doriot, and the PPF willingly collaborated with Germany, viewing French-German Partnership as ideal for the good of Western civilization. The French community, especially the Resistant-Fascist wings, would notoriously despise the PPF. After the War, Doriot would be detained and tried for treason, and he would be guilty and sentenced to death. Doriot's credentials as an Ex-Communist and a Pro-Nazi Traitor do not help him in his legacy due to the association of numerous atrocities committed by the Nazis and the Soviets.
- Marcel Deat (Centre Left) - A former Socialist politician who split from the Left-Wing SFIO, Deat would form the RNP after the German occupation. His Rassemblement National Populaire would be Pro-German, but unlike other Collaborator Fascist or National Socialist movements, his movement, while advocating for a strong racist and antisemitic policy, was surprisingly progressive in promoting ideas like Universal suffrage, Anti-Clericalism, and Public Education, as well as preserving of France's Republican history. The Ideology of the RNP was Neosocialism, which could be described as a "Progressive" National Socialist Ideology given the platform of Deat. After the war, the RNP was banned, with many members tried for treason. Deat would attempt to flee but be apprehended and tried for treason; he would be sentenced to death.
- Edgar Puaud (Centre Right) - A Paramilitary Leader of the notorious Milice. He maintains a similar backstory to his counterpart Joseph Darnand; he was a proud nationalist who had served in the First World War. But when Germany occupied France, he would collaborate, but unlike Darnand, who left, Puaud would stay in service of the Vichyist Regime. Darnand, who left with his SOL, Puaud, would form the Milice. At the same time, Puaud would join the SS, while his Milice would wage terror on the French population. For the most part, while Puaud was head of the Milice, he would be fighting in the East against the Soviets. His Milice would mostly be an autonomous Mobile Death Squad, with the group operating with Puaud's leadership (As Puaud was fighting in the East). Puaud would be killed in battle against the Soviets, while the Milice would be defeated in the Liberation of France.
- Robert Brasiliach (Right) - A French Fascist Philosopher and Ardent Pro-German Advocate- was not politically active but responsible for numerous Pro-German propaganda efforts. Due to his contributions to the Vichyist Regime and his staunch pro-German propaganda, he was sentenced to death. Brasiliach would mentor controversial postwar Fascist philosopher Maurice Bardeche, who controversially promoted revisionism and denied the Holocaust (Which would cause other Fascists to distance themselves from Bardeche, with Fascist Italy also condemning Bardeche's denialism).
After the war had ended with an Allied Victory, many of the Collaborators would be punished for treason and disgraced. In contrast, many of the Resistant Fascists would gain a positive reputation as Liberators for resisting German rule. Many Resistant Fascists would demilitarize their paramilitaries and try their luck at mainstream electoral politics.
Bucard's Francistes and Darnand's Service d'Ordre Legionnaire (Transitioning from a Paramilitary to a Party) in the postwar period would campaign on supporting the mainstream of the French Colonial Empire, a reorganization of the French economy under a Fascist Corporatist line, as well enforcement of more Nationalistic social and political policy.
While old Fascist parties would participate in French politics, many new Fascist parties would emerge in the Cold War period, filling the void left behind by the Collaborators who were punished for treason.
Pierre Sidos - Marcel Bucard's Successor and Leader of the Francistes from 1956 to 2013
With Marcel Bucard retiring from politics in 1956, a young Pierre Sidos would take over the Francistes. Under Sidos, the Francistes adopted a more Syncretist Fascist Ideology, seeking to combine Fascism, Futurism, and Catholic Nationalism. In embracing a Syncretist Fascism, through his inclusion of Futurist Ideological takes of Youth Empowerment, Sidos appealed to a more Nationalistic French Youth, appealing to the frustrations and grievances of French Youth. All the while, Sidos' Traditionalist aspect also appealed to a more older French generation.
For Sidos, he harbored antisemitism which he toned down. He also felt uneasy with Fascist Italy's philosemitism and criticized Israel's existence, with Bucard feeling sympathy for the Arab Nationalists. While not officially his policy, due to the Francistes' Italian ties, he was noted for saying this many times by members of his party off the record. Which would cause some controversy and earn the ire of his Italian sponsors.
Raoul Salan and Edmond Jouhoud - French Army Generals and Leaders of the Service d'Ordre Legionnaire
The Service d'Ordre Legionnaire would earn a legendary status for resisting German occupation. The SOL would, in its direction, promote a Fascism influenced by Military Nationalism. Darnand, by the 1960s, would retire, leaving it up to a new generation of Fascists. Due to Darnand's association with the military and its militarist-fascist views, much of the SOL's membership and base would appeal to French military elements.
Mostly, their ideology is similar to the Francistes, upholding Catholic Fascism and establishing a Fascist Corporate State, albeit with an added militarist ethos. The SOL, however, with their militarism, wanted France to impose a military draft viewing military service as an ideal for French society. Although, unlike the Francistes, despite the SOL's reputation in the Resistance, the SOL fared poorly on the polls compared to other Fascist parties.
Founders of the Mouvment National Francaise - Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, André Bettencourt and Jacques Arthurys
Among the New Fascist Parties founded in the Post-War Period, the Mouvement National Francaise was founded by Fascist Tixier-Vignancour along with Resistant leaders Bettencourt and Arthurys. Unlike the Francistes and the SOL, the MNF takes on a more populist and seeks to gain a more widespread appeal to the French people. Unlike most Fascists who adopt a Corporatist Economic Line, the MNF would adopt a more Populist Economic System.
For the most part, the MNF maintained a strong pro-West line favoring alignment with the Italians. The MNF has also fared better in French politics than the Francistes and the SOL; while upholding a Fascist ideology, the MNF doesn't make Fascism the leading forefront of their platform. Instead, they focus on dealing with public grievances of French society.
The MNF has never won an election, but it would become one of the major parties in French politics, still winning a considerable number of votes and maintaining somewhat of an influence on politics.
French Neo-Nazism in the Post-War Era
Not much to say about this section, but there are several fringe Neo-Nazi and "Revisionist" Fascist movements (Pro-German sympathizing and Holocaust-denying Fascists) in France that exist. Despite their numbers, they are unrepresented in French politics and are most targets of mainstream Fascists.
Francois Duprat, Maurice Bardeche, and Rene Binet - Known proponents of French "Revisionist" Fascism and Neo-Nazism
Due to the lack of political interest or support for Neo-Nazis and "Revisionist" Fascists (With mainstream Fascists refusing an association), most of these groups form Small Political Parties, Political Activist Movements or Think-Tanks/Philosophical Circles. These groups, especially some under Bardeche, disseminate and discuss Antisemitism as a Fascist ideal and try to promote the view that Fascism and National Socialism are linked and should unite (With these groups condemning Mussolini's decision to join the Allies). Controversially, Duprat, and Bardeche maintained close ties to self-proclaimed "Nazi-Marxist" Franco Freda (Who would be arrested in a joint OVRA-MVSN operation for plotting a terrorist attack).
At the same time, the Neo-Nazi and "Revisionist" Fascist movement is somewhat divided. While Duprat and Bardiche are more focused on trying to reconcile Nazism and Antisemitism with Fascism as well as deny the Holocaust, others like Rene Binet call for more radical ideas seeking to fully implement more Racist, National Socialist and White Supremacist ideas in France, with the Neo-Nazis under Binet's line worried about the future of the White Race.
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Nice work @Kingfish Chris, would there be my fascist movements/parties in the Asia-Pacific region?
There isn't too much on Fascism in Asia I am aware of, aside from the Korean Ilminists, the various Ultranationalists of Japan, and the Blueshirts of the KMT.
Been a while, but looking back to this, the formation of the Front National was pretty interesting. It was formed by merging various French Nationalist parties ranging from the more moderate National Conservatives, Right-Wing Populists, and Hardline Neo-Fascists to the Radical Neo-Nazis.
Among them, Jean-Marie Le Pen was the founder of the Front National, but a couple of other founders joined him:
- Roger Holeindre (National Conservative and an Algerian War Veteran)
- Pierre Bosquot (Neo-Fascist and an Ex-SS Charlemagne Soldier)
- Francois Duprat ("Revolutionary" Neo-Fascist and a Holocaust Denier)
- Francois Brigneau (Neo-Fascist and Antisemitic Journalist)
- Georges Bidault (Catholic Conservative politician)
By the late 1970s and the 1980s, despite its foundation by Neofascists, the Front National began to abandon Fascism and shed its antisemitism by associating with Jewish groups and appealing to French Jews (Although Jean-Marie Le Pen's scandalous comments that borderline Holocaust denial does not help), seeking to adopt a more moderate and mainstream platform. With this change, new changes would emerge, specifically the rise of new factions in the FN:
- National Conservative (A National Conservative Faction led by Roger Holeindre): represents a more general mainstream nationalist mindset of French society, they want France under a Nationalist-State often supporting populist conservative points of anti-immigration and economic protectionism.
- Solidarists (A Mainstream Right-Wing Populist Faction led by Jean-Pierre Stirbois): They simply wanted France to be a Nationalist-Conservative State wanting a Corporatist System in the mix; they are moderate, supporting the maintenance of France's Democratic Institutions, as well they were Pro-Israel/Pro-Zionist, with Stirbois rejecting the Neo-Fascist and Neo-Nazi Factions as Nazillions (Cheap Nazis), and Stirbois' Anti-Fascist and Pro-Zionist views led to many accusing Stirbois of being a Jew by rivals within the FN.
- Catholic Nationalists (A Catholic Traditionalist Faction led by several people from Bruno Gollnisch and Bernard Antony): sought to have France under a more Catholic Nationalist State. They propose the enforcement of Catholic Social Policies and a more Traditionalist culture guided by Catholicism in France.
- Nouvelle Droite (The New Right Faction led by Jean-Yves Le Gallou): promoted a revival of Neo-Paganism (And the rejection of Catholicism as a "foreign religion") and Pan-European Nationalism, seeking to unite Europe under a Pan-European State.
- Revolutionary Nationalists (The Neo-Fascist Faction led by Francois Duprat): Self-Explanatory in that they sought the creation of a Fascist Regime in France and were Antisemitic with Duprat's Holocaust Denialism and Anti-Zionist sentiments.
That said, with the death of Duprat, the FN became a more National Conservative Party. Along with the end of Duprat and the Neo-Fascists leaving, you also had Le Pen, Holeindre and Stirbois expelling the various Neo-Fascist and Neo-Nazi elements within FN, as they sought to make their party more "respectable" and "presentable" to the French public and French voters. That and they mostly began to campaign on your typical populistic anti-immigration platform.
There is more about the FN, but that's the gist.
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Okay, here's one for German military uniforms during World War 2.
German Field Uniforms during World War II: A Guide for Collectors
A poster of Wehrmacht uniforms (field and tropical) and rank insignia as part of a recognition guide put out by the Office of Naval Intelligence during the early stages of World War 2. The Deutsches Reichswehrmacht would retain the same rank insignia and uniforms (with tweaks to deNazify their national emblems into a more monarchial theme ) post World War 2, but with tweaks to their rank insignia and rank system to better conform to ETO standards.
When most people are asked to picture the usual German Soldaten of World War II, they immediately picture someone in a field grey uniform with jackboots. However, as supplies changed with Germany's declining industry base due to the Allies bombing their industries and having to deal with the Free German Army, the Nazis under Hitler and then Himmler have to tweak the designs of the uniform to account for their losses. Here's a brief primer of Wehrmacht uniforms from 1936 to 1944.
M36 Fieldbluse and M22/M42 Trousers.
When the Nazis took power in 1933, the Reichswehr (the predecessor to the Whermacht and the Deutsches Reichswehrmacht) were at the tail end of a project to redesign the feldbluse to be more suitable for armored warfare, shortening the skirt and making the tailoring more form fitting to better suit the needs of mechanized warfare, resulting in the M36 fieldbluse, a 4 pocketed wool tunic in feldgrau (field grey), buttoned up with 5 pebble buttons and worn with the same M22 steingrau trousers used by the Reichswehr and by extension German Empire during World War 1. The M36 has a 5 pebble button front with 2 pleated breast pockets and 2 pleated skirt pockets with the inner lining containing a first field dressing pocket and a internal suspension system to distribute loads such as ammo pouches on the belt without suspenders and with belt hooks (that proved less suitable in practise and many soldiers, both on the Wehrmacht loyalists/SS and the Free German Army used external suspenders) with dark bottle green collars for collar tabs and corps colour.
Underneath was worn a pullover cotton undershirt with either no or two breast patch pockets, intended to store cigarettes and provision for shoulder boards. They are usually grey green though the DAK used a olive green undershirt.
Pants were initially high backed steingrau trousers ( M22/M36 by collectors) that were soon replaced by feldgrau trousers of the same pattern and later on, a new type of trousers (M42) based on the trousers that the mountain troops wore with a reinforced seat. All trousers had two slash front lockets, a fob pocket for a watch and a rear pocket.
Boots were either jackboots or as the war progressed, the Wehrmacht and the SS wore ankle boots with gaiters (called 'retreat gaiters' in a mocking sense).
As the war progressed the Nazis had to simplify the M36 to account for ease of production and to contend with lower quality fabric from recycling.
These were as follows.
After the war and with the establishment of the Bundesreich Deutschland, the M36 pattern uniform and M40 tropical uniform continued in service as field and parade uniform before being replaced in the mid 1950s with the M50 pattern olive green working uniform and the M55 pattern splinter camo uniform. Despite this, the M36 fieldbluse and M22 trousers and their associated variants have played a major role in influencing popular culture and is a cultural icon in Germany with reproductions still being produced and on sale today.
German Field Uniforms during World War II: A Guide for Collectors
A poster of Wehrmacht uniforms (field and tropical) and rank insignia as part of a recognition guide put out by the Office of Naval Intelligence during the early stages of World War 2. The Deutsches Reichswehrmacht would retain the same rank insignia and uniforms (with tweaks to deNazify their national emblems into a more monarchial theme ) post World War 2, but with tweaks to their rank insignia and rank system to better conform to ETO standards.
When most people are asked to picture the usual German Soldaten of World War II, they immediately picture someone in a field grey uniform with jackboots. However, as supplies changed with Germany's declining industry base due to the Allies bombing their industries and having to deal with the Free German Army, the Nazis under Hitler and then Himmler have to tweak the designs of the uniform to account for their losses. Here's a brief primer of Wehrmacht uniforms from 1936 to 1944.
M36 Fieldbluse and M22/M42 Trousers.
When the Nazis took power in 1933, the Reichswehr (the predecessor to the Whermacht and the Deutsches Reichswehrmacht) were at the tail end of a project to redesign the feldbluse to be more suitable for armored warfare, shortening the skirt and making the tailoring more form fitting to better suit the needs of mechanized warfare, resulting in the M36 fieldbluse, a 4 pocketed wool tunic in feldgrau (field grey), buttoned up with 5 pebble buttons and worn with the same M22 steingrau trousers used by the Reichswehr and by extension German Empire during World War 1. The M36 has a 5 pebble button front with 2 pleated breast pockets and 2 pleated skirt pockets with the inner lining containing a first field dressing pocket and a internal suspension system to distribute loads such as ammo pouches on the belt without suspenders and with belt hooks (that proved less suitable in practise and many soldiers, both on the Wehrmacht loyalists/SS and the Free German Army used external suspenders) with dark bottle green collars for collar tabs and corps colour.
Underneath was worn a pullover cotton undershirt with either no or two breast patch pockets, intended to store cigarettes and provision for shoulder boards. They are usually grey green though the DAK used a olive green undershirt.
Pants were initially high backed steingrau trousers ( M22/M36 by collectors) that were soon replaced by feldgrau trousers of the same pattern and later on, a new type of trousers (M42) based on the trousers that the mountain troops wore with a reinforced seat. All trousers had two slash front lockets, a fob pocket for a watch and a rear pocket.
Boots were either jackboots or as the war progressed, the Wehrmacht and the SS wore ankle boots with gaiters (called 'retreat gaiters' in a mocking sense).
As the war progressed the Nazis had to simplify the M36 to account for ease of production and to contend with lower quality fabric from recycling.
These were as follows.
- Collars from 1940 feldbluses were to be made of the same field grey cloth rather than bottle green
- Addition of a six button front (though SS jackets kept a 5 button front) from 1941
- Deletion of pleats of pockets (1942)
- Deletion of scalloped pocket flaps in favor of straight cut pocket flaps and removal of internal suspension system (1943)
After the war and with the establishment of the Bundesreich Deutschland, the M36 pattern uniform and M40 tropical uniform continued in service as field and parade uniform before being replaced in the mid 1950s with the M50 pattern olive green working uniform and the M55 pattern splinter camo uniform. Despite this, the M36 fieldbluse and M22 trousers and their associated variants have played a major role in influencing popular culture and is a cultural icon in Germany with reproductions still being produced and on sale today.
A photo of a Carro Armato M54/90 "Ariete" Main Battle Tank during a military exercise in the Libyan Desert, circa 2007. The Ariete is the Italian Army's standard battle tank, as well with many nations with the CIS, such as Bulgaria, Venezuela, Croatia, China, and Turkey, with of course the Italians being the largest operator. Developed in the 1980s a counter to the MBTs of the ITO, such as the M1 Abrams and the Leopard 2, the Ariete would feature a 120mm smoothbore gun made by OTO, two 7.35mm Breda 48/63 machine-guns, a steel and composite protection, and an operational range 370 miles. Reportedly, the Italians and the CIS are both looking into a replacement design for the Ariete, which aims to include advanced features such as remote controlled turret with an autoloading system and advanced fire control.