Actually, the attempt to establish the Second Empire is basically on schedule.
Hoorah
Actually, the attempt to establish the Second Empire is basically on schedule.
There's something of a "meta" reason for the Union to keep going - the idea, common on these boards, that the Union will never give up. (In this case it's sort of making things worse for them.)
Part of the model I'm using is the Franco-Prussian War - the French did indeed keep raising armies for a long time, just never really managing to bite hard enough to make the Prussians flinch.
I'm pretty sure the US barely avoided an economic implosion OTL in the War of 1812 - they were really tottering along for a good while afterwards. Here the issue is the same, and it also means it's tricky to get at the CSA early enough for a re-annexation of any sort. (By the time the Union can really stomach an aggressive war, financially, the CSA's going to be pretty much an established country.)You know, that does sound pretty interesting. All US screws I've read involve it breaking apart. Screwing it with a complete economic collapse it won't recover from for a good while would be really new and fresh.
That's all right. Now where did I put my bat?24 May
26 May
An engagement between the Capricorn and the Louisville develops, some way west of Grand Rapids.. . .Perhaps strangely, the Louisville becomes a major part of the Union national psyche in the following months and years. Her endurance against what is recognized as a superior vessel is inspirational, and - though ultimately defeated - she becomes known as the Louisville Slugger.
(...sorry.)
Ah! any excuse for a good pun! Don't be sorry; rejoice, instead!Perhaps strangely, the Louisville becomes a major part of the Union national psyche in the following months and years. Her endurance against what is recognized as a superior vessel is inspirational, and - though ultimately defeated - she becomes known as the Louisville Slugger.
(...sorry.)
27 May
The sloop Marion is brought to bay. Her attempt at raiding British commerce in the Mediterranean, while extremely courageous (and somewhat effective, due to the diversion of resources to North America) has finally resulted in her luck running out, and the HMS Leopard engages her in the Adriatic.
Both ships are not the newest vessels in their respective navies by any means - indeed, the Leopard is a paddle frigate, and carries the same number of guns as Marion (though a greater throw weight - Marion carries 18 32-lber guns, Leopard is armed with no fewer than nine heavy Armstrong rifles) - but the Marion has no engine, rendering her at a significant disadvantage under normal conditions.
The two ships engage repeated broadsides as they head towards the Croatian coast, following a fresh wind which minimizes the disadvantages of the American vessel, and Marion attempts to duck through the islands to gain escape - unfortunately for her, Leopard's captain guesses correctly on the route Marion is attempting to take and manages to hammer her with an accurate rifle salvo from the starboard quarter which dismasts her.
After this, the Marion strikes - unable to manoeuvre at all now, it would be trivial for Leopard to get a position on Marion's bow or stern for a rake. Nevertheless, Marion's action was well fought against a much heavier vessel and her captain is commended by that of Leopard.
28 May
Union troops fall back from Ann Arbor in the face of superior artillery.
At about the same time, the Mound City is engaged by the CSS Mississippi south of St Louis.
The unusual design of the Mississippi means that the projected top speed of the Confederate ironclad is not in fact attainable - she can only make 10 knots instead of the intended 14 - but this merely makes her no faster than the Mound City, and the Eads boat finds herself at an overall disadvantage as the Mississippi is enormous.
Half again as long and with more than twice the draft, the 3,800 ton Mississippi carries eight 9" smoothbores in each broadside and four 7" Brooke rifles as her chase guns in addition to 3.75 inches of layered armour specially made in an Atlanta foundry.
By comparison the Mound City is small and poorly protected, with a 2.5 inch casemate, and carries only 14 guns total (three 8" smoothbores, 4 42-lber rifles and six 32-lber rifles, as well as a lone 12-lber rifle). Her main advantage is her shallow draft, but this is not initially realized (the Mississippi does not look as fearsome as she is, as her unconventional 'house' construction gives her an unusual and deceptive profile, a problem exacerbated by the drizzling rain) and the Mound City gets closer than she should.
For the first quarter hour of the engagement, there is little major damage done by either side - Mound City's guns are mostly unable to penetrate the shield of the Mississippi, and Mississippi's crew are quite new at their task - but Mound City is unable to disengage easily, as (like all City class ironclads) her stern is unprotected and hence she cannot steam directly away.
Some minutes into the engagement, Mississippi scores a hit on the hull of Mound City. As this is also unprotected, it causes a major problem of incoming water - not as serious as it would be on a no-reserve-bouyancy monitor, but Mound City begins to list. This skews off the angle of her casemate, and the Mississippi's next salvo with the smoothbore guns scores two hits which penetrate the relatively thin iron.
Mississippi's fire hits the steam drum of the Mound City's engine, and steam bursts through the crew, transforming the ironclad into a catastrophe in moments as hot steam fills the entire casemate - the only crew to escape with relatively few injuries are the ones who jump straight into the water.
Mississippi is hardly unscarred - her own armour has had plates racked off in places, and several small injuries took place due to inexperience with the heavy guns - but her defeat of Mound City is an important one for control of the Mississippi River.
(This is a slight potential handwave - I'm not sure if Mississippi would in fact have been finished by this time - but she was launched and the person building her thought there were only a few weeks in it. Chalk it up to less pressure on New Orleans' defences and hence less militia drill if you have to.
As for the success of Mississippi, well, she was quite a beast (and OTL the Mound City was basically killed by a solid shot from an old 32 lber gun in pretty much this fashion, just from shore guns.) Another of the nearly-finished CS Ironclads which seem to show them going for quality over quantity - a reasonable approach, given their situation.)
Apologies if this puts me at risk of being 'that guy', but we need to draw a distinction between 'supporting the South' and 'acknowledging Confederate independence when it's evidently been accomplished'. I don't think anybody's suggested they wouldn't do the latter: however, they're unlikely to rush towards it- and slavery is always a factor, even among those you claim were not concerned by it. When Palmerston talks about mediation, he makes it clear that 'if the Union is to be restored it would be essential in our view, that after what has taken place all the slaves should be emancipated, compensation being granted by Congress at the rate at which Great Britain emancipated her slaves in 1833'. When he drops mediation, it's because of 'the difficulty about slavery and the giving up of runaway slaves, about which we would hardly frame a proposal which the Southerns would accept, the Northerns to agree to, and the people of England would approve of.'I suspect that the earlier discussions on British attitudes to the CSA may suffer from a '21st Century' mindset. Whilst there was a strong pro-abolitionist lobby amongst the more radical politicians and politically-minded working class, this wasn't sufficient to deter Palmerston and Gladstone from supporting the South.
Interestingly, Brazil didn't finally abolish slavery until 1888 - I'm no expert on the subject, but I haven't seen anything to indicate that this caused any major issues in Anglo-Brazilian trade or diplomatic relations.
Apologies if this puts me at risk of being 'that guy', but we need to draw a distinction between 'supporting the South' and 'acknowledging Confederate independence when it's evidently been accomplished'. I don't think anybody's suggested they wouldn't do the latter: however, they're unlikely to rush towards it- and slavery is always a factor, even among those you claim were not concerned by it. When Palmerston talks about mediation, he makes it clear that 'if the Union is to be restored it would be essential in our view, that after what has taken place all the slaves should be emancipated, compensation being granted by Congress at the rate at which Great Britain emancipated her slaves in 1833'. When he drops mediation, it's because of 'the difficulty about slavery and the giving up of runaway slaves, about which we would hardly frame a proposal which the Southerns would accept, the Northerns to agree to, and the people of England would approve of.'
As for Gladstone's Newcastle speech, he both explicitly endorses neutrality and discusses the anti-slavery possibilities of Confederate independence:
'I can understand those who say- and it is my own opinion- that it is greatly for the interest of the negro race that they should have to do with their own masters alone, and not with their own masters backed by the resources of the Federal power. That has been the state of things heretofore, and which some mistakenly supposing it in the interest of the negro race, have thought it desirable to retain. The laws have been made by the owners of the slaves, but the enforcement of the laws made by the owners of the slaves has been carried out by the Federal Government... But it has appeared to me rather for the interest of England that the Union should continue, though I know that is not the opinion generally entertained. But I am sure we all feel that the course which Her Majesty’s ministers have endeavoured to pursue, of maintaining strict neutrality, has been the right course, and an expression of the general sense of the community. (Applause)... We may have our own opinion of slavery. We may be for the North or the South...'
As such, while Britain would acknowledge the Confederacy in the fullness of time, they wouldn't be in a rush to do so- and they certainly wouldn't be pally with the Confederacy after independence.
'The end of the slave trade did not mark the end of British interest in ending Brazilian slavery. It was not until Brazil gave evidence of a firm commitment to end the institution itself that Great Britain ceased to exert pressure. Whereas the law freeing those children of slaves born after 28 September 1871 is usually considered the first evidence of an abolitionist campaign, it was really the conclusion of the British phase of the story which had begun forty years earlier...
To raise the problem of slaves illegally imported was to threaten the entire institution, because they represented such a large proportion of the slave population... the Brazilians naturally feared any references to this matter... but the British continued to press the point officially and unofficially... the larger aim in mind was the end of Negro slavery altogether. As early as 1856 the British minister was suggesting to the Brazilians that they must lessen their ties to this institution. It was Christie again who thrust at the vitals of the country to which he was accredited. In 1862 he wrote Lord Russell: "I have, on various occasions, suggested to your lordship the importance of endeavouring if possible to... persuade the Brazilian government to measures leading to the ultimate extinction of slavery, and in the meantime mitigating its evils".
His methods of persuasion were effective: in January 1863 Christie ordered reprisals against Brazilian shipping, and a break in diplomatic relations was the result. Minor and patently insignificant incidents were the pretext for this action; the real issues at stake were the uncounted Africans imported since 1831, the thousands of emancipados, and Brazilian slavery itself... Just one year after the reprisals were initiated and at a time when the British response to the ensuing rupture of diplomatic relations was still uncertain, the emperor urged the cabinet to being thinking about the future of slavery "so that the same thing will not happen to us as with respect to the slave trade". A similar fear of "force" was then expressed in the Senate.' ('Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil 1850-1914,' Richard Graham)
McClellan winning the ACW in 1862 would be... not so much a pure US wank. Remember, that means the war ends before most emancipation measures - so the US at the end of the war has slavery.I've had my share of US wanks for now, so I vote for President Seward