MarshalBraginsky
Banned
Turn Four: Tough Decisions that are Difficult to Make
Excerpts from the Memoirs of Otto Ernst Remer
Chapter Seven: Unholy Alliance
The Greater German Reich that I used to know and admire has been vanquished. The Allies are everywhere to make sure that the repeat of the inter-war period does not take place once again. However, I am not so easily amused when the senior members of the NSDAP are being hauled off to stand trial as ‘war criminals’. As Herr Goering once told me, ‘you can never be too sure if the fate of the Reich would be tied to the Western Allies or the Soviets’, and when I learned of Stalin’s death in that fateful October of 1945 and the rise of Anastas Mikoyan as Premier of the Soviet Union, I knew that I had to take a chance and negotiate with him on how we can get our former comrades who were stuck in the gulag. Mikoyan signed new orders left, right and center, giving amnesty to a lot of people who suffered from Stalin’s regime, but only the collaborators who fought with us were not set free. Those included our Baltic friends in the Waffen-SS, the Ukrainians of the Division der SS Galicia and the Crimean Tatars who were expelled from their homeland. Unfortunately though, I remained a prisoner of the Americans and had no power.
Luckily, the American occupational authorities contacted me when it became apparent that the Soviets were willing to negotiate on returning the former German Wehrmacht PoWs who were stuck in the gulags of Eastern Siberia and under Mikoyan’s orders, General Chuikov had to travel to the American sector where General Eisenhower was the commander of that sector and summoned me to Stuttgart. I could easily tell with Chuikov of his professional stance while Eisenhower was affected by the recent scandal in which General Patton (the American Guderian or Rommel, or whichever Wehrmacht or Waffen SS general that you can think of that would be comparable to the cowboy) kept 16 former officials of the Fuhrer’s government. Though he was sent to Japan, Eisenhower had no choice but to give more responsibilities to Generals Marshall and Omar Bradley to take over Patton’s position. I don’t want to admit this, but Patton was among the American generals who truly understood the menace that the Soviet Union posed to the entire world, and it was rumored that he even hated Jews.
Now when it was my turn to talk to the two officers present, I was totally alone. I was forbidden from having lawyers on my side (as most German lawyers were also barred from taking up their practice due to their association with the NSDAP) but surprisingly enough, the Soviet delegation was mixed up about their dealings with me. Of course, as I had no power at that moment, I knew that if I played my cards right, I can finally gain enough power to escape the hangman’s noose and at the same time exploit the tensions between the Western Allies and the Soviets. Ruthless and dangerous the Soviets were, I have this strange feeling that Mikoyan no longer cares about communism and the international friendships and many other nonsense that has affected all the Soviet ethnic groups living within its borders, especially in light of the decree that allocated Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabagh (I have no clue as to where those areas were located) to the Armenian SSR, and I’m also shocked that Marshal Tito of the new Communist Yugoslav Republic had angrily rebuked him. Now it’s time to see what the negotiations were like.
“We have come here to tell you of the fates that await the German prisoners who are incarcerated in the gulags, and comrade Mikoyan is feeling merciful towards them. He offered to release them from prison in exchange for your help,” Chuikov said as he gave me the letter that Mikoyan instructed for him to give it to me. “These are the conditions that should be agreed.”
“What is going on? Why is Mikoyan suddenly giving up on these prisoners?” Eisenhower wondered. “Although I am surprised at how he’s different from Stalin in terms of dealing with opponents-“
“The Azeris are pissed at him for giving away their territories to the Armenian SSR, and even thought up of an idea to rebel against the Soviet Union. However, with the possible rapprochement between the Soviet Union and Turkey, the Turks should help mediate the problem but that might not work, as the survivors of the Genocide would not tolerate any Turkish mediation,” Chuikov replied back.
I sighed as I looked at the letter that Mikoyan wrote. “He is proposing that in exchange for German reunification, Germany is to remain neutral and to not seek any alliances with any faction. While I would love to accept this, you both realize that I am merely a prisoner and you’re supposed to commit yourselves to what they like to call ‘de-Nazification’.”
“You are right in particular, but as of now we have no one left to negotiate on German reunification. Mr. Adenauer is not interested in reunifying with the Soviet sector of Germany, and many other pro-democratic German politicians are out of practice in their work due to Hitler’s repression against them. Suppose that the Western Allies would find themselves burdened with having to maintain the cost of keeping their armies on German soil, if we do agree on German reunification, then we could have France and Spain play a bigger role in any potential European integration project,” Eisenhower spoke back.
Chuikov however, was not happy. “While comrade Mikoyan would be happy to see Germany reunited so it can pay reparations, comrade Marshal Zhukov would rather launch a coup against him than to relinquish control of Germany. After all, the idea of letting Germany reunify was originally Beria’s idea, and if Mikoyan goes through with that plan, he might face the barrel of the gun and another leader would undo his reforms. Perhaps even kill those who were connected to him in the first place, and some of them are highly competent in economics.”
“There is one other possibility that you’ve all overlooked.” Both Eisenhower and Chuikov turned towards me. “Marshal Tito’s denunciation of Mikoyan could lead to a worse schism within the communist movement. It just occurred to me that Tito would probably refer to Mikoyan as a ‘Red Fascist’ or a maroon: red on the outside, brown or black on the inside. If you looked at how Stalin managed the Soviet Union, it bears striking similarities to the Fuhrer’s movement. The only difference is that the Soviet Union is depicted as a godly-like nation.”
“If what you said was right, Mr. Remer, then we might be looking at a new world war that will break out over the Balkans once again.” Eisenhower sighed. “What of Greece, General Chuikov? Both Stalin and Mikoyan would agree that Greece is in our sphere of influence while he gets Bulgaria.”
“Turkey is the wild card here. If Mikoyan plays it safe, he could not only get Turkey to remain neutral, but even force the Turks to ‘fess up to what happened between them and the Armenians. While I am inclined to agree with comrade Tito about Mikoyan being a closet nationalist, he himself had the power and authority as the First Deputy Minister while comrade Stalin was still in power.” Chuikov handed over a folder containing some documents. “Mikoyan wanted to cease supporting the Kurds and the Azeris of Iranian Azerbaijan in exchange for Persian neutrality, as well as to come up with different ideas on where he wants to expand next.”
“We’ll need to set up another meeting after this,” Eisenhower replied as the American guards escorted me back to my cell and Chuikov left soon after.
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Excerpts from “The Third Option”
by: Claro Recto
Far Eastern University Publishing Company
Chapter Five: The Debate on Our Independence
(translated to English from Tagalog)
It was only the beginning of April of 1946 and we had no time to waste as the date for Philippine independence was approaching. The delegates from other parts of the Philippines continued to argue against the men from Luzon, and I could not help but sympathize with them. The Visayans and Mindanaoans resented the fact that the official language of the Philippines according to the 1935 constitution was ‘Pilipino’, which is basically an overglorified version of Tagalog and accusations against ‘Tagalistas’ were common. I wanted to propose the idea of retaining Spanish as the official language, despite Osmena’s objections, but I do believe that if we don’t preserve our Spanish heritage, then the effects of benevolent assimilation will indeed take an effect and we’d be nothing more than America’s little clone in Asia.
We were in a meeting inside Malacanang Palace while the other delegates shuffled their papers around the folder and I saw President Osmena give a speech. From what I can tell so far, he didn’t want to run for another term because he felt that he has managed the country for a long time, so my fellow ex-collaborator Manuel Roxas planned to run for the presidential election. When it was my turn to talk, all eyes were on me. I am feeling nervous at how they’ll react to my proposals, but it’s better than nothing. I also happen to be fluent in Spanish, so it’s my turn to make a different for the Philippines. It’s a long journey from the aftermath of the war, and we’ll need God’s blessing to turn our country’s fortunes around.
“May I suggest that we address the national language issue right away? I know that the 1935 constitution says that English and Spanish will be used as the main languages in the Philippines, but I would like to propose to make a constitutional amendment and remove English from the list of main languages,” I spoke back. Everyone was stunned by what I just said, and there was one deputy who scowled.
“Why change anything? If anything, we should be speaking Spanish more than English, if only because we would like to create a separate identity from the ones that the Americans want to impose on us,” A Visayan delegate snapped back.
“Or the Tagalog identity that you want to impose on us. We don’t like to speak Tagalog because we have our own language, which happens to be Cebuano!”
“Or how about Chavacano will no longer be spoken if we can’t take measures to protect it from being extinct? We have a proud literary tradition and I will not tolerate any attempts by the Tagalistas to eradicate our language!”
“Enough!” I yelled at the delegates. Frankly, I was running out of patience with these men who easily get upset. “It appears that we can’t get anything done with you guys arguing. How about we try again tomorrow?”
No sooner did the delegates left Malacanang Palace that I heard someone running towards me. For some odd reason, this runner had blood on his face and he had tears in his eyes. I’m not sure what really happened, but I did recall that one time when a group of Huk fighters were ambushed and executed by USAFFE soldiers. Now I seem to feel stunned as he approached me and the blood stains entered my shirt.
“What happened?”
“The Huks have set a bomb in Ermita. I don’t know how it happened, but my family was killed by these terrorists,” the man panted. “Oh, I’m Pedro….Cojuangco.”
“I heard about your family. They’re pretty prominent in the provinces. What were they doing in Manila?” I wondered.
“My uncle Antonio and his family were butchered by the Japanese Army, so I’m left with his children. However, my father Jose and my mother Demetria were caught in the blast that occurred around Malate but there was no car available, so I had to run. Luckily, I ran into you.” He shook my hand.
“Of course, and my name’s Recto. Claro Recto.” Pedro gasped when he realized who he was talking to.
“You’re that poet! I happen to read some of your poems and they seem to be enjoyable. I have to tell President Osmena that the Huks have started to target the landlords who fled to Manila because of the issues with the tenant farmers,” I had this nasty feeling that whatever it is that we’re doing to stop the Huks from creating more chaos, a civil war is not far off.
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“This is the Voice of America, live from Manila in the Philippines. Today on April 29th, an assassination attempt on a prominent landlord named Jose Cojuangco and his wife Demetria succeeded when Huk terrorists threw a grenade inside a hotel room where the couple stayed. The recent string of assassinations on landlords and other suspected former collaborators who worked for the Japanese Empire caused outrage among the Philippine public. President Osmena promised to work together with any president-elect who will tackle the growing Red Menace on America’s only turf in Asia. This is at a time when the Soviet menace has become even more dangerous with Mikoyan replacing Stalin, and the fate of the Philippines is at stake here.” Voice of America broadcast, April 29th, 1946.
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Excerpts from the Memoirs of Vladimir Dapcevic
Chapter Three: Splitting Up
Beograd today was rather chaotic since the news of Draza Mihailovic’s escape from Yugoslavia due to the help of the British secret service. Apparently he decided to take a different airplane after one of his aides discovered an OZNA agent inside the plane that he was supposed to take and managed to escape to Italy. I was not surprised when comrade Tito was angry about Mihailovic’s escape, but then again we have other things to worry about. With Tito’s denunciations of Mikoyan on Radio Beograd, Mikoyan decided to summon all the leaders of various Communist Parties of the Eastern European nations under Soviet occupation. There, he revealed to the entire delegates that Tito had been exposed to Trotskyite propaganda and was clouding his judgment. This was partly true, as most Spanish Civil War veterans were distrusted by both Stalin and Mikoyan, because they associated with the Trotskyites who were present in that conflict. I was even surprised when Tito announced that he would continue to aid the Greek communists in their fight against the royalists, and against Mihailovic’s better judgment, he decided to travel from Italy to Greece by July of 1946 in order to advise them on how to fight the communists.
At this rate, I was growing disillusioned with comrade Tito in part because we didn’t want to be responsible for splitting the communist camp into the Tito and Mikoyan camps. I also sympathized with Mikoyan’s actions because the Armenians had been screwed over when Stalin handed over most of their territories to the Azeris. It’s like the Kosovo Question that thankfully, was resolved by the time the next meeting of the newly founded Cominform was announced for October of 1946. This time though, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was invited to meet its Soviet counterpart, but I can sense that the meeting will not end well and we would have a war on our hands. As I can recall, the American military leader General Patton was warning to the world about the dangers of Mikoyan’s USSR when in reality Tito had always emphasized about Mikoyan’s ‘betrayal’ of communist principles that did not call for cleaving off a fraternal republic’s territories and adding to one’s own. What’s even dangerous is that Tito was probably right about Mikoyan leading a so-called “Red Fascist” regime.
When that meeting commenced in Moscow, I sat between comrade Tito and the Free Trieste Communist Party leader Rudi Ursic. Mikoyan stood in the center of the podium while the other communist leaders looked nervous at how he’ll start the meeting. Tito just waited for a moment until Mikoyan began to speak, in which I had to try and stop comrade Tito from starting a fight with comrade Mikoyan. For Mikoyan however, he had to rely on Vyshinsky to calm him down as the Bulgarian Communist Party leaders looked amused.
“Comrades, we have gathered here today to address comrade Tito’s accusations against me of being a Red Fascist. First and foremost, let me address my own reasons for making a decision to transfer Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabagh to the Armenian SSR. The balance of power in the Caucasus is skewed and Armenia would be in danger of being overrun by any potential enemy. By adding some extra territories to it, we would enhance the security of the Soviet Caucasus region,” Mikoyan explained.
Tito scoffed. “All you did was to create chaos in your own backyard, comrade Mikoyan.” He spat on the word ‘comrade’. “You never told the Azeris that you were going to cleave off a part of their territory-“
“That was handed to them by Stalin when comrade Lenin wanted to integrate Turkey into the USSR. Now that the Turks are not a part of the Soviet Union, I could do as I please with the Caucasus. Besides, you know too well that your people have suffered from the German fascist depravities as much as we have ourselves!” Mikoyan shouted back. “Moreover, you accuse me of being a Red Fascist. Let me tell you something, Marshal. Your intervention in the Greek Civil War is going to make things a hell lot worse! The Soviet Union made an agreement with the Western Allies that Greece is in their camp while we get Bulgaria. Your involvement in shipping arms and ammunition to the Greek communists will trigger a whole new war again!”
“I thought you were a good communist, Mikoyan! I was merely doing my job of spreading the communist revolution around Europe and possibly the world! I showed the Greek communists that we could form a true socialist paradise instead of the nightmarish world that you and Stalin made for the Soviet Union! For crying out loud, you have the Russian Orthodox Church involved in giving support to the Red Army during the war when our Partisans were busy forgetting about religion in the first place!” The tension was there, and I am growing uncomfortable with Tito’s rhetoric. I had to show the communist leadership that there is someone who could reign in Tito’s madness.
“Maybe I can shed some light on what is happening here,” I spoke for the first time. “While I may disagree with comrade Mikoyan’s actions-“
“Thank you, comrade Dapcevic-“
“I’m not done yet, Joca. As I was saying, while I may disagree with what he has done, comrade Tito’s denunciations and heated rhetoric has made it possible for the communist movement to split along ideological lines. We have on one side Yugoslavia that has liberated itself from the Nazi occupation and will not submit themselves to Soviet guidance. On the other hand, we have the Soviet Union that has just finished a power struggle and is in the hands of someone who once held the second most powerful position within the Soviet government. I personally believe that while these two men have their differences, we cannot afford to split the movement, not while we have our comrades in China who are fighting against the reactionaries of the Kuomintang,”
Georgi Dmitrov stood up. “In light of the recent events here, I hereby reject any idea of merging with Yugoslavia until we’re clear on which side we should be on.”
“Isn’t it obvious? You Bulgarians shouldn’t be on Moscow’s side! We were going to merge together to create a true, Yugoslav state!” Tito spoke back.
“Da, but unlike you, we have Red Army soldiers occupying our territory. To oppose them would betray the communist ideal!” Dmitrov said.
“As it is, I hereby expel the Yugoslav communists from the Cominform for their false accusations against me and the Soviet Union. To compare the Stalinist movement to that of the fascists is completely disgusting indeed!” Mikoyan walked away from the podium. Tito growled and soon walked off, but I decided to stay behind. I knew too well that Yugoslavia needs its relationship with the Soviet Union, and it is only fitting that I would be the one to save that relationship.
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Excerpts from the Memoirs of Anastas Mikoyan
Chapter Four: Making New Friends with Former Enemies
It was only a couple of months since my meeting with the new Soviet leadership who belonged to my inner circle that I organized a meeting of all Communist Parties that attended, including Marshal Tito’s Yugoslav Communists. The situation has gone worse for the Soviet Union since Tito had now demonstrated his contempt for my efforts to make the Union a lot safer and stronger. Unfortunately, his decision to stand by the Azeris was an insult to the millions of Armenians who perished, and as someone who is leading a country that has suffered the very same genocidal tragedy; it is he who insults all victims of the genocidal actions of the German fascists. Just after I confronted Tito over his involvement with the Greek Civil War, I was approached by one of his underlings. To my surprise, he was concerned about Tito’s rhetoric and I could play this to my advantage.
“Comrade Dapcevic, right? You seem to be a reasonable man. Tell me, do you agree with what Tito has said about me?” I asked this unusual communist.
“Ne, I’m sure he’s just playing his rhetoric for the domestic audience. Unfortunately, I agree with you that Tito’s involvement in Greece will cause a world war, and with the Western Allies nervous about the power struggle within the Soviet Union, that will have a huge effect on the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal,” Dapcevic noted. I fully understood too well that the Allies would still need my help in completing the trials of the German fascists, but Tito’s adventures will seriously compromise that mission.
“In that case, I must go back to work. No doubt that the Chinese movement will want my help in making their revolution possible, so that will have to be finished. One final thing, comrade Dapcevic,” I finished up. “If in the event that comrade Tito should be booted out of power, I need to count on either you or comrade Djilas to assume the leadership. We need to show the world that the communist movement remains united.”
After Dapcevic left, I soon returned to my office to continue working. I soon spent the next four months talking to the Red Navy leaders on my proposed plan to allocate more money into building up new warships for the Soviet Pacific Fleet. For this purpose, I wanted to authorize the construction of new shipyards throughout the entire coast of the Primorsky Krai region. It was this region, along with the Red Army forces that occupied all of Manchuria that I wanted to discuss with the Chinese Communist revolutionaries, and my main goal of helping them acquire Taiwan was the main reason for my decision to expand the Soviet Pacific Fleet. It was a huge gamble that could either prove to be useful for my own ends, or a gamble that will condemn me to historical ridicule and contempt. Unfortunately, I was not a big fan of Mao Tse Tung at all because I saw him as a potential rival to the communist movement as a whole and if he turned out to be an Asiatic equivalent of Tito, then the Soviet Union’s credibility comesinto question.
On a normal August morning of August of 1946, while I was busy talking to Foreign Minister Vyshinsky, a Red Army officer arrived at the doorstep of my office with an envelope in his hand. I stopped to take the envelope, and when I opened it I was stunned. Two separate letters were sent to me from two different senders, one of whom was the former leader of the Russian Fascist Party. I was also shocked when Konstantin Rodzaevsky professed to have ‘changed his views’ and began to see the Soviet Union as ‘evolving into a Red Fascist state’. My shock turned to fury as I already had Tito accusing me of turning the very same state into such a Red Fascist one, and now with this letter. I have to talk to that turncoat and see for myself just what his motives really were. Opportunistic men like Rodzaevsky may have a political survival instinct of a cockroach, but because he was an anti-communist, men like him are a danger. At least, that is how I should have seen it. The other letter though, stunned me as well.
“According to this letter, Mao Tse Tung was killed in an accident somewhere in Shanxi Province when his driver barely escaped from a Kuomintang patrol squad. One of the KMT soldiers shot at his car while the driver tried to dodge the bullet, only to slam into a tree. Mao then suffered from internal injuries, which he succumbed by 1400 hrs. As of now, Mao Tse Tung officially died on August 15th, 1946. Finally, it is decided that to smoothen the transition, Lin Biao and Peng Dehuai will take over military matters while a troika of Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi will manage Party politics,” I read the letter that was probably made by one of the three Chinese revolutionaries. “The devil’s backside be damned. Now who should I support in this case? We had a policy of cooperation towards the Kuomintang, but now that they’ve swung behind the American capitalists, we have no choice but to help them.”
Vyshinsky nodded. “Liu Shaoqi could be the man we can support. Zhou Enlai is a good diplomat, kind of like how Molotov was, but Deng is a wildcard.”
“I agree. Perhaps it would be of great interest to have comrade Marshal Malinovsky observe the communists in China. Perhaps they could be molded into our camp, but treat them as our equals. We need the Chinese to succeed,” I warned Vyshinsky.
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Excerpts from the Memoirs of Liu Shaoqi
Chapter Four: If We Don't Plan to Succeed, We Don't Succeed at All
I could not believe my own ears at first when I heard that comrade Mao was killed by the Kuomintang jackals. Our driver had the courage to protect our chairman, but even he was murdered in cold blood as well. I told my fellow comrades that in honor of comrade Mao’s memory, we will not only purge China of Chiang’s corruption, but we will also launch a new kind of Red Terror to match the brutality that these reactionaries had meted out against the people. I was soon appointed the new Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party through a vote (but mainly it was because I was the second most powerful man in the Party after comrade Mao himself). My first act was the new Chairman of the CCP was to give more autonomy to the PLA military leaders and to convince the Soviet authorities to give us Manchuria. It was a godsend to us that comrade Marshal Malinovsky gave us the captured weapons ‘donated’ to them from the defeated eastern devils* and we were able to equip an entire division with these new weapons.
Another thing that came to my attention since comrade Stalin’s death and the rise of comrade Mikoyan was the fate of Manchuria. Apparently comrade Mikoyan wanted to consult with comrade Zhou about the fate of the Koreans in the Yanbian Autonomous Prefecture and if we could attach that entirety to our Korean comrades based in Pyongyang as a gift (though the Soviets obtained the port of Chongjin from a grateful comrade Kim Il-Sung in exchange for having us consent to giving them Yanbian and in return once again, they offered to help us take the island of Taiwan). I was a bit hesitant until the idea of a unified China that included Taiwan was too much to resist. After all, we should be grateful to the Soviet Union for contributing to not only defeating the German fascist jackals in Europe but they also helped drive out the Japanese imperialists who slaughtered our people since 1931. Now the biggest surprise that I received was not so much a letter, but a prisoner. A special prisoner who was of great importance and it turns out that he was none other than the imperialist dog, Pu Yi.
“It looked like our Soviet comrades wanted us to take charge of the prisoner,” Comrade Zhou chuckled. “Maybe we can execute him and what’s left of his entire family.”
“We have the Kuomintang adversaries to thank for destroying his family’s tombs since it showed his true nature when he decided to flee to the eastern devils for help,” I replied back. Unlike comrade Mao though, I preferred not to smoke. “On the other hand, the Soviets wanted to dump off the rest of these clowns that called themselves the government of Manchukuo. As if they wanted us to start shooting these bastards for selling out. Then again, Manchuria’s economic growth was mainly to fuel the Japanese imperial war machine that resulted in the dreadful slaughter at Nanjing. We will avenge the dead, comrades.”
“Oh sure, but have you taken into consideration the quality of the average Kuomintang soldier?” Comrade Lin Biao asked back. A cook then served us our dinner and true to his word, he made sure that we all ate our equal share and never asked for seconds because we wanted our soldiers and the people who supported us to eat better than we do.
“What about the average Kuomintang soldier, comrade Lin?” Comrade Zhou asked back.
“Think about it: his officers are a bunch of lazy, corrupt pigs who probably acquired their rank through connections rather than ability, and chances are, they also made themselves rich. I shouldn’t question the quality of the Kuomintang officer since our PLA officers here studied in the very same Whampoa Academy with the Kuomintang military leaders.” We nodded in agreement. “Moreover, he would probably be starving to death and he’ll be verbally abused for no good reason at all.”
“Are you saying that we should try to….you know, make the Kuomintang grunt soldiers forget about fighting for the capitalist pigs and encourage them to fight for us? It would be a miracle if we could make even a single Kuomintang division mutiny and join us,” Comrade Peng chortled. “Comrade Liu, where shall we proceed?”
I smirked. “Since our goal is to prevent the Kuomintang from getting any escape routes, we’ll bleed them dry. However, we should aim to capture the coasts so our path to Taiwan will be clear. Once we capture Taiwan, we’ll eliminate the Kuomintang and China will grow larger once it recovers. I for one, welcome the cooperation of our Soviet comrades.”
“Yet there is talk that comrade Tito of Yugoslavia wants to denounce comrade Mikoyan as a ‘Red Fascist imperialist’ for his decision to carve out Azerbaijani territory and giving it to his own Armenian homeland,” While I may agree with what comrade Deng said about Tito, I could not help but think of how we’re supposed to recapture Tibet and if the Soviets are willing, they should give us Mongolia but it would be better to allow comrade Choibalsan to lead his people than for us to manage a bunch of disgruntled Mongolian brothers.
“Once we reunify our Chinese homeland, then we should aim at consolidating our own socialism in our country before being in a position to spread the revolution. I do have a nasty feeling that our Japanese adversaries will not stay pacifist for long should our Korean comrades reunify the entire Korean peninsula under comrade Kim’s control.” I then led the toast, to which everyone else agreed.
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*Eastern devils is a term used by the Chinese resistance to refer to the Imperial Japanese Army.
Excerpts from the Memoirs of Otto Ernst Remer
Chapter Seven: Unholy Alliance
The Greater German Reich that I used to know and admire has been vanquished. The Allies are everywhere to make sure that the repeat of the inter-war period does not take place once again. However, I am not so easily amused when the senior members of the NSDAP are being hauled off to stand trial as ‘war criminals’. As Herr Goering once told me, ‘you can never be too sure if the fate of the Reich would be tied to the Western Allies or the Soviets’, and when I learned of Stalin’s death in that fateful October of 1945 and the rise of Anastas Mikoyan as Premier of the Soviet Union, I knew that I had to take a chance and negotiate with him on how we can get our former comrades who were stuck in the gulag. Mikoyan signed new orders left, right and center, giving amnesty to a lot of people who suffered from Stalin’s regime, but only the collaborators who fought with us were not set free. Those included our Baltic friends in the Waffen-SS, the Ukrainians of the Division der SS Galicia and the Crimean Tatars who were expelled from their homeland. Unfortunately though, I remained a prisoner of the Americans and had no power.
Luckily, the American occupational authorities contacted me when it became apparent that the Soviets were willing to negotiate on returning the former German Wehrmacht PoWs who were stuck in the gulags of Eastern Siberia and under Mikoyan’s orders, General Chuikov had to travel to the American sector where General Eisenhower was the commander of that sector and summoned me to Stuttgart. I could easily tell with Chuikov of his professional stance while Eisenhower was affected by the recent scandal in which General Patton (the American Guderian or Rommel, or whichever Wehrmacht or Waffen SS general that you can think of that would be comparable to the cowboy) kept 16 former officials of the Fuhrer’s government. Though he was sent to Japan, Eisenhower had no choice but to give more responsibilities to Generals Marshall and Omar Bradley to take over Patton’s position. I don’t want to admit this, but Patton was among the American generals who truly understood the menace that the Soviet Union posed to the entire world, and it was rumored that he even hated Jews.
Now when it was my turn to talk to the two officers present, I was totally alone. I was forbidden from having lawyers on my side (as most German lawyers were also barred from taking up their practice due to their association with the NSDAP) but surprisingly enough, the Soviet delegation was mixed up about their dealings with me. Of course, as I had no power at that moment, I knew that if I played my cards right, I can finally gain enough power to escape the hangman’s noose and at the same time exploit the tensions between the Western Allies and the Soviets. Ruthless and dangerous the Soviets were, I have this strange feeling that Mikoyan no longer cares about communism and the international friendships and many other nonsense that has affected all the Soviet ethnic groups living within its borders, especially in light of the decree that allocated Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabagh (I have no clue as to where those areas were located) to the Armenian SSR, and I’m also shocked that Marshal Tito of the new Communist Yugoslav Republic had angrily rebuked him. Now it’s time to see what the negotiations were like.
“We have come here to tell you of the fates that await the German prisoners who are incarcerated in the gulags, and comrade Mikoyan is feeling merciful towards them. He offered to release them from prison in exchange for your help,” Chuikov said as he gave me the letter that Mikoyan instructed for him to give it to me. “These are the conditions that should be agreed.”
“What is going on? Why is Mikoyan suddenly giving up on these prisoners?” Eisenhower wondered. “Although I am surprised at how he’s different from Stalin in terms of dealing with opponents-“
“The Azeris are pissed at him for giving away their territories to the Armenian SSR, and even thought up of an idea to rebel against the Soviet Union. However, with the possible rapprochement between the Soviet Union and Turkey, the Turks should help mediate the problem but that might not work, as the survivors of the Genocide would not tolerate any Turkish mediation,” Chuikov replied back.
I sighed as I looked at the letter that Mikoyan wrote. “He is proposing that in exchange for German reunification, Germany is to remain neutral and to not seek any alliances with any faction. While I would love to accept this, you both realize that I am merely a prisoner and you’re supposed to commit yourselves to what they like to call ‘de-Nazification’.”
“You are right in particular, but as of now we have no one left to negotiate on German reunification. Mr. Adenauer is not interested in reunifying with the Soviet sector of Germany, and many other pro-democratic German politicians are out of practice in their work due to Hitler’s repression against them. Suppose that the Western Allies would find themselves burdened with having to maintain the cost of keeping their armies on German soil, if we do agree on German reunification, then we could have France and Spain play a bigger role in any potential European integration project,” Eisenhower spoke back.
Chuikov however, was not happy. “While comrade Mikoyan would be happy to see Germany reunited so it can pay reparations, comrade Marshal Zhukov would rather launch a coup against him than to relinquish control of Germany. After all, the idea of letting Germany reunify was originally Beria’s idea, and if Mikoyan goes through with that plan, he might face the barrel of the gun and another leader would undo his reforms. Perhaps even kill those who were connected to him in the first place, and some of them are highly competent in economics.”
“There is one other possibility that you’ve all overlooked.” Both Eisenhower and Chuikov turned towards me. “Marshal Tito’s denunciation of Mikoyan could lead to a worse schism within the communist movement. It just occurred to me that Tito would probably refer to Mikoyan as a ‘Red Fascist’ or a maroon: red on the outside, brown or black on the inside. If you looked at how Stalin managed the Soviet Union, it bears striking similarities to the Fuhrer’s movement. The only difference is that the Soviet Union is depicted as a godly-like nation.”
“If what you said was right, Mr. Remer, then we might be looking at a new world war that will break out over the Balkans once again.” Eisenhower sighed. “What of Greece, General Chuikov? Both Stalin and Mikoyan would agree that Greece is in our sphere of influence while he gets Bulgaria.”
“Turkey is the wild card here. If Mikoyan plays it safe, he could not only get Turkey to remain neutral, but even force the Turks to ‘fess up to what happened between them and the Armenians. While I am inclined to agree with comrade Tito about Mikoyan being a closet nationalist, he himself had the power and authority as the First Deputy Minister while comrade Stalin was still in power.” Chuikov handed over a folder containing some documents. “Mikoyan wanted to cease supporting the Kurds and the Azeris of Iranian Azerbaijan in exchange for Persian neutrality, as well as to come up with different ideas on where he wants to expand next.”
“We’ll need to set up another meeting after this,” Eisenhower replied as the American guards escorted me back to my cell and Chuikov left soon after.
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Excerpts from “The Third Option”
by: Claro Recto
Far Eastern University Publishing Company
Chapter Five: The Debate on Our Independence
(translated to English from Tagalog)
It was only the beginning of April of 1946 and we had no time to waste as the date for Philippine independence was approaching. The delegates from other parts of the Philippines continued to argue against the men from Luzon, and I could not help but sympathize with them. The Visayans and Mindanaoans resented the fact that the official language of the Philippines according to the 1935 constitution was ‘Pilipino’, which is basically an overglorified version of Tagalog and accusations against ‘Tagalistas’ were common. I wanted to propose the idea of retaining Spanish as the official language, despite Osmena’s objections, but I do believe that if we don’t preserve our Spanish heritage, then the effects of benevolent assimilation will indeed take an effect and we’d be nothing more than America’s little clone in Asia.
We were in a meeting inside Malacanang Palace while the other delegates shuffled their papers around the folder and I saw President Osmena give a speech. From what I can tell so far, he didn’t want to run for another term because he felt that he has managed the country for a long time, so my fellow ex-collaborator Manuel Roxas planned to run for the presidential election. When it was my turn to talk, all eyes were on me. I am feeling nervous at how they’ll react to my proposals, but it’s better than nothing. I also happen to be fluent in Spanish, so it’s my turn to make a different for the Philippines. It’s a long journey from the aftermath of the war, and we’ll need God’s blessing to turn our country’s fortunes around.
“May I suggest that we address the national language issue right away? I know that the 1935 constitution says that English and Spanish will be used as the main languages in the Philippines, but I would like to propose to make a constitutional amendment and remove English from the list of main languages,” I spoke back. Everyone was stunned by what I just said, and there was one deputy who scowled.
“Why change anything? If anything, we should be speaking Spanish more than English, if only because we would like to create a separate identity from the ones that the Americans want to impose on us,” A Visayan delegate snapped back.
“Or the Tagalog identity that you want to impose on us. We don’t like to speak Tagalog because we have our own language, which happens to be Cebuano!”
“Or how about Chavacano will no longer be spoken if we can’t take measures to protect it from being extinct? We have a proud literary tradition and I will not tolerate any attempts by the Tagalistas to eradicate our language!”
“Enough!” I yelled at the delegates. Frankly, I was running out of patience with these men who easily get upset. “It appears that we can’t get anything done with you guys arguing. How about we try again tomorrow?”
No sooner did the delegates left Malacanang Palace that I heard someone running towards me. For some odd reason, this runner had blood on his face and he had tears in his eyes. I’m not sure what really happened, but I did recall that one time when a group of Huk fighters were ambushed and executed by USAFFE soldiers. Now I seem to feel stunned as he approached me and the blood stains entered my shirt.
“What happened?”
“The Huks have set a bomb in Ermita. I don’t know how it happened, but my family was killed by these terrorists,” the man panted. “Oh, I’m Pedro….Cojuangco.”
“I heard about your family. They’re pretty prominent in the provinces. What were they doing in Manila?” I wondered.
“My uncle Antonio and his family were butchered by the Japanese Army, so I’m left with his children. However, my father Jose and my mother Demetria were caught in the blast that occurred around Malate but there was no car available, so I had to run. Luckily, I ran into you.” He shook my hand.
“Of course, and my name’s Recto. Claro Recto.” Pedro gasped when he realized who he was talking to.
“You’re that poet! I happen to read some of your poems and they seem to be enjoyable. I have to tell President Osmena that the Huks have started to target the landlords who fled to Manila because of the issues with the tenant farmers,” I had this nasty feeling that whatever it is that we’re doing to stop the Huks from creating more chaos, a civil war is not far off.
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“This is the Voice of America, live from Manila in the Philippines. Today on April 29th, an assassination attempt on a prominent landlord named Jose Cojuangco and his wife Demetria succeeded when Huk terrorists threw a grenade inside a hotel room where the couple stayed. The recent string of assassinations on landlords and other suspected former collaborators who worked for the Japanese Empire caused outrage among the Philippine public. President Osmena promised to work together with any president-elect who will tackle the growing Red Menace on America’s only turf in Asia. This is at a time when the Soviet menace has become even more dangerous with Mikoyan replacing Stalin, and the fate of the Philippines is at stake here.” Voice of America broadcast, April 29th, 1946.
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Excerpts from the Memoirs of Vladimir Dapcevic
Chapter Three: Splitting Up
Beograd today was rather chaotic since the news of Draza Mihailovic’s escape from Yugoslavia due to the help of the British secret service. Apparently he decided to take a different airplane after one of his aides discovered an OZNA agent inside the plane that he was supposed to take and managed to escape to Italy. I was not surprised when comrade Tito was angry about Mihailovic’s escape, but then again we have other things to worry about. With Tito’s denunciations of Mikoyan on Radio Beograd, Mikoyan decided to summon all the leaders of various Communist Parties of the Eastern European nations under Soviet occupation. There, he revealed to the entire delegates that Tito had been exposed to Trotskyite propaganda and was clouding his judgment. This was partly true, as most Spanish Civil War veterans were distrusted by both Stalin and Mikoyan, because they associated with the Trotskyites who were present in that conflict. I was even surprised when Tito announced that he would continue to aid the Greek communists in their fight against the royalists, and against Mihailovic’s better judgment, he decided to travel from Italy to Greece by July of 1946 in order to advise them on how to fight the communists.
At this rate, I was growing disillusioned with comrade Tito in part because we didn’t want to be responsible for splitting the communist camp into the Tito and Mikoyan camps. I also sympathized with Mikoyan’s actions because the Armenians had been screwed over when Stalin handed over most of their territories to the Azeris. It’s like the Kosovo Question that thankfully, was resolved by the time the next meeting of the newly founded Cominform was announced for October of 1946. This time though, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was invited to meet its Soviet counterpart, but I can sense that the meeting will not end well and we would have a war on our hands. As I can recall, the American military leader General Patton was warning to the world about the dangers of Mikoyan’s USSR when in reality Tito had always emphasized about Mikoyan’s ‘betrayal’ of communist principles that did not call for cleaving off a fraternal republic’s territories and adding to one’s own. What’s even dangerous is that Tito was probably right about Mikoyan leading a so-called “Red Fascist” regime.
When that meeting commenced in Moscow, I sat between comrade Tito and the Free Trieste Communist Party leader Rudi Ursic. Mikoyan stood in the center of the podium while the other communist leaders looked nervous at how he’ll start the meeting. Tito just waited for a moment until Mikoyan began to speak, in which I had to try and stop comrade Tito from starting a fight with comrade Mikoyan. For Mikoyan however, he had to rely on Vyshinsky to calm him down as the Bulgarian Communist Party leaders looked amused.
“Comrades, we have gathered here today to address comrade Tito’s accusations against me of being a Red Fascist. First and foremost, let me address my own reasons for making a decision to transfer Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabagh to the Armenian SSR. The balance of power in the Caucasus is skewed and Armenia would be in danger of being overrun by any potential enemy. By adding some extra territories to it, we would enhance the security of the Soviet Caucasus region,” Mikoyan explained.
Tito scoffed. “All you did was to create chaos in your own backyard, comrade Mikoyan.” He spat on the word ‘comrade’. “You never told the Azeris that you were going to cleave off a part of their territory-“
“That was handed to them by Stalin when comrade Lenin wanted to integrate Turkey into the USSR. Now that the Turks are not a part of the Soviet Union, I could do as I please with the Caucasus. Besides, you know too well that your people have suffered from the German fascist depravities as much as we have ourselves!” Mikoyan shouted back. “Moreover, you accuse me of being a Red Fascist. Let me tell you something, Marshal. Your intervention in the Greek Civil War is going to make things a hell lot worse! The Soviet Union made an agreement with the Western Allies that Greece is in their camp while we get Bulgaria. Your involvement in shipping arms and ammunition to the Greek communists will trigger a whole new war again!”
“I thought you were a good communist, Mikoyan! I was merely doing my job of spreading the communist revolution around Europe and possibly the world! I showed the Greek communists that we could form a true socialist paradise instead of the nightmarish world that you and Stalin made for the Soviet Union! For crying out loud, you have the Russian Orthodox Church involved in giving support to the Red Army during the war when our Partisans were busy forgetting about religion in the first place!” The tension was there, and I am growing uncomfortable with Tito’s rhetoric. I had to show the communist leadership that there is someone who could reign in Tito’s madness.
“Maybe I can shed some light on what is happening here,” I spoke for the first time. “While I may disagree with comrade Mikoyan’s actions-“
“Thank you, comrade Dapcevic-“
“I’m not done yet, Joca. As I was saying, while I may disagree with what he has done, comrade Tito’s denunciations and heated rhetoric has made it possible for the communist movement to split along ideological lines. We have on one side Yugoslavia that has liberated itself from the Nazi occupation and will not submit themselves to Soviet guidance. On the other hand, we have the Soviet Union that has just finished a power struggle and is in the hands of someone who once held the second most powerful position within the Soviet government. I personally believe that while these two men have their differences, we cannot afford to split the movement, not while we have our comrades in China who are fighting against the reactionaries of the Kuomintang,”
Georgi Dmitrov stood up. “In light of the recent events here, I hereby reject any idea of merging with Yugoslavia until we’re clear on which side we should be on.”
“Isn’t it obvious? You Bulgarians shouldn’t be on Moscow’s side! We were going to merge together to create a true, Yugoslav state!” Tito spoke back.
“Da, but unlike you, we have Red Army soldiers occupying our territory. To oppose them would betray the communist ideal!” Dmitrov said.
“As it is, I hereby expel the Yugoslav communists from the Cominform for their false accusations against me and the Soviet Union. To compare the Stalinist movement to that of the fascists is completely disgusting indeed!” Mikoyan walked away from the podium. Tito growled and soon walked off, but I decided to stay behind. I knew too well that Yugoslavia needs its relationship with the Soviet Union, and it is only fitting that I would be the one to save that relationship.
---
Excerpts from the Memoirs of Anastas Mikoyan
Chapter Four: Making New Friends with Former Enemies
It was only a couple of months since my meeting with the new Soviet leadership who belonged to my inner circle that I organized a meeting of all Communist Parties that attended, including Marshal Tito’s Yugoslav Communists. The situation has gone worse for the Soviet Union since Tito had now demonstrated his contempt for my efforts to make the Union a lot safer and stronger. Unfortunately, his decision to stand by the Azeris was an insult to the millions of Armenians who perished, and as someone who is leading a country that has suffered the very same genocidal tragedy; it is he who insults all victims of the genocidal actions of the German fascists. Just after I confronted Tito over his involvement with the Greek Civil War, I was approached by one of his underlings. To my surprise, he was concerned about Tito’s rhetoric and I could play this to my advantage.
“Comrade Dapcevic, right? You seem to be a reasonable man. Tell me, do you agree with what Tito has said about me?” I asked this unusual communist.
“Ne, I’m sure he’s just playing his rhetoric for the domestic audience. Unfortunately, I agree with you that Tito’s involvement in Greece will cause a world war, and with the Western Allies nervous about the power struggle within the Soviet Union, that will have a huge effect on the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal,” Dapcevic noted. I fully understood too well that the Allies would still need my help in completing the trials of the German fascists, but Tito’s adventures will seriously compromise that mission.
“In that case, I must go back to work. No doubt that the Chinese movement will want my help in making their revolution possible, so that will have to be finished. One final thing, comrade Dapcevic,” I finished up. “If in the event that comrade Tito should be booted out of power, I need to count on either you or comrade Djilas to assume the leadership. We need to show the world that the communist movement remains united.”
After Dapcevic left, I soon returned to my office to continue working. I soon spent the next four months talking to the Red Navy leaders on my proposed plan to allocate more money into building up new warships for the Soviet Pacific Fleet. For this purpose, I wanted to authorize the construction of new shipyards throughout the entire coast of the Primorsky Krai region. It was this region, along with the Red Army forces that occupied all of Manchuria that I wanted to discuss with the Chinese Communist revolutionaries, and my main goal of helping them acquire Taiwan was the main reason for my decision to expand the Soviet Pacific Fleet. It was a huge gamble that could either prove to be useful for my own ends, or a gamble that will condemn me to historical ridicule and contempt. Unfortunately, I was not a big fan of Mao Tse Tung at all because I saw him as a potential rival to the communist movement as a whole and if he turned out to be an Asiatic equivalent of Tito, then the Soviet Union’s credibility comesinto question.
On a normal August morning of August of 1946, while I was busy talking to Foreign Minister Vyshinsky, a Red Army officer arrived at the doorstep of my office with an envelope in his hand. I stopped to take the envelope, and when I opened it I was stunned. Two separate letters were sent to me from two different senders, one of whom was the former leader of the Russian Fascist Party. I was also shocked when Konstantin Rodzaevsky professed to have ‘changed his views’ and began to see the Soviet Union as ‘evolving into a Red Fascist state’. My shock turned to fury as I already had Tito accusing me of turning the very same state into such a Red Fascist one, and now with this letter. I have to talk to that turncoat and see for myself just what his motives really were. Opportunistic men like Rodzaevsky may have a political survival instinct of a cockroach, but because he was an anti-communist, men like him are a danger. At least, that is how I should have seen it. The other letter though, stunned me as well.
“According to this letter, Mao Tse Tung was killed in an accident somewhere in Shanxi Province when his driver barely escaped from a Kuomintang patrol squad. One of the KMT soldiers shot at his car while the driver tried to dodge the bullet, only to slam into a tree. Mao then suffered from internal injuries, which he succumbed by 1400 hrs. As of now, Mao Tse Tung officially died on August 15th, 1946. Finally, it is decided that to smoothen the transition, Lin Biao and Peng Dehuai will take over military matters while a troika of Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi will manage Party politics,” I read the letter that was probably made by one of the three Chinese revolutionaries. “The devil’s backside be damned. Now who should I support in this case? We had a policy of cooperation towards the Kuomintang, but now that they’ve swung behind the American capitalists, we have no choice but to help them.”
Vyshinsky nodded. “Liu Shaoqi could be the man we can support. Zhou Enlai is a good diplomat, kind of like how Molotov was, but Deng is a wildcard.”
“I agree. Perhaps it would be of great interest to have comrade Marshal Malinovsky observe the communists in China. Perhaps they could be molded into our camp, but treat them as our equals. We need the Chinese to succeed,” I warned Vyshinsky.
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Excerpts from the Memoirs of Liu Shaoqi
Chapter Four: If We Don't Plan to Succeed, We Don't Succeed at All
I could not believe my own ears at first when I heard that comrade Mao was killed by the Kuomintang jackals. Our driver had the courage to protect our chairman, but even he was murdered in cold blood as well. I told my fellow comrades that in honor of comrade Mao’s memory, we will not only purge China of Chiang’s corruption, but we will also launch a new kind of Red Terror to match the brutality that these reactionaries had meted out against the people. I was soon appointed the new Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party through a vote (but mainly it was because I was the second most powerful man in the Party after comrade Mao himself). My first act was the new Chairman of the CCP was to give more autonomy to the PLA military leaders and to convince the Soviet authorities to give us Manchuria. It was a godsend to us that comrade Marshal Malinovsky gave us the captured weapons ‘donated’ to them from the defeated eastern devils* and we were able to equip an entire division with these new weapons.
Another thing that came to my attention since comrade Stalin’s death and the rise of comrade Mikoyan was the fate of Manchuria. Apparently comrade Mikoyan wanted to consult with comrade Zhou about the fate of the Koreans in the Yanbian Autonomous Prefecture and if we could attach that entirety to our Korean comrades based in Pyongyang as a gift (though the Soviets obtained the port of Chongjin from a grateful comrade Kim Il-Sung in exchange for having us consent to giving them Yanbian and in return once again, they offered to help us take the island of Taiwan). I was a bit hesitant until the idea of a unified China that included Taiwan was too much to resist. After all, we should be grateful to the Soviet Union for contributing to not only defeating the German fascist jackals in Europe but they also helped drive out the Japanese imperialists who slaughtered our people since 1931. Now the biggest surprise that I received was not so much a letter, but a prisoner. A special prisoner who was of great importance and it turns out that he was none other than the imperialist dog, Pu Yi.
“It looked like our Soviet comrades wanted us to take charge of the prisoner,” Comrade Zhou chuckled. “Maybe we can execute him and what’s left of his entire family.”
“We have the Kuomintang adversaries to thank for destroying his family’s tombs since it showed his true nature when he decided to flee to the eastern devils for help,” I replied back. Unlike comrade Mao though, I preferred not to smoke. “On the other hand, the Soviets wanted to dump off the rest of these clowns that called themselves the government of Manchukuo. As if they wanted us to start shooting these bastards for selling out. Then again, Manchuria’s economic growth was mainly to fuel the Japanese imperial war machine that resulted in the dreadful slaughter at Nanjing. We will avenge the dead, comrades.”
“Oh sure, but have you taken into consideration the quality of the average Kuomintang soldier?” Comrade Lin Biao asked back. A cook then served us our dinner and true to his word, he made sure that we all ate our equal share and never asked for seconds because we wanted our soldiers and the people who supported us to eat better than we do.
“What about the average Kuomintang soldier, comrade Lin?” Comrade Zhou asked back.
“Think about it: his officers are a bunch of lazy, corrupt pigs who probably acquired their rank through connections rather than ability, and chances are, they also made themselves rich. I shouldn’t question the quality of the Kuomintang officer since our PLA officers here studied in the very same Whampoa Academy with the Kuomintang military leaders.” We nodded in agreement. “Moreover, he would probably be starving to death and he’ll be verbally abused for no good reason at all.”
“Are you saying that we should try to….you know, make the Kuomintang grunt soldiers forget about fighting for the capitalist pigs and encourage them to fight for us? It would be a miracle if we could make even a single Kuomintang division mutiny and join us,” Comrade Peng chortled. “Comrade Liu, where shall we proceed?”
I smirked. “Since our goal is to prevent the Kuomintang from getting any escape routes, we’ll bleed them dry. However, we should aim to capture the coasts so our path to Taiwan will be clear. Once we capture Taiwan, we’ll eliminate the Kuomintang and China will grow larger once it recovers. I for one, welcome the cooperation of our Soviet comrades.”
“Yet there is talk that comrade Tito of Yugoslavia wants to denounce comrade Mikoyan as a ‘Red Fascist imperialist’ for his decision to carve out Azerbaijani territory and giving it to his own Armenian homeland,” While I may agree with what comrade Deng said about Tito, I could not help but think of how we’re supposed to recapture Tibet and if the Soviets are willing, they should give us Mongolia but it would be better to allow comrade Choibalsan to lead his people than for us to manage a bunch of disgruntled Mongolian brothers.
“Once we reunify our Chinese homeland, then we should aim at consolidating our own socialism in our country before being in a position to spread the revolution. I do have a nasty feeling that our Japanese adversaries will not stay pacifist for long should our Korean comrades reunify the entire Korean peninsula under comrade Kim’s control.” I then led the toast, to which everyone else agreed.
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*Eastern devils is a term used by the Chinese resistance to refer to the Imperial Japanese Army.
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