How unique was Rome?

Rome-wank seems to be hard-wired into history, at least according to quite a few on this discussion board. No one could fight like the Romans, no one could take losses like the Romans, no one could conquer and govern like the Romans, etc. While the concept of another country conquering and holding vast swathes of territory is considered ASB, it is often considered ASB for Rome not to triumph in the long run.

My question is this - what did Rome do right, and what could other states have done to create similar results? Let's say Rome somehow remained a minor town in the Latin League, got defeated by the Samnites, etc. Could Massalia, for example, have reformed and created a Hispano-Gallic Empire? Or perhaps a Carthaginian colony in Spain? Could a Hellenistic Kingdom reform its military away from phalanxes and companion cavalry? Why didn't they?
 
Who claimed again it was because their constitution was a good combination of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy?
 
Rome rolled a lot of sixes early on, but they actually had some serious advantages that, let's say, "avalanched" through time.
Geography is not destiny, but surely geographical position helped a lot, at various levels (within Latium, for starters, within Italy, within the Med basin). There no inherent reason why other polities could not have developed similar institutions, geared towards a very powerful but still responsible military combined with a "balanced" internal class system and a form of imperialism that managed to include defeated former enemy elites over time, and to benefit more or less all strata of citizenship. But there were a lot of other favorable factors that may not present the same "perfect storm" confluence in other cases.
Unlike most other imperialist city states of Antiquity in the Med, Rome was a land power; it had the unique leisure to be able to amass the resources for a unmatcheable navy after it had snowballed into an unmatcheable land power; unlike other other imperialist land powers of Antquity in the Med, Rome was a city state; this meant that its army was a citizen army, and the conquests were a political choice in which all the citizenship (that is, to a large extent, the army itself) had a stake in. Athens, Carthage, Syracuse, Sparta, all embarked in imperialist policies that benefited and enfranchise only some classes; the landowners in Athens famously opposed the democratic maritime imperialism which mostly went to the advantage of the merchants and the urban poor. The average Macedonian had little stake in the conquests that enriched Macedonian aristocracy; and so on.
In Republican Rome, a political consensus was established over the fourt century whereby imperialism seems to have been simply uncontroversial; all wars were justified, period. Of course, the elite benefited disproportionately, but they could still manage to get the plebs along for the ride; the system was also flexible enough to adapt to changing realities later on (though that proved very painful at times). This was possible again, because after a certain point, there was simply nobody from the outside willing and able to profit from a temporary weakness in the long-term; and the imperialistic mindset hd seeped in to a depth that was indeed, by the late Republic, unique again.
 
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Rome prevailed over her neighbors and adversaries mainly because of several factors:

1) In the first stages of her rise, Rome was uncommonly generous in granting her citizenship, or at the very least Ius Larinum, to conquered people. As historian T. J. Cornell said “ The Roman Republic was like a criminal racket which subjected cities were made part of”. Rome shared the spoils of her victories with her allies, granted them citizenship in established colonies or in their own cities, and all she asked was military support, no tribute at all. Rome expected to fund herself with plunder conquered by the enemy, and she always did. Of course, Rome had to prove herself strong enough to work in everybody’s interest, and that brings in the second point.

2) The Roman army was the most effective military organization of ancient times. Its tactics were simple, but ingenious. Just three lines of heavy infantry, each divided in 10 maniples, the gap between maniples of the same line filled by those of the line behind. Not only it was incredibly mobile, but allowed a Roman general to deploy fresh reserves after fresh reserves, which would eventually break the tired enemy line and bring it to flight. Before Hannibal, a genius of tactics, Rome had ever suffered only a handful of serious landlosses, and it was either because the soldiers were trapped (Caudine Forks), because they were faced with a previously unknown military device (Pyrrhus’ elephants) or because they had very little cavalry (Battle of Tunis). The battle of Allia doesn’t count, for all we know, it might’ve been just a skirmish gone wrong. In any regular battle on the field, Rome trounced her enemies.

3) Cohesion. One thing peculiar of Rome, never in her life she was member of a federation of cities. The Etruscans, the Samnites, and, for what we know, all Italic people were organized in federations whose members didn’t always share a common interest, nor they were particularly cohesive. Very often, some Latin cities would submit and ally to Rome, while others would revolt. In Rome’s case, every single one of her cities acted according to Rome’s will, never indipendently, which also allowed for better organized military operations.

4) Patriotism. There were several factions in Rome, as in all other ancient cities, but differently from those, the plebs or the patricians never, ever considered for one second calling in a foreign army to settle their business. What happened in Rome stayed in Rome, no Roman citizen would have dared endanger Rome in such a way. The only two people in the entirety of her history who led foreign armies against her were Sertorius and Quintus Labienus, and, at least in the former’s case, not to the total benefit of the foreigners.

5) Ruthlessness. If Rome went to war, there was only one acceptable outcome: crushing victory. If the war did end in a draw, it meant that Rome was too caught up in other wars, and would soon go back to finish the job. Pyrrhus and Hannibal thought their victories would be enough to submit Rome, and had it been any other city, they would have been right, but Rome was something else entirely.

You want Rome to fail? Take away her army and she will, despite everything.
 
Geography is not destiny, but surely geographica position helped a lot, at various levels (within Latium, for starters, within Italy, within the Med basin).

Then why didn't Italy become a great power later? Esp. the Papal States? (Feel free to make that a TL.)
 
Then why didn't Italy become a great power later? Esp. the Papal States? (Feel free to make that a TL.)

Because it was tremendously fragmented and often kept that way by the machinations of foreign, greater powers? By the time Italy did unite said geographical advantage was greatly outweighed by other factors.

The quintessential medieval Italy wank wouldn’t be through the Papal States—whose expansion was always dicey—but rather Gian Galeazzo not dying in 1402 and uniting northern Italy.
 
Then why didn't Italy become a great power later? Esp. the Papal States? (Feel free to make that a TL.)
Different context.
Trade routes and population centers were dislocated very differently, basic technology and different social structure allowed for different spatial distributions of power at both macro and micro scale, some resources easily available in Italy in Antiquity were depleted by the Romans themselves (I am thinking of some metal deposits in particular), the Med was more of a frontier than a unifying space, thanks not only to the big religious divide, but to the slow trend to a more arid climate on the southern shore (to which I think Roman deforestation contributed).
Nevertheless, Italy was among the most prosperous, urbanized and densely populated parts of Europe for the best part of the period between the fall of the WRE and the seventeenth century, when further shifts caused it lagging behind further. It never translated into political dominance, partly because its socio-political structures of the time (unlike the ones applying to mid-Republican Roman times) were not conducive political unification. Rather, different local centres exploited regional advantages (remarkably, the richest Italian city states were often mercantile city states that opted for a strategy of largely maritime imperialism, or whose mercantile elites did not benefit overall from hugely expansionist policies, Florence being an example). Moreover, well, the Papacy was not exactly the institutional framework most conducive to a massively imperialist land-hungry society unified by a burning desire to conquer everything in sight.
 
Because it was tremendously fragmented and often kept that way by the machinations of foreign, greater powers? By the time Italy did unite said geographical advantage was greatly outweighed by other factors.

The quintessential medieval Italy wank wouldn’t be through the Papal States—whose expansion was always dicey—but rather Gian Galeazzo not dying in 1402 and uniting northern Italy.

Huh, that's an interesting POD. I've been on a huge Venice kick lately and am toying with a Venice-centric POD but I keep running into the reality that Venice is pretty screwed by 1600 or so.

As far as Rome, I'd say that the reasons listed are pretty good, with a special bonus that Rome was very much a determinator. "Oh, Hannibal, you've wiped out a field army? Ok, we'll just raise another one, and another, and another, until we finally win."
 
Rome prevailed over her neighbors and adversaries mainly because of several factors:

1) In the first stages of her rise, Rome was uncommonly generous in granting her citizenship, or at the very least Ius Larinum, to conquered people. As historian T. J. Cornell said “ The Roman Republic was like a criminal racket which subjected cities were made part of”. Rome shared the spoils of her victories with her allies, granted them citizenship in established colonies or in their own cities, and all she asked was military support, no tribute at all. Rome expected to fund herself with plunder conquered by the enemy, and she always did. Of course, Rome had to prove herself strong enough to work in everybody’s interest, and that brings in the second point.

This does not seem particularly different from what other Italic polities did, or would have evolved into doing if not absorbed by the Roman behemoth. It may be that Rome was, from early times, even more liberal in this reard than the Italic standard, due to its possibly more-multiethnic-than-usual formation, but I think that we don't know enbough detail about the rest of Italy to be certain. Clearly what they did in this regard was total anathema to the Hellenic mindset (and presumably exceptional in the Punic world). Also, the political system of Rome looks like to be a bit more inclusive the what was the norm for Etruscan city states, though of course this was the product of a long and bitter internal class struggle. Similar struggles occurred in Etruria of course, but it seems that th aristocracy there won hands down. In Rome, the yeomen class kept, and then expanded, a political say, that then made them willing to form the formidable army we all know.

2) The Roman army was the most effective military organization of ancient times. Its tactics were simple, but ingenious. Just three lines of heavy infantry, each divided in 10 maniples, the gap between maniples of the same line filled by those of the line behind. Not only it was incredibly mobile, but allowed a Roman general to deploy fresh reserves after fresh reserves, which would eventually break the tired enemy line and bring it to flight. Before Hannibal, a genius of tactics, Rome had ever suffered only a handful of serious landlosses, and it was either because the soldiers were trapped (Caudine Forks), because they were faced with a previously unknown military device (Pyrrhus’ elephants) or because they had very little cavalry (Battle of Tunis). The battle of Allia doesn’t count, for all we know, it might’ve been just a skirmish gone wrong. In any regular battle on the field, Rome trounced her enemies.

Probably Allia is also too early. The exceptional Roman war machine was truly honed in the Latin and Samnite wars; Livy states clearly that the manipular order was adopted around the time of Caudium IIRC. Of course, the Roman army before was already as good as anything else in Italy, but not in a different league.

3) Cohesion. One thing peculiar of Rome, never in her life she was member of a federation of cities. The Etruscans, the Samnites, and, for what we know, all Italic people were organized in federations whose members didn’t always share a common interest, nor they were particularly cohesive. Very often, some Latin cities would submit and ally to Rome, while others would revolt. In Rome’s case, every single one of her cities acted according to Rome’s will, never indipendently, which also allowed for better organized military operations.

Rome was part of a federation (the Latin League). It simply managed to outgrow the rest of it to the point to take it over fully. The overall cohesion of the Roman Italian hegemony is undisputable, but it is the product of a long evolution that was not an inherently necessary development at the start.

4) Patriotism. There were several factions in Rome, as in all other ancient cities, but differently from those, the plebs or the patricians never, ever considered for one second calling in a foreign army to settle their business. What happened in Rome stayed in Rome, no Roman citizen would have dared endanger Rome in such a way. The only two people in the entirety of her history who led foreign armies against her were Sertorius and Quintus Labienus, and, at least in the former’s case, not to the total benefit of the foreigners.

This is hardly unique in concept (though perhaps it is nearly so in intensity; but look at how steadfast the Carthaginians proved to be 146 BCE), and also the result of a long evolution (including a specific religious dimension). The Tarquinii had no qualms about bringing foreign armies to retake power, for example. Again, the endgame is undisputable; but I would say that it was a result of successful imperialism (made possible and caused by a cohesive internal social structure whereby all the elites and to a lesser extent the common people reaped the benefits of such cohesion) more than its root cause.

5) Ruthlessness. If Rome went to war, there was only one acceptable outcome: crushing victory. If the war did end in a draw, it meant that Rome was too caught up in other wars, and would soon go back to finish the job. Pyrrhus and Hannibal thought their victories would be enough to submit Rome, and had it been any other city, they would have been right, but Rome was something else entirely.

This seems to be case only after the late fourth/early third century BCE, and the combined effect of some serious victory disease that happened to keep reaping victories nonetheless.

You want Rome to fail? Take away her army and she will, despite everything.

With the important specification that, at least from mid-fourth until about mid second century BCE, to take away Rome's army more or less amounts to take away Rome's society as a whole.
 
That’s the whole point, the only way the Romans could fail is by not being Roman at all.

I see your point, though your phrasing seems to be a little... tautological.
I was thinking that we could conceptualize Rome's "uniqueness" as a self-feeding chain-reaction. Many atoms of uranium-235 disintegrate if hit by the random neutron. Rome happened to find the critical mass.
 
Also, after Hannibal the Romans basically never met a foe that was either determined or resourced enough to truly challenge them. They did meet extremely determined foes, but the correlations of forces were ludicrously favorable to the Romans (up to and including a political system geared to the production of skilled field commanders; and oh, yes, numbers); or they met foes that, while having the resources to potentially put up an equal fight, lacked motive to fight "the Roman way", that this to the bitter end (precisely because they had resources, i.e. something to lose). And they also lacked the militarization of Roman society, of course (which all this entailed in terms of pure and simple ability of the Roman armies in the field).
 
I see your point, though your phrasing seems to be a little... tautological.
I was thinking that we could conceptualize Rome's "uniqueness" as a self-feeding chain-reaction. Many atoms of uranium-235 disintegrate if hit by the random neutron. Rome happened to find the critical mass.

I wouldn’t say tautological, I did give my reasons above, although surely Rome attained her uniqueness in a lengthy process.
 
Also, after Hannibal the Romans basically never met a foe that was either determined or resourced enough to truly challenge them. They did meet extremely determined foes, but the correlations of forces were ludicrously favorable to the Romans (up to and including a political system geared to the production of skilled field commanders; and oh, yes, numbers); or they met foes that, while having the resources to potentially put up an equal fight, lacked motive to fight "the Roman way", that this to the bitter end (precisely because they had resources, i.e. something to lose). And they also lacked the militarization of Roman society, of course (which all this entailed in terms of pure and simple ability of the Roman armies in the field).

I think Rome’s success abroad Italy had more to do with the actual army model rather than lack of motivation by her enemies. Of course, the huge numbers at Rome’s disposal, and her military ethos, tremendously helped, but if subsequent wars were as brief as they were, I’d say that owes a lot both to the inefficiency of the phalanx against the Roman army and the huge amount of mercenaries employed by Hellenistic armies. Antiochus III was certainly determined to establish a foothold in Europe, and had the resources to do so, but his attempts were met right away with defeat, and other defeats soon followed. No wonder he lost all motivation after that.
 
Also, just noticed the comment on the Tarquinii. They weren’t Roman citizens, they were aristocrats probably hailing from one of Etruria’s cities who decided to make their fortune in Latium. No proper Roman citizen of the republic ever led an army of foreigners against Rome.
 
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