How bloody would a Moscow attack in 1942 have been?

Obviously Case Blue failed in it's insane objectives, they were hardly immune from defeat, but if you look at the course of combat the Soviets lost badly throughout most of 1942.

And yet they succeeded in stopping Blue.

The thing is Moscow is far closer than even Stalingrad, let alone Maikop, and given the forces that AG-South engaged historically, the 40% or so of Soviet forces in the general Moscow vicinity (including Northwest Front east of Rzhev?) aren't necessarily numbers the German didn't deal with IOTL. Plus logistics a much easier for such a close objective with such a density of roads and rail lines vs. Stalingrad or the Caucasus.

The flipside is that the defenses are correspondingly tougher, both quantitatively and qualitatively. That slows the Germans and brings the point of their culmination much closer. And historically, the 40% or so Soviet forces in the general Moscow vicinity were not dealt with IOTL.

They smashed through multiple defensive lines against an enemy far more skilled and better equipped/organized/led than in 1942 and called off the offensive because of the Allied landing in Sicily, which required transfer of forces engaged in Citadel.

Correction: none of the aspects of the Soviet tactical defenses were actually smashed. They were gnawed through, with the Soviet forces manning them simply falling back to the next position a few hundred meters back. And Soviet tactical defenses in total remained unbroken throughout. Furthermore, while the Allied landing in Sicily led to the offensives cancellation, they had little to do with the operations failure. Indeed, the Germans in the north were stopped dead days before the Sicilian landing and the one in the south was transparently achieving nothing and no closer to a overall breakthrough then it had been at the start by the time the Sicilians landed.

Both demonstrated the inability of the Soviets to fight the Germans on even remotely equal terms.

Because, as in 1941, the Germans never let the Soviets fight them on equal terms. They avoided throwing themselves against where the Soviets were strong and hit them where they were weak. They stopped 2nd Kharkov by slicing through it's poorly defended flanks and got as far as they did in Blau because the Soviets had no prepared defenses in that direction beyond the Mius. The defenses at Stalingrad and the Caucasus were improvised.

Superior quality and quantity of Soviet forces compared to what? 1941? Didn't help them stem the tide in 1942.

I'm sorry, compared to what the Germans faced further south.

Got any reference to the 'far superior training' of the Soviet forces around Moscow?

Don't have my copy of Glantz on hand for the moment, but he discusses it.

I already provided a Soviet account that highlights the failures of leadership, training, and experience repeatedly during the Battle for Voronezh by forces dispatched from the Moscow reserve.

Against different forces under different circumstances, sure. While the Germans will have to deal with the 5th Tank Army IATL, it will be in a frontal assault on the 5th Tanks defenses rather then a mobile defensive battle fending off the 5th Tanks counterattack.

Despite their full TOE and badly outnumbering the Germans their repeated failures of organization, command, and conduct resulted in them getting crushed. Something both Forczyk and Dick both make that point:

Sure, ignoring that in doing so, they considerably upset German plans and inflicted losses upon the Germans that would prove to be quite decisive. In other words, they did achieve something.

West Front had serious issues itself as they were facing attack, which dragged in Stalin's reserve, 3rd Tank Army and 2 other infantry armies I forget the numbering of offhand, which were demolished in the fighting (Operation Wirbelwind).

Operation Wirbelwind was two months in the future as of the start of Blau and basically will not be occurring under the IATL plan. 3rd Tank would wind up defending Tula in early-July, along with the 64th Army. And while it inflicted heavy losses on those armies in the Sukhnichi salient, it did not destroy, not even to the same degree as the battles further south, them nor (given the mass of replacements the Soviets shipped in) even really affect their quantitative strength (the effect upon qualitative strength is a bit harder to judge given the lack of action until Mars).

The Soviets had all sorts of forces along the way and counterattacking on the route to Voronezh and to Stalingrad, 5th Tank Army attacked the German 2nd army in the flank north of Voronezh and was nearly wiped out for it's trouble.

Between the Don and the Mius, the Soviets had nothing beyond the immediate frontline. Sure there were counterattacks to the northern flank, but that's in the region between Orel and Tula. Furthermore, those were counter-attacks whereas IATL those forces are going to be manning the prepared defense lines in that direction along some good terrain features. Their liable to do a better job at that.

Bryansk Front had over 1000 AFVs on hand as part of it's reserve IOTL according to the long Soviet account I block posted earlier.

You can basically double that number for what the Germans will wind up facing IATL.

Can you detail what those would be?

North of the Oka, there is a grouping 6 brigades (4 rifle, 2 tank), 3 divisions (all rifles), and 5 corps (4 tank, 1 cavalry) under the command of the Western Front uncommitted to the front, between Kaluga and Naro Fominsk. These could rapidly man a defense line along the Oka. Their liable to be joined by whatever elements of 3rd and 5th Tank Armies, 64th Army, and Western Front forces (up to 5 armies) that manage to withdraw from the Sukhinichi and Tula battles. Then just before Moscow itself, there is the Moscow Defense Line, constituting a big semi-circle sweeping around the north-west-south. This constitutes a 10 fortified regions (1,500-2,000 men, heavy on crew served weapons and 45mm and 76.2mm guns but light on everything else) and 7 rifle divisions, and 2 rifle brigades. Within Moscow itself are another five fortified regions, two divisions (one rifle and one cavalry), and two rifle brigades. Behind Moscow are 9 airborne corps (highly trained, by the standards of the 1942 Red Army, 10-15,000 men infantry divisions) that could basically man the Moscow Defense Line or Moscow itself (or both) at any moment. If the Soviets feel it necessary, they can also bring as many as 6 divisions and 4 brigades down from the Kalinin Front in a timely enough manner without affecting it's frontline strength at all. Over the longer term, there are 17 rifle divisions, 4 corps (3 tank, 1 cavalry), and 8 tank brigades forming up that would be finishing their outfitting and training over the course of July and August. Depending on how far the Germans decide to advance in the southern part of the front, they may also be able to pull in the reserve armies from the south that were historically still forming up in June-July east of the Don.
 
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Deleted member 1487

What that transparently German map tells me is their intelligence beyond the immediate frontline continued to be totally borked, which is a rather standard state for German intel during WW2. It's also a typically German map on the Eastern Front in that it makes the road network look thick because it totally disregards the actual quality of the roads.
It's a fraction of a daily situation map from March 1942. Not sure why you're drawing major conclusions about intel operations from it. As to the roads, the nature of the net from Orel to Tula was known and since all quality highways lead to Moscow, stands to reason there would be some decent ones and of course the rail net.

And yet they imposed a far more serious delay upon the Germans then the forces further south while inflicting more serious losses upon the Germans then the forces further south managed. Even furthermore, the Soviets were quickly able to make good on their own losses which the Germans could not do. And even furthermore, the Soviet forces actually defending Moscow were better trained and led then even those forces the Soviets committed to Voronezh. I don't know if you could call their degree of training or leadership as "particularly high", but it was nonetheless it was superior to what was historically thrown at the Germans.

Hell, even saying the Germans took Voronezh is an exaggeration of what they actually achieved. It was fundamentally like Stalingrad: they took most of it but never fully and urban combat would continue in the city throughout the autumn.
No one is arguing that the Soviets standing to fight caused delays, they just lost, and lost badly without inflicting enough casualties to be more than an inconvenience, while the Soviets imploded and couldn't put together a coherent front lines as their remaining units were either overrun or fled in the race south from Voronezh. The Soviets didn't make good losses like you are implying; they slapped together less well equipped, poorly if at all trained men, and inexperienced leaders and threw them into a meat grinder. Soviet losses in the first 3 quarters of 1942 were 1/3rd worse than in the two quarters of 1942 according to Dick in "From Defeat to Victory", though that may be based on the limited accounting of losses in the disasters of 1941 when the reporting system broke down.

The thing you're apparently not getting is that Stalin did commit a major part of his Moscow reserves to the fighting on the flank of Case Blue, including both of his reserve Tank Armies, the 3rd and 5th, both of which were virtually wiped out in the fighting, the latter in July, the former in August. These 'well trained' formations were wiped out extremely quickly and performed generally very poorly.
 
It's a fraction of a daily situation map from March 1942. Not sure why you're drawing major conclusions about intel operations from it. As to the roads, the nature of the net from Orel to Tula was known and since all quality highways lead to Moscow, stands to reason there would be some decent ones and of course the rail net.

The rail net is indeed the one bright spot: the Orel-Tula-Moscow is a double track one. The roads are another matter: only the direct Orel-Tula-Moscow one was of notable capacity and even it was unpaved. Everything else might as well constituted goat tracks.

No one is arguing that the Soviets standing to fight caused delays, they just lost, and lost badly without inflicting enough casualties to be more than an inconvenience,

100,000 casualties is anything but "inconvenient" for the German army.

while the Soviets imploded and couldn't put together a coherent front lines as their remaining units were either overrun or fled in the race south from Voronezh.

Which is why a coherent frontline formed on Voronezh and would stay there all the way into Autumn while the Germans were forced to turn in a direction where Soviet forces still were not coherent.

The Soviets didn't make good losses like you are implying;

Yes they did. Their numbers hardly declined at all and the struggle in and around Voronezh would be continuous all the way until the Germans were forced to withdraw from it in the winter of '42-'43.

they slapped together less well equipped, poorly if at all trained men, and inexperienced leaders and threw them into a meat grinder.

Which is why those forces fought the Germans to a standstill along the Don around Voronezh and the Volga around Stalingrad.

Soviet losses in the first 3 quarters of 1942 were 1/3rd worse than in the two quarters of 1942 according to Dick in "From Defeat to Victory", though that may be based on the limited accounting of losses in the disasters of 1941 when the reporting system broke down.

Uh... your saying the losses in the first 9 months of 1942 were a third higher then the first 6 months of 1942 is really a "no shit moment", since all the losses from the latter are included in the former.

The thing you're apparently not getting is that Stalin did commit a major part of his Moscow reserves to the fighting on the flank of Case Blue, including both of his reserve Tank Armies, the 3rd and 5th, both of which were virtually wiped out in the fighting, the latter in July, the former in August. These 'well trained' formations were wiped out extremely quickly and performed generally very poorly.

The thing you're apparently not getting is that the Tank Armies were freshly formed formations and not part of the larger trained Moscow reserves further to the North.
 

Deleted member 1487

And yet they succeeded in stopping Blue.
They didn't really, the Germans overextended themselves; the Stalingrad Operation was a flank guard mission and the offensive in the Caucasus was advancing into November.

The flipside is that the defenses are correspondingly tougher, both quantitatively and qualitatively. That slows the Germans and brings the point of their culmination much closer. And historically, the 40% or so Soviet forces in the general Moscow vicinity were not dealt with IOTL.

Stalin committed a major part of those forces against the Germans in Rzhev and on the flank of Case Blue; 3rd and 5th Tank armies were his only Moscow area tank armies, both of which were in reserve, based on what Glantz is showing on his map of Soviet army activations and front line forces in "When Titans Clashed". Both were destroyed, one in July fighting the German 2nd Army around Voronezh, one in August attacking 2nd Panzer Army during Wirbelwind. They were accompanied by a number of regular armies, 3rd Tank by two infantry armies with armor attached. The Germans and Soviets fought all over the front and Stalin didn't keep 40% of his forces idle during the German offensive, especially as his southern forces were smashed to the tune of over 2.2 million casualties.

Correction: none of the aspects of the Soviet tactical defenses were actually smashed. They were gnawed through, with the Soviet forces manning them simply falling back to the next position a few hundred meters back. And Soviet tactical defenses in total remained unbroken throughout. Furthermore, while the Allied landing in Sicily led to the offensives cancellation, they had little to do with the operations failure. Indeed, the Germans in the north were stopped dead days before the Sicilian landing and the one in the south was transparently achieving nothing and no closer to a overall breakthrough then it had been at the start by the time the Sicilians landed.
Units in defensive positions were destroyed, they largely did not fall back from position to position, new units manned those positions. Whatever word you want to use multiple defensive belts were breached and the forces manning them were largely killed or captured. Zitadel was about destroying Soviet forces in the bulge, which they were not yet remotely done with when the operation was cancelled to pull out forces. The pincer move was stopped in the north first when the Soviets attacked them both frontally and around Orel. As planned the operation was ill conceived, but despite that they were inflicting disproportionate losses on Soviet forces, which matters more to the discussion of what would happen in Moscow in 1942. It took the Soviets actually leaving their defensive positions and counterattacking in the open, at brutal loss rates, to stall the offensive; if they try that in 1942...just look what happened; their reserves were as deep, as well equipped, as well led, as well organized, as well supplied, or as well trained or experienced, nor had Kursk level defensive positions, which did not hold up to attack well at all. The result of attacking German forces with 1942 Soviet forces in the same way would be a massacre...as it was in 1942; that was considerably worse than in 1943, yet in 1943 it wasn't echelons of Soviet passive defense that stalled out the Germans or really appreciably held them up, it was the constant horribly wasteful counterattacks that put them on the tactical defensive and is anything helped spare the Germans the losses of chewing through layers of defenses to kill Soviet reserves.


Because, as in 1941, the Germans never let the Soviets fight them on equal terms. They avoided throwing themselves against where the Soviets were strong and hit them where they were weak. They stopped 2nd Kharkov by slicing through it's poorly defended flanks and got as far as they did in Blau because the Soviets had no prepared defenses in that direction beyond the Mius. The defenses at Stalingrad and the Caucasus were improvised.
Pardon? They defended against the mass of Soviet offensives in front of Moscow in August-September, then tackled head on their major concentrations of troops in front of Moscow, killing or capturing around 1 million of them. 1941 is replete with German offensive bashing through prepared Soviet defenses and fighting major concentrations of Soviet forces. Even in 1942 when the Soviets tried to strike back against Case Blue on the flanks they were slaughtered by air and artillery repeatedly despite going after the German flanks. Given Soviet defensive doctrine in practice at Kursk, seems like rather than sitting still they'd just burn themselves out counterattack (as per 1941 too) while artillery and air strikes, either in the open or in their prepared positions. Again going by history it was airpower that really smashed Soviet armor, artillery, and defensive positions throughout the defensive/offensive period, at 2nd Kharkov and beyond.

I'm sorry, compared to what the Germans faced further south.
Again based on what? Stalin committed his reserves from Moscow, specially all his tank forces, against the flank of Case Blue and still got them smashed without appreciable effect.

Don't have my copy of Glantz on hand for the moment, but he discusses it.
In which of his books? I have a few I can check when I get home. Certainly organization was considerably better than in 1941, but wasn't what it was later in 1942 or in 1943.

Against different forces under different circumstances, sure. While the Germans will have to deal with the 5th Tank Army IATL, it will be in a frontal assault on the 5th Tanks defenses rather then a mobile defensive battle fending off the 5th Tanks counterattack.
What makes you think that given Stalin's penchant for counterattacks? Look at 3rd Tank Army: during the Wirbelwind operations he ordered them to counterattack and they were slaughtered, losing over 500 tanks, that is more than 80% of their starting strength. Why would 5th Tank army be used any differently? Especially as it was stationed on the flank of where I'm suggesting an offensive would be launched from, so they'd be attacking a breakthrough much the same as they did IOTL, just aimed in a different direction.

Sure, ignoring that in doing so, they considerably upset German plans and inflicted losses upon the Germans that would prove to be quite decisive. In other words, they did achieve something.
They failed in their objective and delaying the Germans didn't really have any substantial operational or strategic effect.

Operation Wirbelwind was two months in the future as of the start of Blau and basically will not be occurring under the IATL plan. 3rd Tank would wind up defending Tula in early-July, along with the 64th Army. And while it inflicted heavy losses on those armies in the Sukhnichi salient, it did not destroy, not even to the same degree as the battles further south, them nor (given the mass of replacements the Soviets shipped in) even really affect their quantitative strength (the effect upon qualitative strength is a bit harder to judge given the lack of action until Mars).
Why not? They'd want a pinning offensive so Soviet forces don't slip away, plus to shorten the line and tie up Soviet forces in the area. Stalin might well not commit the reserves he did IOTL 3rd Tank Army and 2 infantry armies, but then would allow Wirbelwind to succeed. Without Case Blue as we know it ITTL then 2nd Panzer army could be strengthened as planned, so it could start sooner and actually succeed, even if only distracting Soviet reserves and pinning down Soviet forces.

Why would 3rd Tank army sit on the defensive? Stalin ordered them to counterattack and seize the initiative just as IOTL 1941-43 in all defensive operations. Which means they get burned up in counterattacks. In terms of reserve infantry armies, they might well sit on the defensive, the question is again do they actually hold up better to air and artillery attacks in fixed positions?

Between the Don and the Mius, the Soviets had nothing beyond the immediate frontline. Sure there were counterattacks to the northern flank, but that's in the region between Orel and Tula. Furthermore, those were counter-attacks whereas IATL those forces are going to be manning the prepared defense lines in that direction along some good terrain features. Their liable to do a better job at that.
Soviet forces tried to hold the line repeatedly and failed miserably. There was a pocket at Millerovo, defenders on the Chir River, every attempt to stop them before the Axis forces took up their flank guard positions was a speed bump.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Case_Blue#Army_Group_B:_Volga

You can basically double that number for what the Germans will wind up facing IATL.
That 1000 number was not including 3rd and 5th Tank armies, which at least doubled that 1000 number. They faced them IOTL and destroyed most of them.

North of the Oka, there is a grouping 6 brigades (4 rifle, 2 tank), 3 divisions (all rifles), and 5 corps (4 tank, 1 cavalry) under the command of the Western Front uncommitted to the front, between Kaluga and Naro Fominsk. These could rapidly man a defense line along the Oka. Their liable to be joined by whatever elements of 3rd and 5th Tank Armies, 64th Army, and Western Front forces (up to 5 armies) that manage to withdraw from the Sukhinichi and Tula battles. Then just before Moscow itself, there is the Moscow Defense Line, constituting a big semi-circle sweeping around the north-west-south. This constitutes a 10 fortified regions (1,500-2,000 men, heavy on crew served weapons and 45mm and 76.2mm guns but light on everything else) and 7 rifle divisions, and 2 rifle brigades. Within Moscow itself are another five fortified regions, two divisions (one rifle and one cavalry), and two rifle brigades. Behind Moscow are 9 airborne corps (highly trained, by the standards of the 1942 Red Army, 10-15,000 men infantry divisions) that could basically man the Moscow Defense Line or Moscow itself (or both) at any moment. If the Soviets feel it necessary, they can also bring as many as 6 divisions and 4 brigades down from the Kalinin Front in a timely enough manner without affecting it's frontline strength at all. Over the longer term, there are 17 rifle divisions, 4 corps (3 tank, 1 cavalry), and 8 tank brigades forming up that would be finishing their outfitting and training over the course of July and August. Depending on how far the Germans decide to advance in the southern part of the front, they may also be able to pull in the reserve armies from the south that were historically still forming up in June-July east of the Don.
What happens to the Rzhev offensive?
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Rzhev-Sychyovka_Offensive_Operation
Leaving AG-Center than unengaged means they can help with the offensive, which means Soviet reserves get called in to help and remain uncommitted to the Oka. So you've got part of AG-South and most of AG-Center and all their air support helping the offensive.
How are the fortified regions compared to say the Kursk fortifications that didn't hold up to German forces?
And the airborne corps:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Airborne_Corps_(Soviet_Union)#From_Summer_1942
In Summer 1942 the Stavka converted all ten airborne corps into guards rifle divisions to bolster Soviet forces in the south. Among them was the 6th Airborne Corps, which became the 40th Guards Rifle Division.

Yet:[4]

'..[T]he Stavka still foresaw the necessity of conducting actual airborne operations later during the war. To have [such a force] the Stavka created eight new airborne corps (1st, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th) in the fall of 1942. Beginning in December 1942, these corps became ten guards airborne divisions (two formed from the 1st Airborne Corps and the three existing separate maneuver airborne brigades).'
No comment on where they were in July.

If the Soviets pull out troops from Kalinin Front you're once against strengthening AG-Center and helping reopen their supply lines from the Toropets bulge. So it seems if the Soviets opt to strip out the entire Eastern Front eventually they will have larger forces, but that doesn't acknowledge the transportation issues that would cause or the German response.
 
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@wiking I gotta wait for you to fix those quotes before I can continue, 'cause otherwise we're gonna wind up with a confusing mess of overlapping quotes.
 
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Should be fixed, will have to go back and reply to your last post later on, can't reply for a while.

Thanks. At least that means you should be able to reply to it together with this one.

They didn't really, the Germans overextended themselves; the Stalingrad Operation was a flank guard mission and the offensive in the Caucasus was advancing into November.

Yes they did. Had they not, the Germans would have walked into Baku and Stalingrad, happily whistling all the way, regardless of any other difficulties. The Caucasus Operation stalled out by the end of August. All gains from there on out were local and not something meaningful in a operational-strategic context. Even the one your alluding too, the Odoznikhie drive, saw the Germans routed back to their start position by the first serious Soviet counter-attack thrown against it. This failure was even acknowledged (albiet, in a extremely indirect fashion) by the Germans, as it caused Hitler to seek the taking of Stalingrad at all costs as a ersatz means of making up for the failure to take Grozny.

Stalin committed a major part of those forces against the Germans in Rzhev and on the flank of Case Blue;

But not remotely all. Many were thrown into separate offensives against AGC. Offensives that won't materialize IATL.

Units in defensive positions were destroyed, they largely did not fall back from position to position, new units manned those positions.

Incorrect. Many of the same units that were manning defensive positions that were ultimately overrun after several days of brutal combat on the 4th were still there on the 12th, manning new positions further back. For example, the 67th Guards Rifle Division on July 4th occupied a stretch of front at the junction of the 47th Panzer and II SS Panzer Corps. 8 days later, it was still fighting from defenses on the junction of the 11th Panzer Division and the Grossdeutschland Panzergrenadier Division.

Whatever word you want to use multiple defensive belts were breached and the forces manning them were largely killed or captured.

Which is why those same forces were able to go over to the offensive when the German offensive ended with only a minor delay.

Zitadel was about destroying Soviet forces in the bulge, which they were not yet remotely done with when the operation was cancelled to pull out forces.

Citadel was about destroying Soviet forces via encircling them in a massive pocket. It was not about destroying Soviet forces by grinding through them in a frontal assault. The Germans had not aimed for positional warfare, they just got it because their attempt at maneuver warfare failed basically instantly. Positional warfare is what happens when an attempt at maneuver warfare fails, after all. And even by that criteria, they had clearly already failed in the north (the Soviet counter-offensive there was already underway when the cancellation order came down and was already achieving enough success to basically doom the Orel salient) and the one in the south was quite transparently not getting it done and was on the verge of collapsing from physical exhaustion.

The pincer move was stopped in the north first when the Soviets attacked them both frontally and around Orel.

An offensive which predates the cancellation of Citadel and not only stopped the Germans on the northern face of the Kursk bulge, but also had already broken through their defenses on the northern face of the Orel bulge by the time the cancellation orders came down.

As planned the operation was ill conceived, but despite that they were inflicting disproportionate losses on Soviet forces, which matters more to the discussion of what would happen in Moscow in 1942.

Using Kursk to show what happens at Moscow in 1942 suggests that the Germans don't ever even see Tula, much less Moscow, regardless of what the loss rate is.

It took the Soviets actually leaving their defensive positions and counterattacking in the open, at brutal loss rates, to stall the offensive;

Soviet loss rates in '43, and '42 for that matter, may have been brutal... but they were never anything the Soviets proved unable to sustain. The same could not be said for the Germans.

if they try that in 1942...just look what happened; their reserves were as deep, as well equipped, as well led, as well organized, as well supplied, or as well trained or experienced, nor had Kursk level defensive positions, which did not hold up to attack well at all.

Their reserves were as deep in '42 as they were in '43, perhaps deeper actually, just less well deployed (and all that other stuff). But the salient point is the Germans greatly enhanced this by striking where and in a direction those reserves were not and could not be put in a timely enough matter. The places the Germans struck also did not even have defensive positions even comparable, whereas the Moscow defenses certainly are comparable.

The result of attacking German forces with 1942 Soviet forces in the same way would be a massacre...as it was in 1942; that was considerably worse than in 1943, yet in 1943 it wasn't echelons of Soviet passive defense that stalled out the Germans or really appreciably held them up, it was the constant horribly wasteful counterattacks that put them on the tactical defensive and is anything helped spare the Germans the losses of chewing through layers of defenses to kill Soviet reserves.

Except the passive defenses did hold the Germans up long enough for those counterattacks to go off, unlike in 1942 where the Germans were already through the Soviets tactical-operational defenses by the time the reserves engaged.

Pardon? They defended against the mass of Soviet offensives in front of Moscow in August-September, then tackled head on their major concentrations of troops in front of Moscow, killing or capturing around 1 million of them. 1941 is replete with German offensive bashing through prepared Soviet defenses and fighting major concentrations of Soviet forces.

And in none of these cases were they fighting the Soviets on equal terms. They always had numerical superiority in these instances, particularly at the key points of contact, in 1941. Overwhelming force is just how the Germans, like literally everyone, fought.

Even in 1942 when the Soviets tried to strike back against Case Blue on the flanks they were slaughtered by air and artillery repeatedly despite going after the German flanks.

While air and artillery provided important assistance to German mechanized forces, they could not have halted the Soviet counter-attacks alone.

Given Soviet defensive doctrine in practice at Kursk, seems like rather than sitting still they'd just burn themselves out counterattack (as per 1941 too) while artillery and air strikes, either in the open or in their prepared positions.

Given that it was such counterattacks which ultimately stopped the Germans, then that's probably a good thing.

Again going by history it was airpower that really smashed Soviet armor, artillery, and defensive positions throughout the defensive/offensive period, at 2nd Kharkov and beyond.

In reality, it was the Germans assembling overwhelming force at key points of contact, then outmaneuvering Soviet forces so as to leave them cut off and helpless. Many of the defensive positions fell without a shot being fired as the Soviets were forced to abandon them to avoid being cut-off (or, even more frequently, to break out of already existing pockets). Airpower was there, but it was merely one component and would not have mattered if German ground forces had not been up to the task.

Again based on what? Stalin committed his reserves from Moscow, specially all his tank forces, against the flank of Case Blue and still got them smashed without appreciable effect.

On actual history. Stalin did not commit all of his tank forces, much less all his reserves, nor did it not have appreciable effect: it was actually decisive in delaying the Germans at Voronezh, forcing Bock to retain the 4th Panzer Army for two weeks, and upset their timetable. It was why Hitler got impatient and changed the plan.

In which of his books? I have a few I can check when I get home. Certainly organization was considerably better than in 1941, but wasn't what it was later in 1942 or in 1943.

To the Gates of Stalingrad
mainly. I'm about to go home myself, so I should be able to start citing it then.

What makes you think that given Stalin's penchant for counterattacks?

Timing and the initial German ROA outpacing any such counterattack orders. 5th Tank's initial disposition on the start of Blau has it covering a defense line running along the Mecha, a tributary of the Don, about 75 kilometers behind the front. Assuming the Germans manage the same historical ROA as Blau in your proposed axis of advance (although they might not, as Bryansk front's frontline defenses north and east of Orel were akin to the Western and Kalinin Fronts frontline defenses, whereas the defenses the Germans historically broke through to the south were much weaker), they'd reach it on the second day. IOTL, Stalin ordered the 5th Armies counter-attacks on the 3rd... 2 days later.

And in fact, the 5th Tank Army was the only reserve formation released with orders to attack. All of the other armies were deployed with orders to defend on a arch running from Tula to Voronezh with the expectation that the Germans would swing north towards Moscow. Only when that failed to materialize and, 7 days later, Stalin accepted that the Germans were going for a southern offensive did he begin to release more reserve armies.

Look at 3rd Tank Army: during the Wirbelwind operations he ordered them to counterattack and they were slaughtered, losing over 500 tanks, that is more than 80% of their starting strength. Why would 5th Tank army be used any differently? Especially as it was stationed on the flank of where I'm suggesting an offensive would be launched from, so they'd be attacking a breakthrough much the same as they did IOTL, just aimed in a different direction.

Their not anywhere on the flank. Their actually in the dead middle of your proposed axis of advance.

They failed in their objective and delaying the Germans didn't really have any substantial operational or strategic effect.

The delay actually had a substantial operational effect, as it horribly upset the German timetable, causing Hitler to get impatient and make try to change around Operation Blau.


Lack of strength.

Why would 3rd Tank army sit on the defensive? Stalin ordered them to counterattack and seize the initiative just as IOTL 1941-43 in all defensive operations.

Not at first he didn't. He was expecting the Germans to swing north for Moscow in a similar matter to what you are proposing so he ordered those forces to defend. When the Germans instead moved on Voronezh, only then did he order to the counter-attacks.

In terms of reserve infantry armies, they might well sit on the defensive, the question is again do they actually hold up better to air and artillery attacks in fixed positions?

Yes. With one unique exception, those forces held up better to attempted AGC attacks in this period then did their counterparts much further south.

Soviet forces tried to hold the line repeatedly and failed miserably.

Ignoring that they did hold the line at Voronezh.

That 1000 number was not including 3rd and 5th Tank armies, which at least doubled that 1000 number. They faced them IOTL and destroyed most of them.

It actually very much does includes 5th Tank Army, which was already under Bryansk Front's command when Blau began. Remove 5th Tank, and Bryansk Front's AFV numbers drop by half. And of course it excludes 3rd Tank Army, that one was never committed to Voronezh during the summer. 1st and 4th Armies were committed to the bulge in the Don, although IATL their likely to be committed to Moscow.


Gets cancelled.

Leaving AG-Center than unengaged means they can help with the offensive, which means Soviet reserves get called in to help and remain uncommitted to the Oka.

The Germans don't have the strength to launch major offensives with more then one Army Group, which was why Blau was so limited compared to Barbarossa to begin with... and indeed, a major reason why it failed. If you want to get Army Group Center strong enough to join in Blau, the only way to do that is to strip out Army Group South which weakens the attack there as well. It also weakens the attempted German counter-offensive . And given the tougher fortifications, forces, and terrain in that direction, the assault is liable to be much slower and costlier for the Germans then it was down south... as indeed was the precisely the case with the historical Wirbelwind. Put bluntly, citing Wirbelwind is effectively citing what would happen with an attack towards Moscow: the Germans spend so much time trying to get through the Soviet prepared defenses that their still bogged down there by the time Soviet reserves counter-attack, which stops the attack altogether.

How are the fortified regions compared to say the Kursk fortifications that didn't hold up to German forces?

Except the fortifications did hold up? I mean, they held up because they were backed up by mobile forces counter-attacking the German flanks. But then that's the point.

And the airborne corps:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Airborne_Corps_(Soviet_Union)#From_Summer_1942

No comment on where they were in July.

Well, I was tracking them where they were on the day Blau started (June 29th). I'll have to look into where they were when they were converted, but that still shows their there.

If the Soviets pull out troops from Kalinin Front you're once against strengthening AG-Center and helping reopen their supply lines from the Toropets bulge.

Clearly you did not read what I wrote, here is what I wrote with emphasis added:

"If the Soviets feel it necessary, they can also bring as many as 6 divisions and 4 brigades down from the Kalinin Front in a timely enough manner without affecting it's frontline strength at all."
 
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Before any attack on Moscow can take place, the Toropets salient needs to be eliminated, it poses a huge threat to German supply lines, which they will be relying on for a Moscow offensive. The ideal attack against the salient would be a double envelopment , with a main thrust launched from Rzhev/Olenino and a secondary thrust from Demyansk, linking up around Ostakhov. First equivalents to Operations Sedylitz and Hannover need to be launched to secure the Rzhev salient. This could be done in late May without the Case Blue buildup. Securing positions around Demyansk would also happen earlier since this would be the main area of operations. The attack against the Toropets salient would then be able to occur around mid June.

Clearing the Toropets salient obviously nets a large encirclement of Soviet troops, how many I do not know, but it would fairly large, 5-6 armies. The new line would also be much shorter, freeing up troops for a Moscow offensive. With proper concentration of forces, the Germans could have easily pulled off this operation and still attacked Moscow the next month.

As for the attack on Moscow, the Tula road is a good path from the South. However, a double envelopment launched from Vyazma and Ulyanovo, following the Oka and Ugra Rivers, and converging around Kaluga, would encircle 6 Soviet Armies. I think the Germans tried something similar to this in 1942. Beginning the offensive with this move would be ideal in my opinion, after which German armor could advance along the Orel-Tula highway towards Moscow. logically there would be an attack to threaten Moscow from the North as well,ideally launched from Rzhev, but this is kind of complicated. The Soviets launched an offensive against Rzhev practically every month of 1942, and this is where most of the forces near Moscow were.

The defenses around Moscow also were not really a "Defense in Depth". The defensive lines made had significant distance between them. So the initial stages of the battle wouldn't be like Kursk. The Germans would likely break through and encircle a large amount of Soviet defenders south of the Oka River. After this I'd put the odds at 50-50 for each side after this, as the Soviet Army still had an inexperienced officer corps and severe problems in command. The Germans would probably try to encircle Moscow to prevent reinforcement. Whether encircled or not, the city itself would have to be taken by infantry assault. I could see the 11th Army being one formation used for this task. If the city is successfully encircled (and the encirclement holds), then it will fall.

If anyone wants I can make a map to help clarify my ramblings.
 
Before any attack on Moscow can take place, the Toropets salient needs to be eliminated, it poses a huge threat to German supply lines, which they will be relying on for a Moscow offensive. The ideal attack against the salient would be a double envelopment , with a main thrust launched from Rzhev/Olenino and a secondary thrust from Demyansk, linking up around Ostakhov. First equivalents to Operations Sedylitz and Hannover need to be launched to secure the Rzhev salient. This could be done in late May without the Case Blue buildup. Securing positions around Demyansk would also happen earlier since this would be the main area of operations. The attack against the Toropets salient would then be able to occur around mid June.

The defenses, terrain, and logistics of the area do not favor remotely favor such a successful thrust. The region is a mass of roadless forests, tractless hills, and utter swamps with heavily entrenched Soviet forces. Just advancing would nightmarishly break-up the German spearheads. And then there is the issue of how you supply and reinforce the Demyansk pocket for an offensive without having to mount a separate, preliminary offensive to open it up.

As for the attack on Moscow, the Tula road is a good path from the South. However, a double envelopment launched from Vyazma and Ulyanovo, following the Oka and Ugra Rivers, and converging around Kaluga, would encircle 6 Soviet Armies.

So straight in the teeth of the toughest Soviet defenses. Grand. At least with the southern route can flank around the tough northern defenses of the Bryansk front by breaking through it's weak southern defenses. Trying to move eastward towards Kaluga can be achieved by nothing but a frontal assault.

as the Soviet Army still had an inexperienced officer corps and severe problems in command.

The forces defending the Moscow route are very much experienced and have less severe problems in command then what the Germans tried to move through historically.

The defenses around Moscow also were not really a "Defense in Depth".

Yes they were. The Soviet frontline defenses west of Moscow, and at the Sukhinichi Salient, were 30 miles deep with a second defense line just 10 miles behind them. More then one military historian, including the foremost western expert on the Eastern Front, has declared them a defense-in-depth or even a "mini-Kursk"...

"The argument that Hitler's Wehrmacht could have seized Moscow in the summer and fall of 1942 is ludicrous for a variety of reasons. First, had it attacked Moscow, the Wehrmacht would have been advancing into the teeth of Red Army defenses, where the Stavka expected the offensive to occur. The Red Army defended the Moscow axis in depth, manning heavy fortified lines back up by the bulk of its strategic and operational reserves. Furthermore, by mounting an offensive against Moscow, the Wehrmacht would have had to thin out its forces in other sectors of the front, thereby improving the Red Army's chances for offensive success in southern Russia and elsewhere. Simply stated, a Wehrmacht advance on Moscow in 1942 would likely have replicated its sad experiences of 1941." -David Glantz, Colossus Reborn, Pg 36.
 

Deleted member 1487

Well, before even getting any deeper in a tit-for-tat discussion we need: Numbers!
Having found some sources I will share.
From Robert Forcyzk's "Tank Warfare on the Eastern Front 1941-42"
p.211: The Soviets had 9,260 tanks in all (including reserves) as of June 1942 of which 48% were KV-1s or T-34s. The rest were L-L models or light tanks. Of these 1,280 were in the Moscow MD, 1,640 were in the Bryansk Front, and 1,720 were with Western Front for a grand total of 4640 tanks available anywhere close to Moscow and the proposed attack zone (the Soviets loaded up Bryansk Front because they thought that Front would bear the brunt of a German 1942 offensive).

Against this the Germans had 2,276 tanks across the entire front, mostly Pz IIIs and IVs as of June. AG-South had 1,582 and AG-Center had 544 for a grand total of 2,226. Likely no more than 2,000 of those would be available for a Moscow offensive. On top of that there were 400 StuGs available in the East, probably all them would be made available for a Moscow offensive. One thing that did also matter is the trebling of halftrack production, which meant 4x as many Panzer divisions had halftrack equipped infantry battalions. This dramatically increased the combat power of infantry, engineer, and mortar units, the last by increasing the mobility and allowing them to be fired from within the halftrack, effectively creating the first SP artillery units within the Panzer divisions (the Wespe 105mm SP artillery did not enter service before 1943).
It is not clear if the SP anti-tank guns are counted in AFV totals, but I'm assuming so.

In the tradition of Soviet use of historical examples to try and determine how future conflicts would play out, we should consider what happened IOTL during Case Blue to figure out just how much that disparity in numbers matters.
Between10 May and 4 July, a period of just eight weeks, Heeresgruppe Süd managed to encircle and destroy major parts of nine Soviet armies in the Crimea and eastern Ukraine, inflicting over 612,000 casualties and the loss of 1,400 tanks. Von Bock’s subordinate armies accomplished these victories at a cost of 67,000 German casualties and 140 tanks and assault guns, yielding an exchange ratio of 9– 1 in personnel and 10– 1 in armour. The lop-sided nature of these losses handed the strategic initiative back to the Wehrmacht and set the stage for Operation Blau.

Forczyk, Robert. Tank Warfare on the Eastern Front 1941-1942: Schwerpunkt

http://www.armchairgeneral.com/forums/showthread.php?t=166127
Soviet losses:

Blau 28th June- 24 July 1942

~158,000 soviet prisoners reported by Wehr

Soviet records: 568,347 casualties (370,522 KIA/POW and 197,825 wounded/sick)

lost 2,436 armor, 13,716 guns/mortars, 783 combat aircraft

Glantz/House count- soviet count perhaps 30% understated; POW figure is around 150,000. permanent losses ~500,000 out of ~1.3 million soviets committed in action.
It should be noted that 1.3 million committed includes multiple Soviet reserve forces from the Moscow MD/Reserve, including the 3rd and 5th Tanks armies among others.

Blau I: 28 June-12 July 1942

-Wehr reports ~ 70,000 soviet prisoners

Blau II: 9-24 July 1942

-Wehr reports ~ 88,000 soviet prisoners

Advance towards Stalingrad (July 23 1942 - Sept 3 1942)


Since mid July " more than ~300,000 soldiers and 1,000 tanks". (casualties)

Blau and advance to Stalingrad (excluding advance into the Caucasus):

In the range: less than 870,000 and over 1,040,000 Soviet casualties.

armor losses greater than 3,400

Endgame II, Glantz/House (they believe that the real soviet figures are 30% higher):

Losses, Blau 28th June- 24 July 1942


Soviet count, Red Army's fronts fighting along the Voronezh and Stalingrad Axis took 1,212,189 casualties including 694,108 irrevocable losses.

Vozonezh, Stalingrad, Rostov/Caucasus: 1,586,100 including 886,899 irrevocable losses.

German losses only:AGS/A/B, July 1, 1942- August 31, 1942: 123,210

Casualty pattern, German forces only (AGS):

4.PzA, 6.A..........1.PzA, 17.A......2.A, 11.A

July 1, 1942 - July 30, 1942: 57,381

August 1, 1942- August 31, 1942:

AGA (1.PzA, 17.A, 11.A) : 16,604

AGB (4.PzA, 6.A, 2.A): 49,225

AGS/A/B, July 1, 1942- August 31, 1942: 123,210


German Army lost 1,613 tanks from July 1- Nov 30. (~1,000 by forces conducting Blau (700 along the Voronezh/Stalingrad Axes and 300 in the Caucasus).

Soviets suffered 'at least' 1.2 million causualties in the fighting along the Voronezh/Stalingrad axes from 28 June- 17 Nov 1942 as compared to a rough Axis casualty toll of 200,000 (130,000 in the 6.A and 4.PzA alone).

During the same period, the Soviets lost in excess of 4,862 tanks as opposed to German losses of fewer than 700 tanks (discounting the losses in the Caucasus region).

Also, the soviet lost 200,000 men compared to 9th Army's losses of 42,000 at the Rzhev salient over the summer.


So it looks as per OTL despite the massive distances the Germans had to travel to Stalingrad and the Caucasus, they managed to achieve massively favorable casualty ratios and applied to the strength of the Fronts around Moscow (Western, Moscow MD, and Bryansk) should be able to smash them with acceptable losses and capture Moscow.

Bryansk Front was larded up with armor to oppose a German offensive south of Moscow:
Forcyzk:
Since Stalin was convinced that the Germans would make another attempt to capture Moscow, one-third of the Red Army’s 9,100 tanks were massed around Moscow in Zhukov’s Western Front or nearby in reserve. Zhukov believed that the most likely German avenue of approach to Moscow was from the south, as Guderian had tried, so Rokossovsky’s Bryansk Front was also provided with an unusually large amount of armour – over 1,500 tanks – and one of the two new tank armies.

Yet they were demolished in July with nearly all their strength effectively being wiped out at very limited losses to Axis forces. Just keeping with OTL conduct of the offensive, but turning north instead of south after capturing Voronezh, 5th Tank army would be wiped out and in August so would 3rd Tank Army, both from the Moscow MD. Between those two and Bryansk Front, the Soviets already would have lost 2/3rds of their armor around Moscow, not counting what the Western Front was losing around Rzhev...I'm not sure how much they could really extract from their front against AG-Center. Kalinin Front has the same problem; if they transfer strength away, that only frees up AG-Center to help with the offensive toward Moscow. Overall I'm not seeing the Soviets doing that well against an offensive against Moscow in 1942, even if they have reserves to throw at the Germans, not least of which, besides the history of the campaign in 1942, their logistics would be far better as Moscow as FAR close to pre-offensive major rail supply hubs than Stalingrad or Maykop are.
 

Deleted member 1487

Also relevant passages from Forczyk:
After achieving their initial breakthrough, Hoth’s armour spread out into a large armoured wedge, with the 9, 11 and 24.Panzer-Divisionen in the lead, followed by the 3 and 16.Infanterie-Division (mot.) and the Grossdeutschland Infanterie-Division (mot.). Heavy rain on 29–30 June slowed the rate of advance, but the German panzer units continued to advance. Golikov was not slow to react – he quickly committed the two tank brigades belonging to the 40th Army to delay Hoth’s advance, while committing Generalmajor Mikhail E. Katukov’s 1st Tank Corps and General-major Mikhail I. Pavelkin’s 16th Tank Corps to stop Hoth at the Kshen River. Nervous that Hoth’s attack suggested a new push on Moscow from the southwest, as Guderian had done the previous year, the Stavka ordered Timoshenko on the night of 28–29 June to send his 4th and 24th Tank Corps to reinforce Golikov’s crumbling left flank. Although some Soviet rifle units were withdrawing under pressure from Hoth’s panzers, Stalin refused Golikov’s request to allow his 13th and 40th Armies to retreat in order to avoid encirclement and demanded a major armoured counterattack as soon as practical. In just the first few days of Blau, the refitted armoured forces of both sides were committed to a major trial of strength against each other.

....

From Moscow, Stalin exhorted Golikov to smash the German penetration, noting that he had 1,000 tanks between Hoth and Voronezh, against fewer than 500 German tanks. However, the new Soviet tank corps commanders and their staffs proved unable to effectively control their own forces or coordinate with their neighbors. Korchagin’s staff failed to provide enough fuel for the movement to Kastornoye, resulting in impaired tactical mobility. Rather than attack straight into a mass of Soviet armour – which was spotted by the Luftwaffe – Hoth used maneuver tactics by sending the 11.Panzer-Division to bypass Kastornoye to the north and 9.Panzer-Division to the south. Korchagin was befuddled by the German maneuvering and failed to react, allowing his corps to be defeated piece-meal; the 17th Tank Corps lost 141 tanks in a few days and fell back in disorder.

....

Likewise, General-major Vasily A. Mishulin’s 4th Tank Corps attempted to block the path of the XXXXVIII Panzerkorps near Goreshechnoe, but was repulsed by 24.Panzer Division. Golikov’s armoured counterstroke was a disaster, which inflicted only twenty four hours delay on Hoth’s 4.Panzerarmee, but resulted in four tank corps being mauled.

....

By 3 July, Soviet resistance between the Olym River and Voronezh evaporated and the defeated 17th Tank Corps retreated east, across the Don. While Balck’s 11.Panzer-Division, assisted by some infantry from AOK 2, held off the 1st and 16th Tank Corps, Hoth sent the rest of his armour east toward Voronezh. The Grossdeutschland Division was able to capture an intact bridge over the Don at 1930 hours on 4 July and the 24.Panzer-Division seized two bridgeheads over the Don the next morning. Once again, the Red Army had failed to leave any units to garrison a major city and the 24.Panzer-Division advanced into the city on 6 July. General-major Ivan D. Chernyakhovsky’s 18th Tank Corps arrived just in time to put up a fight for the city center, but quickly lost its 180th and 181st Tank Brigades with 116 tanks.43 German video within Voronezh shows many intact T-34s, in column, which suggests that many tankers may have abandoned their tanks when they feared being cut off by the German advance. Once again, German panzers seized a major Russian city with a coup de main. However, in this case the Germans had only seized Voronezh to protect the left flank of Heeresgruppe Süd as it advanced to the Volga, and they had no intention of exploiting east across the Don, even though there was now a significant gap between the Bryansk and Southwest Fronts. Even before Voronezh had fallen, Stalin pressured Golikov to commit his main armoured reserve – General-major Aleksandr I. Liziukov 5th Tank Army – to strike the flank of Hoth’s advance to the Don. The Stavka hastily transferred General-major Pavel A. Rotmistrov’s 7th Tank Corps from the Kalinin Front to join Liziukov’s 5TA at the Elets railhead. In fact, Rotmistrov’s corps was the first to reach its jump-off positions, while General-major Andrei G. Kravchenko’s 2nd Tank Corps and General-major Aleksei F. Popov’s 11th Tank Corps were slower to get into position. Despite the fact that no artillery or air support was available and that only two of nine tank brigades were ready to attack, Liziukov ordered the counterattack to begin at 0600 hours on 6 July. Thus, the first offensive operation conducted by a Soviet tank army in the Second World War was not a carefully planned action, but rather a meeting engagement where forces were fed into battle piecemeal.

....

Heavy fighting continued along the river on 9–10 July, with about 260 Soviet tanks opposing 200 German tanks. Although initially surprised by the weight of the Soviet armoured attack, the Germans gradually gained the upper hand as their air superiority enabled them to relentlessly hammer the Soviet formations with Stuka bombardments. Without effective artillery support, the Soviet tank corps also had difficulty suppressing the German anti-tank guns, hidden in the tall grass. On 12 July, the 11.Panzer-Division mounted a major counterattack that routed the 2nd and 7th Tank Corps, which effectively brought the 5th Tank Army’s counter-offensive to an ignominious end. Between 6 and 15 July, Liziukov 5th Tank Army suffered nearly 8,000 casualties and lost 341 tanks destroyed, including 130 T-34, fifty-eight KV-1 and fifty-one Matilda II. The 5th Tank Army had just 27 per cent of its tanks, half of which were T-60 light tanks, still operational by the time the counter-offensive ended. In contrast, the 9.Panzer-Division lost only thirty-nine tanks (two Pz.II, twenty-eight Pz.III, nine Pz.IV) since the start of Blau and still had ninety-four operational tanks. Hoth’s advance to Voronezh was a resounding success for the Panzerwaffe, resulting in the seizure of important terrain along the Don. While no major Soviet formations were encircled and destroyed, ten Soviet tank corps were mauled in the battle and their clumsy performance indicated that the Red Army was not yet ready to conduct large-scale armoured combat toe-to-toe with the Wehrmacht. Even the best Soviet armour commanders, Katukov and Rotmistrov, had turned in very lackluster performances due to the improvised nature of Soviet operational planning.
 

BlondieBC

Banned
So it looks as per OTL despite the massive distances the Germans had to travel to Stalingrad and the Caucasus, they managed to achieve massively favorable casualty ratios and applied to the strength of the Fronts around Moscow (Western, Moscow MD, and Bryansk) should be able to smash them with acceptable losses and capture Moscow.

Bryansk Front was larded up with armor to oppose a German offensive south of Moscow:
Forcyzk:


Yet they were demolished in July with nearly all their strength effectively being wiped out at very limited losses to Axis forces. Just keeping with OTL conduct of the offensive, but turning north instead of south after capturing Voronezh, 5th Tank army would be wiped out and in August so would 3rd Tank Army, both from the Moscow MD. Between those two and Bryansk Front, the Soviets already would have lost 2/3rds of their armor around Moscow, not counting what the Western Front was losing around Rzhev...I'm not sure how much they could really extract from their front against AG-Center. Kalinin Front has the same problem; if they transfer strength away, that only frees up AG-Center to help with the offensive toward Moscow. Overall I'm not seeing the Soviets doing that well against an offensive against Moscow in 1942, even if they have reserves to throw at the Germans, not least of which, besides the history of the campaign in 1942, their logistics would be far better as Moscow as FAR close to pre-offensive major rail supply hubs than Stalingrad or Maykop are.

I remember watching a documentary that discussed these two armies. The Soviets knew he was sending these troops to slaughter. The old Stalin quote "Quantity has a quality all its own" was about these two armies. They really should not be thought of as armies, but a bunch of company size formations that added up to an army. The were basically untrained recruits given new tanks (T-34 comes to mind) with untrained officers. There attacks were basically "driving the tanks towards the enemy and getting killed". It was the armor equivalent of a Japanese Banzai charge. If the Germans had fought these two armies around Moscow, they would have been swept away like hot knife cutting through butter.

Know that I realize that these two armies were the critical armor reserve around Moscow, I now think you could take Moscow. Once the Germans break through the initial positions, if the 3rd and 5th army are what are sent to save the day, they will merely delay the German attack a few days or weeks while dying. If I remember correctly, AG South destroyed these two armies by using the armor formations attached to the 6th Army, and did not need to dip into the mobile formations tasked for other operations. Seems like the Germans destroyed these two armies by mostly using a armor corp or so at at time. These armies did help win the war, since the armor formations that could have taken Stalingrad were busy in July and August killing two armies.

You seem to like the research. The show indicated that FM Palaus notes were captured intact after the fall of Stalingrad. And that the Russians preserved these notes, and they are now available. Since during much of the cold war, both the Soviet and German accounts of the battle were in locked away in Soviet vaults, historians have made some assumptions that are not true. You might enjoy reading these materials, even though I don't have a link.
 

BlondieBC

Banned
I'm reading "From Defeat to Victory" about the Soviet 1944 offensives and in the section titled "German strategic mistakes" the author mentions several times the failure to target Moscow in 1941 and 1942. Though he acknowledges that prioritizing Moscow in either year would face major challenges, in his view it would have been the only way to defeat the USSR.

However in 1942 the Soviets had major forces concentrated around Moscow and were hammering the Rzhev salient with superior forces. Had the Germans attacked Moscow in 1942 how bloody would it have been and how much of a chance was there to actually succeed? For the sake of argument let's assume that it takes place after Sevastopol falls and 11th army is transferred north to take part in operations against Moscow.

On a broad scale, the book may be correct. I think we generally agree that the Germans lack the resources to both hold the Volga line and drive to Baku. We have had some threads on possible food shortages if the Germans can hold more of the Ukraine and longer. We have also talked about some bombing campaigns to shut down the southern oil fields. With hindsight, these do no look like winning options. And without hindsight, I think a good logistical mind could see taking Baku and the oil fields was not really practical. And that Moscow has to be taken in 1943.

So the Southern operations are unlikely to win the war. So the question becomes, would taking Moscow or coming close to Moscow win the war, and I think it would come a lot closer.

  • The drive on Moscow is likely to cutoff supplies to Leningrad. There will be a second wave of famine, and the city may fall by as much accident as plan. This would free up a lot of forces.
  • There is huge symbolic value to taking Moscow. Huge morale impact.
  • There is a lot more valuable industry and government functions near Moscow. So even if we get just a Stalingrad type indecisive battle, the Soviets lose more valuable stuff.
  • You are correct, the units will not fight better at Moscow than in the Ukraine.
  • And the logistics are easier to Germany.
So it does look like that not going after Moscow was a mistake. Now the devil is in the details. And it depends on how well planned and executed. It could be bungled. After all, if the Germans had made the operation in the South a two part attack, it works better. First secure the Northern flank on the Volga, then attack south. If the mobile forces had been detached from the second phase and used to deal with the 3rd and 5th armies AND Stalingrad had been taken early in the season things work even better. Maybe the Germans can hold big portions of the Volga line until mid-1943. If you accept the Baku oil will not be usable by the Germans until probably 1944 due to the long odds of taking the oil fields in 1942 and the inevitable Soviet destruction to prevent capture, the Luftwaffe might well have a successful bombing campaign. Equally bone head decisions could have been made in attacking Moscow. Or maybe Stalin makes the blunders this time around.
 
I think we are getting a little off track here. The question posed here was not could the Germans take Moscow, but rather if battle was joined for Moscow how bloody would it be for the Germans. I think the point has been made, no matter what side of that argument you are on that the Soviets would defend Moscow at least as strongly as Stalingrad, probably even more so. The Germans will have to take it room by room. Win or lose the death toll for the Germans will be huge, and on the Soviet side the toll even higher than Stalingrad. If the germans get to Moscow, it is highly likely they will encircle it, so many more civilians will be trapped in the city with the inevitable consequences.
 

Deleted member 1487

The Germans will have to take it room by room. Win or lose the death toll for the Germans will be huge, and on the Soviet side the toll even higher than Stalingrad.
If the germans get to Moscow, it is highly likely they will encircle it, so many more civilians will be trapped in the city with the inevitable consequences.
These two lines don't match up, if the Germans encircle it, then Moscow is starved into submission, no need to take it street by street. The Soviets stormed Berlin not because they had to for the above mentioned reason, but to capture/kill Hitler before he could escape, get it before the Wallies could show up, and (arguably) the avoid the massive civilian death that would come from starving the city into submission.
 
Actually they do - the encirclement is not necessarily going to be airtight, but enough to prevent major movements. A lot also depends on when this happens, if it is fall of 1941, the Germans don't want to be besieging Moscow living outdoors in the winter. Even a wrecked city provides better shelter than an open field. If this is going on in the spring of 1942 then a siege is doable.
 

Deleted member 1487

Actually they do - the encirclement is not necessarily going to be airtight, but enough to prevent major movements. A lot also depends on when this happens, if it is fall of 1941, the Germans don't want to be besieging Moscow living outdoors in the winter. Even a wrecked city provides better shelter than an open field. If this is going on in the spring of 1942 then a siege is doable.
How do you feed a city of 4 million without major movement? Also 1942 is not 1941 in terms of wintering in the open. The vast majority of both sides wintered in the open throughout the war without dying en masse.
 

PlasmaTorch

Banned
Edited message means second reply for all the new additions.

Obviously Case Blue failed in it's insane objectives, they were hardly immune from defeat, but if you look at the course of combat the Soviets lost badly throughout most of 1942.

What, you mean the simultaneous attempt to seize control of both the caucasus' and stalingrad? Division of effort is always risky.

I think we are getting a little off track here. The question posed here was not could the Germans take Moscow, but rather if battle was joined for Moscow how bloody would it be for the Germans. I think the point has been made, no matter what side of that argument you are on that the Soviets would defend Moscow at least as strongly as Stalingrad, probably even more so. The Germans will have to take it room by room. Win or lose the death toll for the Germans will be huge, and on the Soviet side the toll even higher than Stalingrad. If the germans get to Moscow, it is highly likely they will encircle it, so many more civilians will be trapped in the city with the inevitable consequences.

Yeah, going after moscow in 1942 would be really bloody. Its a giant freaking hedgehog.
 

Deleted member 97083

If the germans get to Moscow, it is highly likely they will encircle it
That's a huge assumption. Moscow is already on the edge of German capability. Encircling it requires relatively consistent superiority over the enemy allowing outflanking.

These two lines don't match up, if the Germans encircle it, then Moscow is starved into submission, no need to take it street by street.
I suppose he's making an analogy to Stalingrad. But Moscow is a bit different.
 
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