Horus Triumphant - an Alternate Antiquity timeline
- Thread starter phoenix101
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There will still be intermixing in this TL, the rich lands of Syria and Mesopotamia have been opened up to Hellenic settlement and new founded cities need to be populated, which will partially be done by settling Macedonian veterans and imigrants from the Aegean. What is true is that for now there won't be stuff like the Susa weddings, and his kingship has for now been mostly Macedonian, but that too is slowly changing. He'll have the accomodate the Persians somehow, if he wishes his empire to be a long lasting one.
His army is less exhausted than OTL, it hasn't been a single campaign from Macedon to the Indus, but still Alexander is already on the road for 4 years. So there will at least be some exhaustion. Without spoiling too much, Alexander's campaign down the Ganges won't be unopposed, so there's that to consider too.
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Thanks for the compliment! Always great to have another reader.After a few days I finally caught up to thisI'm really enjoying the lengthy updates and everything about TTLs Alexander's campaigns
15. Conquerors
15. Conquerors
The march on the Ganges
After our return to Taxila the rains started, and they were unlike anything we had ever seen or even heard of. The King, impatient to start his next campaign, ordered the construction of a magnificently decorated shrine to Zeus, hoping that the supreme god who commands the heavens would cease the rains. Alexander spared no expenses, and even the locals admitted that never before had such a beautiful building been seen in India, and yet the rains did not cease. Lavish offerings were made and the rains did not cease. For several days the King sulked in his apartment in Omphis’ palace, indulging in wine. One day, while it was still raining, one of the brahmans approached the King, and told him tersely that patience, too, was a virtue. The rains would cease in a month, as they had always done, and men could not always expect nature to bend to their will even if the man in question is the Great King of Asia. Alexander acquiesced, praised the brahman for his wisdom and decided to patiently await the end of the rains.
- Excerpt from Ptolemaios’ The Wars of Megas Alexandros
After returning to Taxila from his march down the Indus in June 323 Alexander already started preparations for his next conquest, this time it would be the lands to the east, located on the banks of the Ganges and the Yamuna, that were to be subjugated by the armies of the Great King. The Greeks were convinced that by conquering those lands they would have reached the great eastern ocean, practically the end of the world. After informing with Omphis and Poros however Alexander was quickly disabused of this notion. The Ganges wasn’t a small stream but a mighty river, easily the equal of the Nile or the Tigris, and located on it’s banks were not some petty chieftains but a powerful kingdom, which could field thousands of elephants in battle. Alexander had by now only operated on the margins of Indian civilization, but by marching east he would reach its heart on the Indo-Gangetic plain, where resistance to his invasion would be much more determined. If he wanted to succeed he would need to prepare well and strike hard and fast.
The need to establish garrisons had diminished Alexander’s forces somewhat, from the 100000 of the year before to around 80000 by June 323. Over several months however the Great King had managed to increase the size of his army once again, a 12000-men strong reinforcement force arrived from the west, mostly Persians, 4000 of which were now trained as phalangites, under the command of Peukestas. Omphis and Poros also pledged troops, including 80 elephants, combining around 10000 strong. Alexander also levied troops from the rulers of the Lower Indus and the Assacenes and hired practically any mercenary he could find. All of this meant that when it was ready to march out in October 323 Alexander’s army was 110000 men strong, a truly gargantuan force. Nikanor was left behind in Taxila with a force 10000 strong, he would function more or less as military governor of the area while Omphis had civilian and administrative authority over Gandhara. Poros also stayed behind in his domains, but his eponymous son would accompany Alexander, partially as commander of his father’s forces but also as hostage, an insurance that Poros would stay loyal.
Alexander once again crossed the Hydaspes, now by bridge, which he had his engineers construct. After a short stay in Bucephala he continued onward, crossing the Acesines and Hydraotis in short succession, testament to the capability of his engineering corps. Now however he entered lands that were not necessarily friendly to him. Some communities decided to submit to the army passing through their homeland but others fled when they heard of the invasion. This the Macedonians interpreted as resistance, and many villages burned during his passage through the region. Many of the refugees must have gathered at the area’s most important city, Sagala, which decided to resist Alexander when his army arrived. Sadly for them however their city and its defenders were not able to withstand the Macedonian siegeworks, and after only several weeks a portion of the city’s walls collapsed when the Macedonians managed to dig a mine underneath, after which the city was stormed and brutally sacked. According to Greek sources 17000 inhabitants perished and 70000 were enslaved, while the Macedonians only suffered 100 dead. The city was destroyed, but in its location Alexander founded a new one, naming it Philippopolis Indike after his father [1]. The founding of the city was also meant to safeguard the supply lines which ran from Bucephala and Taxila. Around December 323 Alexander was on the march again, and soon reached the Hyphasis (Beas). The territory between the Hyphasis and the Acesines he granted to Poros, fulfilling his promise of enlarging the lands belonging to his Indian ally, making Poros practically the satrap over the eastern Punjab.
The Hyphasis was crossed without incident and soon afterwards the Zaradros (Sutlej) was too. Once again Alexander’s army cut a bloody swath across the countryside, meeting any resistance with merciless slaughter. In one infamous incident Alexander had a group of local brahmans, whom he suspected had incited the local population against him, crucified in public. Now his army advanced further, and reached the banks of the Yamuna, known to the Greeks as the Ioames, in January 322. All the rivers he had crossed till now flowed into the Indus, but now for the first time he entered lands where the rivers went in a different direction, towards the east, to where the Greeks believed they flowed into the eastern ocean. Alexander made offerings while on the banks of the Yamuna, to Zeus, to Dionysus, who according to the Greeks conquered India in a distant past, and to Herakles and Achilles, both illustrious ancestors of the king. While the engineers were preparing a bridge across the Yamuna the Macedonians and Greeks held games in honour of the gods, the army was granted several days of rest by the King, who engaged in long drinking sessions together with the Macedonian nobility. On the fifth day after the arrival at the Yamuna Alexander had his army form up on the riverbank, and with the blaring of trumpets and with Alexander at its head the army crossed the river more like a parade than as an invading force.
To the onlookers on the other side of the river it must have been an unusual sight, seeing the strange and foreign soldiers crossing the river. They did not however contend the crossing, nor did they seem to oppose Alexander, who met with representatives from local communities and negotiated with them, promising not to harm them and arranging supplies. For Alexander, whose campaign in India was remarkable because of its brutality, this must have been an welcome change. However it would not last long, for news of Alexander’s invasion had travelled ahead of him, and had already reached Pataliputra, capital of Magadha and the mighty Nanda dynasty, who held sway over the Ganges. Whether or not Dhana Nanda, ruler of the dynasty, was aware of the invasion of the Indus Valley is unknown, but with Alexander’s march east he could no longer ignore the Macedonians. Forces were gathered when the news reached the Gangetic heartland that the conqueror was on his way. Elephants, cavalry, chariots and infantry were the core components of an Indian army, and while largely consisting of levied men a not insignificant amount of soldiers were supplied by the Sreni guilds, and were highly experienced and well-armed. Dhana Nanda had send west an advance force under his minister and army commander Shriyaka, who commanded 60000 men, 200 elephants, a 3000 strong cavalry detachment and 400 chariots. A sizeable force, but Shriyaka’s mission was not to charge headlong into battle but to ascertain the situation and if possible block Alexander’s advance while Dhana Nanda could gather a larger army and then march west to defeat the invaders.
Alexander had heard that there were rich cities on the banks of the Yamuna if he followed the river south, but this he did not do. By now he must have known that the political centre of the Magadhan realm was downstream the Ganges, and by seizing that he could seize power over the entire region, or so he believed. Alexander thus marched east after crossing the Yamuna in January 322, giving his army no rest till they reached the banks of the Ganges at the start of February 322. There he made offerings on the riverbank and had several shrines constructed, but instead of crossing the river now the Macedonians remained on the west bank and marched south, and after several days they reached the walls of the city of Hastinapur, which is located on the west bank of the Ganges. Just north of the city Alexander had left behind 20000 men under Ptolemaios, who were tasked with constructing a pontoon bridge across the river and guarding it against enemy attacks, while Alexander and 80000 men would go to Hastinapur.
Storming of Hastinapur
The garrison and local leaders of Hastinapur refused to open the gates to the Great King of Asia when he demanded their surrender. Thus Alexander saw no other solution then to storm the city. Ladders and siege towers were constructed, and upstream, where Ptolemaios and his forces were building a bridge, Alexander had his engineers construct several ships so that they could assail the city from the Ganges and prevent the resupplying via the river. Despite a spirited and determined resistance by the city’s inhabitants Hastinapur fell after several weeks. According to Greek sources Alexander could not sleep one night, and while surveying the enemy fortifications under the light of the moon he spotted a section of the wall that was not well guarded and close by a gate. He personally led a detachment of troops to the wall and was the first on the ladder, and in a quick and decisive action they managed to overrun the few defenders that were there and managed to open the gate to the rest of the army. Hastinapur was mercilessly sacked, precious goods from its temples plundered and a large part of its population was enslaved and carted away, many of whom would never see their homeland again.
Emboldened by this victory Alexander marched north to Ptolemaios’ bridge and, after granting his soldiers several days of rest, crossed the Ganges in March 322. He left behind a garrison to guard the bridge and marched east, through the lands that were known as Panchala, towards the city of Ahicchatra, which was the capital and largest city of the region. It was somewhere between the Ganges and Ahicchatra however that Alexander heard that the road was blocked, a large army had marched in from further east and now blocked the Macedonian advance. This army was commanded by Shriyaka, whom the Greeks called Sirakes, and was about equal in size to Alexander’s. Shriyaka perhaps hoped that the large size of his host would make Alexander pause and perhaps even turn around. This was however the precise opposite of what would happen, Alexander was pleased that for once his enemy would not hide in fortresses or cities, or attempt to wage a guerrilla campaign from the hills. Now he finally had an enemy that would face him in open battle, he force marched his troops east and in early April 322 confronted Shriyaka and his army just west of Ahicchatra.
The Battle of Ahicchatra and its aftermath
Having thus arranged his army in its regular formation Alexander left me and Krateros in charge of the phalanx, ordering us to hold our ground and halt the elephants in their advance while he himself would lead the hetairoi forward to strike the Indian chariots and beyond that their commander, Sirakes.
- Excerpt from Ptolemaios’ The Wars of Megas Alexandros
After some attempted negotiations, which led to nothing, Alexander decided to fight. Offerings were made to the gods and omens observed, which were positive for the Great King. On a morning in April 322 he ordered his army to take up their positions. The battlefield was just west of Ahicchatra, and consisted of mostly flat terrain with only a couple hills crossed by several small irrigation canals. Alexander used his standard formation, with the phalanx in the centre, the hetairoi on the right wing and the Thessalians, now under Koinos, on the left wing. The Thessalians were supplemented by allied cavalry, mostly send by the Assacenes and Omphis, and elephants under Poros’ son of the same name and a detachment of Saka horse archers. The hetairoi, under the Great King himself, were also supplemented by a squadron of cavalry recruited among the Persian nobility. Also present were the hypaspistai and the light troops: archers, slingers and javelineers. The Greeks of the Hellenic League were kept in reserve together with a substantial amount of Indian infantry send by the vassal rulers of the Indus and a squadron of Median cavalry. Alexander was lucky in the regard that he quickly set up his formation, for not soon afterwards Shriyaka, perhaps hoping to catch his enemy off guard, launched his assault.
For the phalangites it must have been a terrifying sight, Shriyaka’s 200 elephants were now charging their position, followed close behind by infantry, hoping to exploit any gaps that the elephants make. Alexander’s light troop attempted to take out the elephants, but there were far too many to effectively neutralize this way. The fighting, especially in the Macedonian centre and the left wing, was fierce. At several points in the phalanx the elephants managed to break through, trampling men and giving the Nanda infantry an opportunity to advance. Alexander, seeing that his centre was now under enormous pressure, send orders to the troops in the rear to advance and reinforce the centre. He would in the meantime advance and engage the chariots that guarded the Nanda flank, and afterwards charge the Indian infantry’s rear.
Battle of Ahicchatra
The rear however could not advance, because it had come under attack by a flanking force send by Shriyaka, who clearly knew how to fight a battle. Consisting of his cavalry and some chariots that hey travelled south of the Macedonian lines and now managed to surprise the Macedonian rear. Fighting was fierce, but in the end the Greeks, Indians and Medians managed to repel the Nanda cavalry, but not without grievous losses. They also plundered the baggage train and torched a lot of siege equipment. On the Macedonian left the Thessalians managed to repel an attack by another flanking force, mostly consisting of chariots, after which the way was clear for the Saka to harass Shriyaka’s flanks. On the Macedonian right, where there were located less elephants than on the centre or the left, Ptolemaios led his phalangites and the hypaspistai in a counter-attack, driving back the Indian infantry.
It was in the centre, where Krateros commanded the phalanx, that fighting was still at its fiercest. Not only did the Macedonians face mighty war elephants but also the well armoured and experienced troops of the Sreni guilds. The phalanx started to buckle under the weight of their assault. The left wing of the Macedonian phalanx held firm, and was supported by Poros’ cavalry and elephants, who managed to stall the Nanda advance. Alexander had in the meantime charged forward with his hetairoi, who were now confronted with a chariot force that was meant to cover the Indian infantry’s flank, and just beyond them was Shriyaka himself with his bodyguard. Upon approaching the chariots Alexander split his forces in two, he himself would lead his squadron to the right, attempting to outflank the chariots, while Hektor would lead a squadron to the left, where he could assault the flank of the Nanda infantry. The chariots thus had to split, which led to them thinning their line, which Alexander utilised by turning his squadron around and then charged the chariots, breaking through and then confronting Shriyaka himself.
Despite his initial advantage the tide of battle was now turning against Shriyaka, the Thessalians and Saka had outflanked and harassed his infantry and now his own position was under attack by Alexander himself. He ordered a retreat into the city and ordered his remaining cavalry and guild infantry to advance and cover the retreat. Alexander halted his own advance and regrouped his cavalry, hoping to exploit the enemy retreat, but to no avail, most of Shriyaka’s army managed to reach the city, which was well supplied and fortified. While Alexander had won it was not the crushing victory he had hoped for, and he must have known that he was lucky to be victorious at all. The battle was more costly in lives than any up until now for the Macedonians, 3500 had perished on the fields of Ahichattra, Nanda losses were higher, but off course easier to replace since they are fighting in their homeland [2]. A large part of the baggage train was ransacked and the siege equipment was largely lost, making it hard to besiege Shriyaka now that he had fortified the city.
Still, Alexander had the city surrounded, perhaps hoping that the city was not well supplied. Soon however news reached Alexander that made him reconsider his campaign. The first was that a second, even larger, army was on its way to Ahichattra, now under the command of Dhana Nanda himself. The second news was that a rebellion had broken out in Sogdia and Bactria, potentially endangering Macedonian rule in those lands. For the first time in his kingship Alexander now needed to face the fact that his empire would not be limitless, that, at least for now, there would be lands that would remain outside it. Showing that he was still a Macedonian Argead king he ordered a general meeting of the army, where he proposed withdrawing back beyond the Yamuna to his army, which despite some murmurs among the troops, agreed to the king’s proposal. He had several priests, Greek, Babylonian, Persian and also Indian, observe omens, which supposedly all indicated that it was better for the Great King to retreat. Alexander send messengers to both Shriyaka and Dhana Nanda, proposing peace, but did not await their response. Perhaps fearing being trapped between their armies he marched his army back to the Ganges, where the pontoon bridge was still intact and guarded, and crossed over. After a day of rest he resumed his march and crossed the Yamuna in May 322. While on the other side of the Yamuna he met with representatives send by Dhana Nanda, who surprised Alexander by accepting his peace proposal. Substantial amounts of gold and silver were send east to Pataliputra, but most of it was plunder from lands ruled by the Nanda themselves. The Aravalli range was decided upon as the new border between the two empires. Alexander and his army returned to Philippopolis Indike in June, where he left behind a larger garrison to guard against future Nanda incursions, and arrived in Taxila in July.
At Taxila he received both good and bad news. Good news came in from Bactria and Sogdia, where the rebellion turned out to be badly organised. The satrap Perdiccas had managed to corner the rebels and defeated them, clearing away the threat of secession in those lands. Bad news however had come from the Lower Indus, where Musicanus had risen up against Macedonian rule. It was the last bit of news however that must have had the largest impact on the King, because from Babylon the news had arrived that Parmenion had passed away. The second man of the Empire, he and his family had been a bedrock of support for both Philip and Alexander, he would be hard to replace. Alexander thus did not have much time to grant rest to his troops, and marched down the Indus in July 322, he managed to besiege Musicanus in his stronghold and defeated him there, ending the rebellion and bringing the Lower Indus back under Macedonian control. Larger garrisons were now deployed at Alexandria on the Indus, Artakameia and Patala. It was from Patala that Alexander would make his way back to Babylon. Nearchos had explored the Persian Gulf and now commanded a small flotilla, which would transport Alexander and a small part of his forces to Herakleia-on-the-Tigris from where he would return to Babylon, where he had a triumphant entrance in late August 322. The largest part of the army however would take the long route back to Babylonia, crossing the Bolan Pass into Arachosia and then back through Drangiana, Areia, Parthia and Media, after which they finally would reach the plains of the Euphrates and Tigris. Originally Alexander had planned for this army to march to Persia through the Gedrosian desert, but this was ultimately deemed too dangerous.
Ruling from Babylon
Year 7 of Alexander, month 6: Alexander, King of the World, returned to the city after subduing the land of India. He displayed the wealth of India, bringing elephants, ivory and spices from that distant land. Afterwards he made donations to the temples and ordered the construction of a temple to his father, King Philip.
- Excerpt from the Babylonian Astronomical Diaries
Alexander’s return from India was triumphantly celebrated in Babylon, the capital had not been visited by the king since just after his ascent to the throne 7 years before. In those 7 years he had managed to dramatically expand the borders of the empire and acquired riches and exotic goods, which he now paraded through the streets of Babylon. This was also the first time he saw his son and daughter, already 4 years old. Alexander remained in the city for several months, engaging in the day-to-day government of his empire, hearing petitioners and settling disputes. In this he was supported by his secretary Eumenes, who was also given the rank of chief treasurer, overseeing the many talents of silver and gold in tribute that flowed into the treasury. Eumenes was an able administrator, but somewhat distrusted by the Macedonian nobility because of his Greek origins. He, much more than Parmenion, had been responsible for the government of the empire in Alexander’s absence.
Several infrastructural projects were started around this time by Alexander. He ordered the destruction of several artificial barrages in the Tigris near Herakleia, once constructed by the Persians as a defensive measure against raids from the Persian gulf, which would allow large ships to sail from Babylon to Herakleia. He also ordered the expansion of the Pallacotas canal which provided water for agriculture around Babylon. Expanding agriculture and trade showed that Alexander had an interest in improving the material conditions of his subjects, or at least in increasing tax revenues. Afterwards Alexander went to Susa, where Parmenion’s brother Agathon was satrap. One of the garrison commanders of the area was a certain Sitalces, a Thracian nobleman who was appointed by Philip. Sitalces however had shown himself to be incredibly corrupt, he had plundered several local temples and extorted money from the Elamite population. Complaints were filed by the population with Agathon and Alexander, who now personally visited to take care of the problem. Sitalces he ordered executed for his transgressions, and Agathon was dismissed for his incompetence. Menes, another Macedonian general, was now appointed as satrap of Elymais. Alexander’s visit of Susa was followed by a visit to Pasargadae, where he ordered the restoration of Cyrus’ tomb. While in Persia he also oversaw the training of 6000 Persians as phalangites, showing their prowess to their king on the fields just outside Persepolis. Philotas, son of Parmenion and garrison commander of Persepolis, had shown himself to be a capable leader in the preceding years and was now promoted to serve directly under Alexander, becoming commander of the hetairoi.
Alexander returned to Babylon in November 322 and called for a meeting of the army. The Macedonian veterans over 45 he discharged, offering them a pension and a return to Macedonia or, if they wanted, a farm in Babylonia or Syria. Most who were eligible went back to Macedonia, but there were some who decided to stay in the east. There were also those who did not want to retire, and who, despite their age, could still serve valiantly on the battlefield. For them Alexander set up a separate division, the Argyraspides, ‘silver shields’ so named for their silver-plated shields, which would be an elite unit of his army in the coming campaigns, serving both in the phalanx and as hypaspistai. Not long afterwards Antigonos, satrap of Phrygia, visited Babylon on invitation of the Great King. During Alexander’s absence it was Antigonos who dealt with the problem of Ariarathes of Cappadocia. Luckily for Antigonos Ariarathes fell victim to in-fighting among the Cappadocian nobility, dying during an ‘hunting accident’. With his death the Cappadocian resistance was divided and the land was subdued piece-by-piece by Antigonos, who appointed a certain Ariamnes, a local nobleman, as satrap. While Cappadocia was still a restless it was at least not actively dangerous, and so would not threaten the routes through Anatolia. Alexander appointed Antigonos to Parmenion’s old position of Chiliarch, becoming effectively the second man of the empire, testament to the man’s capabilities. Sibyrtios was appointed satrap of Phrygia in Antigonos’ place. Another activity of Alexander during the last months of 322 was sending an embassy to Egypt, with as most prominent member Hieronymos of Cardia, cousin of Eumenes. His mission was to ascertain Egypt’s strength, improve trade relations and finding the Great King an Egyptian wife.
Nakhtnebef’s second Nubian campaign
It was during the fourth regnal year under the Majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Khakaura, the Son of Ra, Nakhtnebef – may he live forever! – that an envoy reached His Majesty whilst in the Residence at Hebyt. Vile Kush had assaulted men of Egypt and had raided across the border, carrying away the treasuries of temples. Upon hearing this His Majesty’s rage was like that of Sakhmet. He ordered the Admiral of the Fleet of Upper Egypt, Usermontu [3] to advance on the Land-of-the-Bowmen, to evict the vile Kushites.
- Description of the start of Nakhtnebef’s second Nubian campaign, found at Abu Simbel
The death of Nakhthorheb, his heir and co-ruler, must have been a profound shock to Nakhtnebef, but soon afterwards it seems the King of Upper and Lower Egypt had something else to worry about. It is unknown whether or not there actually was a Nubian assault on Egyptian settlements in Lower Nubia, but it doesn’t seem likely. The justification for this second campaign looks a lot like the reason for the first, but whatever the case Egypt was once again at war with its southern neighbour. The campaign of 325 however would not be as quick as the one of 328, and had a different goal altogether. Usermontu, Admiral of the Fleet of Upper Egypt, was send ahead in August 325 with a force consisting mostly of mercenaries, recruited from Nubia itself, Greece and the Near East. From the border fortress at Dorginarti Usermontu advanced upstream, first occupying the old fortress at Semna and afterwards advancing to the Third Cataract, apparently without encountering much resistance.
Nakhtnebef himself remained in Egypt, gathering the machimoi forces and the Greeks settled in the Delta, and sailed upstream in October 325 where he first made a stop at Waset, where he made offerings at Ipetsut. Gathering more troops, by now his army was 30000 strong, and a group of royal artisans, he sailed upstream and joined up with Usermontu at Semna. The fort of Semna was once founded by Nakhtnebef’s namesake, the 12th Dynasty ruler Senusret III, and included a shrine to him, which Nakhtnebef now had restored. Now the army, around 40000 strong, marched past the Third Cataract, and in December 325 encountered the Nubian army under King Nastasen at Kawa on the east bank of the Nile. The Egyptian army, commanded by Nakhtnebef and his close confidantes Usermontu and Bakenanhur, managed to defeat the Nubians thoroughly. Early in the battle Bakenanhur, commanding a cavalry force consisting of Egyptians, Greeks and Persians who settled in Egypt, managed to defeat the Nubian cavalry and flank the Kushite army. This cavalry force, trained to fight as shock cavalry like Alexander’s hetairoi, wreaked havoc on the Nubian lines. Meanwhile the Kushite infantry, often only lightly armoured, could not stand up to the machimoi and hoplites, and were swept off the field. Nastasen fell in battle, and the Nubian army was effectively destroyed.
Temple of Ramesses-Meryamun
After the battle Nakhtnebef remained in Kawa for some time, ordering the restoration of local temples to Amun, some of whom were built under Tutankhamun [4] and Amenhotep III. Afterwards Nakhtnebef advanced further upstream until he reached the Fourth Cataract and the city of Napata, which he captured without much of a fight. He had Nastasen buried at the royal cemetery at Napata, and installed a relative of him, a man named Aryamani, as new King of Kush. The Kingdom of Kush however was severely diminished, the lands from the Second Cataract to Napata were annexed to Egypt, with Kush reduced to a vassal state around Meroë. Vast tracts of land in Nubia were donated to the cult of Amun-Ra, tying them further to the King personally. During his journey home Nakhtnebef searched the riverbank for a suitable place for a monument commemorating his victory, which he eventually found near the second cataract of the Nile, at a rockface near the impressive edifice of the Temple of Ramesses-Meryamun [5]. Associating himself with Egypt’s most famous ruler turned out to be irresistible to Nakhtnebef, and the inscription he ordered was full of superlatives not unlike the ones Ramesses himself used. Returning to Memphis in April 324 he was just in time for the birth of his son, who he named Usermaatra, after the throne name of Ramesses II. Nakhtnebef during the campaign had showed himself to be an able commander, and he brought Egypt to its largest extent it had seen since the end of the New Kingdom, but only time could tell whether or not his arrangements in Nubia would turn out to be successful.
Footnotes
The march on the Ganges
After our return to Taxila the rains started, and they were unlike anything we had ever seen or even heard of. The King, impatient to start his next campaign, ordered the construction of a magnificently decorated shrine to Zeus, hoping that the supreme god who commands the heavens would cease the rains. Alexander spared no expenses, and even the locals admitted that never before had such a beautiful building been seen in India, and yet the rains did not cease. Lavish offerings were made and the rains did not cease. For several days the King sulked in his apartment in Omphis’ palace, indulging in wine. One day, while it was still raining, one of the brahmans approached the King, and told him tersely that patience, too, was a virtue. The rains would cease in a month, as they had always done, and men could not always expect nature to bend to their will even if the man in question is the Great King of Asia. Alexander acquiesced, praised the brahman for his wisdom and decided to patiently await the end of the rains.
- Excerpt from Ptolemaios’ The Wars of Megas Alexandros
After returning to Taxila from his march down the Indus in June 323 Alexander already started preparations for his next conquest, this time it would be the lands to the east, located on the banks of the Ganges and the Yamuna, that were to be subjugated by the armies of the Great King. The Greeks were convinced that by conquering those lands they would have reached the great eastern ocean, practically the end of the world. After informing with Omphis and Poros however Alexander was quickly disabused of this notion. The Ganges wasn’t a small stream but a mighty river, easily the equal of the Nile or the Tigris, and located on it’s banks were not some petty chieftains but a powerful kingdom, which could field thousands of elephants in battle. Alexander had by now only operated on the margins of Indian civilization, but by marching east he would reach its heart on the Indo-Gangetic plain, where resistance to his invasion would be much more determined. If he wanted to succeed he would need to prepare well and strike hard and fast.
The need to establish garrisons had diminished Alexander’s forces somewhat, from the 100000 of the year before to around 80000 by June 323. Over several months however the Great King had managed to increase the size of his army once again, a 12000-men strong reinforcement force arrived from the west, mostly Persians, 4000 of which were now trained as phalangites, under the command of Peukestas. Omphis and Poros also pledged troops, including 80 elephants, combining around 10000 strong. Alexander also levied troops from the rulers of the Lower Indus and the Assacenes and hired practically any mercenary he could find. All of this meant that when it was ready to march out in October 323 Alexander’s army was 110000 men strong, a truly gargantuan force. Nikanor was left behind in Taxila with a force 10000 strong, he would function more or less as military governor of the area while Omphis had civilian and administrative authority over Gandhara. Poros also stayed behind in his domains, but his eponymous son would accompany Alexander, partially as commander of his father’s forces but also as hostage, an insurance that Poros would stay loyal.
Alexander once again crossed the Hydaspes, now by bridge, which he had his engineers construct. After a short stay in Bucephala he continued onward, crossing the Acesines and Hydraotis in short succession, testament to the capability of his engineering corps. Now however he entered lands that were not necessarily friendly to him. Some communities decided to submit to the army passing through their homeland but others fled when they heard of the invasion. This the Macedonians interpreted as resistance, and many villages burned during his passage through the region. Many of the refugees must have gathered at the area’s most important city, Sagala, which decided to resist Alexander when his army arrived. Sadly for them however their city and its defenders were not able to withstand the Macedonian siegeworks, and after only several weeks a portion of the city’s walls collapsed when the Macedonians managed to dig a mine underneath, after which the city was stormed and brutally sacked. According to Greek sources 17000 inhabitants perished and 70000 were enslaved, while the Macedonians only suffered 100 dead. The city was destroyed, but in its location Alexander founded a new one, naming it Philippopolis Indike after his father [1]. The founding of the city was also meant to safeguard the supply lines which ran from Bucephala and Taxila. Around December 323 Alexander was on the march again, and soon reached the Hyphasis (Beas). The territory between the Hyphasis and the Acesines he granted to Poros, fulfilling his promise of enlarging the lands belonging to his Indian ally, making Poros practically the satrap over the eastern Punjab.
The Hyphasis was crossed without incident and soon afterwards the Zaradros (Sutlej) was too. Once again Alexander’s army cut a bloody swath across the countryside, meeting any resistance with merciless slaughter. In one infamous incident Alexander had a group of local brahmans, whom he suspected had incited the local population against him, crucified in public. Now his army advanced further, and reached the banks of the Yamuna, known to the Greeks as the Ioames, in January 322. All the rivers he had crossed till now flowed into the Indus, but now for the first time he entered lands where the rivers went in a different direction, towards the east, to where the Greeks believed they flowed into the eastern ocean. Alexander made offerings while on the banks of the Yamuna, to Zeus, to Dionysus, who according to the Greeks conquered India in a distant past, and to Herakles and Achilles, both illustrious ancestors of the king. While the engineers were preparing a bridge across the Yamuna the Macedonians and Greeks held games in honour of the gods, the army was granted several days of rest by the King, who engaged in long drinking sessions together with the Macedonian nobility. On the fifth day after the arrival at the Yamuna Alexander had his army form up on the riverbank, and with the blaring of trumpets and with Alexander at its head the army crossed the river more like a parade than as an invading force.
To the onlookers on the other side of the river it must have been an unusual sight, seeing the strange and foreign soldiers crossing the river. They did not however contend the crossing, nor did they seem to oppose Alexander, who met with representatives from local communities and negotiated with them, promising not to harm them and arranging supplies. For Alexander, whose campaign in India was remarkable because of its brutality, this must have been an welcome change. However it would not last long, for news of Alexander’s invasion had travelled ahead of him, and had already reached Pataliputra, capital of Magadha and the mighty Nanda dynasty, who held sway over the Ganges. Whether or not Dhana Nanda, ruler of the dynasty, was aware of the invasion of the Indus Valley is unknown, but with Alexander’s march east he could no longer ignore the Macedonians. Forces were gathered when the news reached the Gangetic heartland that the conqueror was on his way. Elephants, cavalry, chariots and infantry were the core components of an Indian army, and while largely consisting of levied men a not insignificant amount of soldiers were supplied by the Sreni guilds, and were highly experienced and well-armed. Dhana Nanda had send west an advance force under his minister and army commander Shriyaka, who commanded 60000 men, 200 elephants, a 3000 strong cavalry detachment and 400 chariots. A sizeable force, but Shriyaka’s mission was not to charge headlong into battle but to ascertain the situation and if possible block Alexander’s advance while Dhana Nanda could gather a larger army and then march west to defeat the invaders.
Alexander had heard that there were rich cities on the banks of the Yamuna if he followed the river south, but this he did not do. By now he must have known that the political centre of the Magadhan realm was downstream the Ganges, and by seizing that he could seize power over the entire region, or so he believed. Alexander thus marched east after crossing the Yamuna in January 322, giving his army no rest till they reached the banks of the Ganges at the start of February 322. There he made offerings on the riverbank and had several shrines constructed, but instead of crossing the river now the Macedonians remained on the west bank and marched south, and after several days they reached the walls of the city of Hastinapur, which is located on the west bank of the Ganges. Just north of the city Alexander had left behind 20000 men under Ptolemaios, who were tasked with constructing a pontoon bridge across the river and guarding it against enemy attacks, while Alexander and 80000 men would go to Hastinapur.
Storming of Hastinapur
The garrison and local leaders of Hastinapur refused to open the gates to the Great King of Asia when he demanded their surrender. Thus Alexander saw no other solution then to storm the city. Ladders and siege towers were constructed, and upstream, where Ptolemaios and his forces were building a bridge, Alexander had his engineers construct several ships so that they could assail the city from the Ganges and prevent the resupplying via the river. Despite a spirited and determined resistance by the city’s inhabitants Hastinapur fell after several weeks. According to Greek sources Alexander could not sleep one night, and while surveying the enemy fortifications under the light of the moon he spotted a section of the wall that was not well guarded and close by a gate. He personally led a detachment of troops to the wall and was the first on the ladder, and in a quick and decisive action they managed to overrun the few defenders that were there and managed to open the gate to the rest of the army. Hastinapur was mercilessly sacked, precious goods from its temples plundered and a large part of its population was enslaved and carted away, many of whom would never see their homeland again.
Emboldened by this victory Alexander marched north to Ptolemaios’ bridge and, after granting his soldiers several days of rest, crossed the Ganges in March 322. He left behind a garrison to guard the bridge and marched east, through the lands that were known as Panchala, towards the city of Ahicchatra, which was the capital and largest city of the region. It was somewhere between the Ganges and Ahicchatra however that Alexander heard that the road was blocked, a large army had marched in from further east and now blocked the Macedonian advance. This army was commanded by Shriyaka, whom the Greeks called Sirakes, and was about equal in size to Alexander’s. Shriyaka perhaps hoped that the large size of his host would make Alexander pause and perhaps even turn around. This was however the precise opposite of what would happen, Alexander was pleased that for once his enemy would not hide in fortresses or cities, or attempt to wage a guerrilla campaign from the hills. Now he finally had an enemy that would face him in open battle, he force marched his troops east and in early April 322 confronted Shriyaka and his army just west of Ahicchatra.
The Battle of Ahicchatra and its aftermath
Having thus arranged his army in its regular formation Alexander left me and Krateros in charge of the phalanx, ordering us to hold our ground and halt the elephants in their advance while he himself would lead the hetairoi forward to strike the Indian chariots and beyond that their commander, Sirakes.
- Excerpt from Ptolemaios’ The Wars of Megas Alexandros
After some attempted negotiations, which led to nothing, Alexander decided to fight. Offerings were made to the gods and omens observed, which were positive for the Great King. On a morning in April 322 he ordered his army to take up their positions. The battlefield was just west of Ahicchatra, and consisted of mostly flat terrain with only a couple hills crossed by several small irrigation canals. Alexander used his standard formation, with the phalanx in the centre, the hetairoi on the right wing and the Thessalians, now under Koinos, on the left wing. The Thessalians were supplemented by allied cavalry, mostly send by the Assacenes and Omphis, and elephants under Poros’ son of the same name and a detachment of Saka horse archers. The hetairoi, under the Great King himself, were also supplemented by a squadron of cavalry recruited among the Persian nobility. Also present were the hypaspistai and the light troops: archers, slingers and javelineers. The Greeks of the Hellenic League were kept in reserve together with a substantial amount of Indian infantry send by the vassal rulers of the Indus and a squadron of Median cavalry. Alexander was lucky in the regard that he quickly set up his formation, for not soon afterwards Shriyaka, perhaps hoping to catch his enemy off guard, launched his assault.
For the phalangites it must have been a terrifying sight, Shriyaka’s 200 elephants were now charging their position, followed close behind by infantry, hoping to exploit any gaps that the elephants make. Alexander’s light troop attempted to take out the elephants, but there were far too many to effectively neutralize this way. The fighting, especially in the Macedonian centre and the left wing, was fierce. At several points in the phalanx the elephants managed to break through, trampling men and giving the Nanda infantry an opportunity to advance. Alexander, seeing that his centre was now under enormous pressure, send orders to the troops in the rear to advance and reinforce the centre. He would in the meantime advance and engage the chariots that guarded the Nanda flank, and afterwards charge the Indian infantry’s rear.
Battle of Ahicchatra
The rear however could not advance, because it had come under attack by a flanking force send by Shriyaka, who clearly knew how to fight a battle. Consisting of his cavalry and some chariots that hey travelled south of the Macedonian lines and now managed to surprise the Macedonian rear. Fighting was fierce, but in the end the Greeks, Indians and Medians managed to repel the Nanda cavalry, but not without grievous losses. They also plundered the baggage train and torched a lot of siege equipment. On the Macedonian left the Thessalians managed to repel an attack by another flanking force, mostly consisting of chariots, after which the way was clear for the Saka to harass Shriyaka’s flanks. On the Macedonian right, where there were located less elephants than on the centre or the left, Ptolemaios led his phalangites and the hypaspistai in a counter-attack, driving back the Indian infantry.
It was in the centre, where Krateros commanded the phalanx, that fighting was still at its fiercest. Not only did the Macedonians face mighty war elephants but also the well armoured and experienced troops of the Sreni guilds. The phalanx started to buckle under the weight of their assault. The left wing of the Macedonian phalanx held firm, and was supported by Poros’ cavalry and elephants, who managed to stall the Nanda advance. Alexander had in the meantime charged forward with his hetairoi, who were now confronted with a chariot force that was meant to cover the Indian infantry’s flank, and just beyond them was Shriyaka himself with his bodyguard. Upon approaching the chariots Alexander split his forces in two, he himself would lead his squadron to the right, attempting to outflank the chariots, while Hektor would lead a squadron to the left, where he could assault the flank of the Nanda infantry. The chariots thus had to split, which led to them thinning their line, which Alexander utilised by turning his squadron around and then charged the chariots, breaking through and then confronting Shriyaka himself.
Despite his initial advantage the tide of battle was now turning against Shriyaka, the Thessalians and Saka had outflanked and harassed his infantry and now his own position was under attack by Alexander himself. He ordered a retreat into the city and ordered his remaining cavalry and guild infantry to advance and cover the retreat. Alexander halted his own advance and regrouped his cavalry, hoping to exploit the enemy retreat, but to no avail, most of Shriyaka’s army managed to reach the city, which was well supplied and fortified. While Alexander had won it was not the crushing victory he had hoped for, and he must have known that he was lucky to be victorious at all. The battle was more costly in lives than any up until now for the Macedonians, 3500 had perished on the fields of Ahichattra, Nanda losses were higher, but off course easier to replace since they are fighting in their homeland [2]. A large part of the baggage train was ransacked and the siege equipment was largely lost, making it hard to besiege Shriyaka now that he had fortified the city.
Still, Alexander had the city surrounded, perhaps hoping that the city was not well supplied. Soon however news reached Alexander that made him reconsider his campaign. The first was that a second, even larger, army was on its way to Ahichattra, now under the command of Dhana Nanda himself. The second news was that a rebellion had broken out in Sogdia and Bactria, potentially endangering Macedonian rule in those lands. For the first time in his kingship Alexander now needed to face the fact that his empire would not be limitless, that, at least for now, there would be lands that would remain outside it. Showing that he was still a Macedonian Argead king he ordered a general meeting of the army, where he proposed withdrawing back beyond the Yamuna to his army, which despite some murmurs among the troops, agreed to the king’s proposal. He had several priests, Greek, Babylonian, Persian and also Indian, observe omens, which supposedly all indicated that it was better for the Great King to retreat. Alexander send messengers to both Shriyaka and Dhana Nanda, proposing peace, but did not await their response. Perhaps fearing being trapped between their armies he marched his army back to the Ganges, where the pontoon bridge was still intact and guarded, and crossed over. After a day of rest he resumed his march and crossed the Yamuna in May 322. While on the other side of the Yamuna he met with representatives send by Dhana Nanda, who surprised Alexander by accepting his peace proposal. Substantial amounts of gold and silver were send east to Pataliputra, but most of it was plunder from lands ruled by the Nanda themselves. The Aravalli range was decided upon as the new border between the two empires. Alexander and his army returned to Philippopolis Indike in June, where he left behind a larger garrison to guard against future Nanda incursions, and arrived in Taxila in July.
At Taxila he received both good and bad news. Good news came in from Bactria and Sogdia, where the rebellion turned out to be badly organised. The satrap Perdiccas had managed to corner the rebels and defeated them, clearing away the threat of secession in those lands. Bad news however had come from the Lower Indus, where Musicanus had risen up against Macedonian rule. It was the last bit of news however that must have had the largest impact on the King, because from Babylon the news had arrived that Parmenion had passed away. The second man of the Empire, he and his family had been a bedrock of support for both Philip and Alexander, he would be hard to replace. Alexander thus did not have much time to grant rest to his troops, and marched down the Indus in July 322, he managed to besiege Musicanus in his stronghold and defeated him there, ending the rebellion and bringing the Lower Indus back under Macedonian control. Larger garrisons were now deployed at Alexandria on the Indus, Artakameia and Patala. It was from Patala that Alexander would make his way back to Babylon. Nearchos had explored the Persian Gulf and now commanded a small flotilla, which would transport Alexander and a small part of his forces to Herakleia-on-the-Tigris from where he would return to Babylon, where he had a triumphant entrance in late August 322. The largest part of the army however would take the long route back to Babylonia, crossing the Bolan Pass into Arachosia and then back through Drangiana, Areia, Parthia and Media, after which they finally would reach the plains of the Euphrates and Tigris. Originally Alexander had planned for this army to march to Persia through the Gedrosian desert, but this was ultimately deemed too dangerous.
Ruling from Babylon
Year 7 of Alexander, month 6: Alexander, King of the World, returned to the city after subduing the land of India. He displayed the wealth of India, bringing elephants, ivory and spices from that distant land. Afterwards he made donations to the temples and ordered the construction of a temple to his father, King Philip.
- Excerpt from the Babylonian Astronomical Diaries
Alexander’s return from India was triumphantly celebrated in Babylon, the capital had not been visited by the king since just after his ascent to the throne 7 years before. In those 7 years he had managed to dramatically expand the borders of the empire and acquired riches and exotic goods, which he now paraded through the streets of Babylon. This was also the first time he saw his son and daughter, already 4 years old. Alexander remained in the city for several months, engaging in the day-to-day government of his empire, hearing petitioners and settling disputes. In this he was supported by his secretary Eumenes, who was also given the rank of chief treasurer, overseeing the many talents of silver and gold in tribute that flowed into the treasury. Eumenes was an able administrator, but somewhat distrusted by the Macedonian nobility because of his Greek origins. He, much more than Parmenion, had been responsible for the government of the empire in Alexander’s absence.
Several infrastructural projects were started around this time by Alexander. He ordered the destruction of several artificial barrages in the Tigris near Herakleia, once constructed by the Persians as a defensive measure against raids from the Persian gulf, which would allow large ships to sail from Babylon to Herakleia. He also ordered the expansion of the Pallacotas canal which provided water for agriculture around Babylon. Expanding agriculture and trade showed that Alexander had an interest in improving the material conditions of his subjects, or at least in increasing tax revenues. Afterwards Alexander went to Susa, where Parmenion’s brother Agathon was satrap. One of the garrison commanders of the area was a certain Sitalces, a Thracian nobleman who was appointed by Philip. Sitalces however had shown himself to be incredibly corrupt, he had plundered several local temples and extorted money from the Elamite population. Complaints were filed by the population with Agathon and Alexander, who now personally visited to take care of the problem. Sitalces he ordered executed for his transgressions, and Agathon was dismissed for his incompetence. Menes, another Macedonian general, was now appointed as satrap of Elymais. Alexander’s visit of Susa was followed by a visit to Pasargadae, where he ordered the restoration of Cyrus’ tomb. While in Persia he also oversaw the training of 6000 Persians as phalangites, showing their prowess to their king on the fields just outside Persepolis. Philotas, son of Parmenion and garrison commander of Persepolis, had shown himself to be a capable leader in the preceding years and was now promoted to serve directly under Alexander, becoming commander of the hetairoi.
Alexander returned to Babylon in November 322 and called for a meeting of the army. The Macedonian veterans over 45 he discharged, offering them a pension and a return to Macedonia or, if they wanted, a farm in Babylonia or Syria. Most who were eligible went back to Macedonia, but there were some who decided to stay in the east. There were also those who did not want to retire, and who, despite their age, could still serve valiantly on the battlefield. For them Alexander set up a separate division, the Argyraspides, ‘silver shields’ so named for their silver-plated shields, which would be an elite unit of his army in the coming campaigns, serving both in the phalanx and as hypaspistai. Not long afterwards Antigonos, satrap of Phrygia, visited Babylon on invitation of the Great King. During Alexander’s absence it was Antigonos who dealt with the problem of Ariarathes of Cappadocia. Luckily for Antigonos Ariarathes fell victim to in-fighting among the Cappadocian nobility, dying during an ‘hunting accident’. With his death the Cappadocian resistance was divided and the land was subdued piece-by-piece by Antigonos, who appointed a certain Ariamnes, a local nobleman, as satrap. While Cappadocia was still a restless it was at least not actively dangerous, and so would not threaten the routes through Anatolia. Alexander appointed Antigonos to Parmenion’s old position of Chiliarch, becoming effectively the second man of the empire, testament to the man’s capabilities. Sibyrtios was appointed satrap of Phrygia in Antigonos’ place. Another activity of Alexander during the last months of 322 was sending an embassy to Egypt, with as most prominent member Hieronymos of Cardia, cousin of Eumenes. His mission was to ascertain Egypt’s strength, improve trade relations and finding the Great King an Egyptian wife.
Nakhtnebef’s second Nubian campaign
It was during the fourth regnal year under the Majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Khakaura, the Son of Ra, Nakhtnebef – may he live forever! – that an envoy reached His Majesty whilst in the Residence at Hebyt. Vile Kush had assaulted men of Egypt and had raided across the border, carrying away the treasuries of temples. Upon hearing this His Majesty’s rage was like that of Sakhmet. He ordered the Admiral of the Fleet of Upper Egypt, Usermontu [3] to advance on the Land-of-the-Bowmen, to evict the vile Kushites.
- Description of the start of Nakhtnebef’s second Nubian campaign, found at Abu Simbel
The death of Nakhthorheb, his heir and co-ruler, must have been a profound shock to Nakhtnebef, but soon afterwards it seems the King of Upper and Lower Egypt had something else to worry about. It is unknown whether or not there actually was a Nubian assault on Egyptian settlements in Lower Nubia, but it doesn’t seem likely. The justification for this second campaign looks a lot like the reason for the first, but whatever the case Egypt was once again at war with its southern neighbour. The campaign of 325 however would not be as quick as the one of 328, and had a different goal altogether. Usermontu, Admiral of the Fleet of Upper Egypt, was send ahead in August 325 with a force consisting mostly of mercenaries, recruited from Nubia itself, Greece and the Near East. From the border fortress at Dorginarti Usermontu advanced upstream, first occupying the old fortress at Semna and afterwards advancing to the Third Cataract, apparently without encountering much resistance.
Nakhtnebef himself remained in Egypt, gathering the machimoi forces and the Greeks settled in the Delta, and sailed upstream in October 325 where he first made a stop at Waset, where he made offerings at Ipetsut. Gathering more troops, by now his army was 30000 strong, and a group of royal artisans, he sailed upstream and joined up with Usermontu at Semna. The fort of Semna was once founded by Nakhtnebef’s namesake, the 12th Dynasty ruler Senusret III, and included a shrine to him, which Nakhtnebef now had restored. Now the army, around 40000 strong, marched past the Third Cataract, and in December 325 encountered the Nubian army under King Nastasen at Kawa on the east bank of the Nile. The Egyptian army, commanded by Nakhtnebef and his close confidantes Usermontu and Bakenanhur, managed to defeat the Nubians thoroughly. Early in the battle Bakenanhur, commanding a cavalry force consisting of Egyptians, Greeks and Persians who settled in Egypt, managed to defeat the Nubian cavalry and flank the Kushite army. This cavalry force, trained to fight as shock cavalry like Alexander’s hetairoi, wreaked havoc on the Nubian lines. Meanwhile the Kushite infantry, often only lightly armoured, could not stand up to the machimoi and hoplites, and were swept off the field. Nastasen fell in battle, and the Nubian army was effectively destroyed.
Temple of Ramesses-Meryamun
After the battle Nakhtnebef remained in Kawa for some time, ordering the restoration of local temples to Amun, some of whom were built under Tutankhamun [4] and Amenhotep III. Afterwards Nakhtnebef advanced further upstream until he reached the Fourth Cataract and the city of Napata, which he captured without much of a fight. He had Nastasen buried at the royal cemetery at Napata, and installed a relative of him, a man named Aryamani, as new King of Kush. The Kingdom of Kush however was severely diminished, the lands from the Second Cataract to Napata were annexed to Egypt, with Kush reduced to a vassal state around Meroë. Vast tracts of land in Nubia were donated to the cult of Amun-Ra, tying them further to the King personally. During his journey home Nakhtnebef searched the riverbank for a suitable place for a monument commemorating his victory, which he eventually found near the second cataract of the Nile, at a rockface near the impressive edifice of the Temple of Ramesses-Meryamun [5]. Associating himself with Egypt’s most famous ruler turned out to be irresistible to Nakhtnebef, and the inscription he ordered was full of superlatives not unlike the ones Ramesses himself used. Returning to Memphis in April 324 he was just in time for the birth of his son, who he named Usermaatra, after the throne name of Ramesses II. Nakhtnebef during the campaign had showed himself to be an able commander, and he brought Egypt to its largest extent it had seen since the end of the New Kingdom, but only time could tell whether or not his arrangements in Nubia would turn out to be successful.
Footnotes
[1.]Located at modern day Sialkot in Pakistan, the new name means ‘Indian Philippopolis’
[2 ]Among the dead on the Nanda side at Ahicchatra was a young nobleman named Chandragupta.
[3.]Whose name means ‘Montu is Strong’, referring the Upper Egyptian war god.
[4.]It’s unlikely though that Nakhtnebef II would know who Tutankhamun was.
[5.]‘Beloved of Amun’ i.e. Abu Simbel
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Updated campaign map
An updated map of Alexander's campaign, now including his campaign towards the Ganges and the return to Babylon.
Once again thanks to @Shahrasayr for his help with this update. Next update will probably be up sometime next week.
How long do you plan on Alexander living for? And how does he manage the logistics of the Indian campaign? Alexander was one of the best generals in the ancient world, but 110,000 is a lot.
OTL at its largest Alexander's army in India was 120000 strong, so it should be possible. The logistics are off course daunting, and a lot off the food and fodder is requisitioned from local villages, for whom the passage of Alexander's army would be a catastrophe.
Alexander has some decades ahead of him, while the lifestyle of a member of the Macedonian elite isn't particularly healthy many of his contemporaries, like Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus and Antigonus lived beyond 80 and were active till their death. Alexander won't be quite that old when he passes though. It helps off course that he hasn't suffered the injuries he suffered OTL on the battefield.
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Is the Mauryan Empire butterflies away? Will we see the expansion of Buddhism in Alexander's Empire?
So would Alexander pursue conquests in Arabia now that the interior of India is confirmed to be a no-go? Maybe in Alexander's pursuit for an Egyptian wife, the Egyptians use this as an opportunity to subjugate the Nabateans and the western Arabian coast.
Yes the Mauryan Empire as we know it OTL won't arise, since Chandragupta is dead and all. Buddhism I'm not really sure about, really have to do more research on it to give a more definitive answer.
It isn't illogical for Alexander to pursue at least the vassalization of the Gulf coast of Arabia. For Egypt I'm not really sure, they practically already dominate the trade between the Arabian interior and the Levant/Mediterranean, so there isn't much reason for them to expand further into Arabia. If military action takes place its more likely to be a punitive expedition against bedouin tribes that harass and plunder trade routes, like what happened in update 13, rather than full blown conquest and annexation.
Will he try to expand further in India or will see constant Greek invasion by his descendants?
What is view of Greeks towards India?
What is view of Greeks towards India?
Assuming that the Argead Empire doesn't collapse upon Alexander's death, it may leave a big enough imprint that Persian language and culture is Hellenized to the extent the Bactrians were, adopting the Greek alphabet for their Iranic language.
If Alexander left at least one son already born by a Persian princess (and not an unborn child by a minor consort like OTL) I think who his Empire will survive. The OTL end of Alexander’s Empire was really a “worst case ever”
Alexander's campaign to the Ganges was rather opportunistic, he thought he might seize the area without much resistance but backed off when the sheer size of the land and the forces opposed to him became apparent. So further expansion into India while possible is unlikely. It also wasn't a huge loss of prestige for Alexander since by conquering the entire Indus Valley he already has expanded the borders of 'Asia' beyond what the Achaemenids achieved.
The Greek view of India hasn't much, they still regard its as an ancient land of wisdom and riches (in that regard not unlike Egypt), the more fantastical elements of Greek beliefs about India (giant gold digging ants and all that) have been placed somewhat farther away on the map, into areas they haven't reached yet.
In regards to the Greek alphabet: that's actually a really interesting idea! Alexander will both live longer and will have pretty stable succession, so the empire won't collapse overnight.
I think I'm not spoiling anything by stating that, yes, the Argead Empire will be around for some time.
So, something I just noticed earlier, there was a reference to a temple of Ahura Mazda becoming a temple of Zeus, and then it was stated "ironically later in became a shrine to Zeus Oromazdes" back in update 6 in the city of Hyrkanis. Does that mean Ahura Mazda and Zeus eventually becomes synchronized by the Argead Empire/their successors? Since it was stated ironically, almost like it went from one god, to another god back to the initial god it was devoted to.
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