9. Consolidation and celebration
Philip in Babylon
Year 1 of Philip, month 3: the king of the world, Philip, to the city he returned after punishing the land of Elam. Into the city was brought gold and silver, and the restoration of the temples was ordered by the king.
-Excerpt from the Babylonian Astronomical Diaries
The Ishtar Gate and the Processional Way
In May 333 BC Philip made his triumphant entrance into the city of Babylon. His first visit in the previous year was short and without spectacle, he entered the city, installed a garrison and satrap and then left. This was of course unbecoming of a new king of Babylon, but at the time he had other things to worry about. Now, with the Persian heartland subjugated and the Achaemenid dynasty utterly defeated, he could make a worthy entrance in Mesopotamia’s largest city. Standing on a gilded chariot, escorted by a cavalry guard under command of his son Alexander, Philip entered the city through the famous Ishtar Gate and then followed the great Processional Way. Along them marched a contingent of the hypaspistai and several hundred of the pezhetairoi [1], also present were three hundred Persian cavalrymen under Oxyathres. The path before them was littered with rose petals and the air was heavy with the smell of perfumes and incense. The sides of the Processional Way, and the flat rooftops of adjoining buildings, were packed with people, all hoping to catch a glimpse of this new and exotic king from the far west. Brought along with the parade were cages with panthers and lions, showing that king had not only triumphed over men but over nature as well. The parade continued until it reached the Esagila, the temple of Marduk. Here Philip made offerings to this Babylonian Zeus, who created the world and had triumphed over chaos. The festivities continued for several days afterwards, but Philip took no part. He settled himself in the Palace of Nebuchadnezzar in order to dedicate himself to the administration of his new empire.
There were some Macedonians and Greeks who rather would just leave Babylon behind, who wanted to plunder the east and then return to the Aegean. Initially this even might have been Philip’s plan, to secure Western Anatolia, launch some raids to gain plunder east and then return to Macedon. This changed when he saw with how much ease the Persians were swept aside, outside of the pitched battles against Arsames, Orontobates and Pharnabazus there wasn’t much resistance. He must have known that the political situation in Persia was not ideal, but he never would have suspected the situation was this dire. Thus when he noticed the Achaemenids were at the point of collapse anyway he decided to seize it all for himself, not wanting to risk a new and more vigorous dynasty taking root in the east. His whirlwind conquest, from Abydos on the Hellespont to Persepolis in only two years, was aided greatly by defections among the local satraps who saw which way the wind was blowing. Aside from Susa there were no large sieges during his campaign, and aside from some tense moments at Mepsila the Macedonian army had shown itself to be the superior to the Persian one. The combination of Achaemenid collapse and Macedonian military supremacy ensured Philip’s victorious march on Persepolis.
It was there at Persepolis that Philip had seen what a monarch could achieve, and it is hard to imagine that it didn’t impress him. The vast palace complex, beautiful mosaics and frescoes, the elaborate and well-kept gardens in midst of a desert, all were examples of the legacy that a supreme kingship could leave behind. Even more impressive must have been Babylon itself. Ancient [2] and cosmopolitan like no other, Babylon with its 150000 inhabitants [3] was a bustling city and a centre of trade, with people from all corners of the world coming to sell and buy goods. Here you could find Phoenician traders selling Egyptian trinkets to a curious Bactrian, or encounter men from India eager to buy Scythian horses from an Ionian merchant. Babylon was also famed as a centre of astronomy, its ziggurats provided a vantage point for watching the stars and planets above, whose movements on the firmament were eagerly recorded. This had been done for centuries and the Babylonians, who believed that events on earth were always preceded by signs in heaven, had catalogued their data which enabled them to know what sign in the sky would precede which event on earth. Off course, so they told Philip, his rise too was written in the stars. Seated in the Palace of Nebuchadnezzar, it is unknown whether Philip believed the ‘Chaldeans’, as the Babylonian astronomer-priests were known to the Greeks, but with him being a pious man it is not unlikely.
As he watched the city from his palace’s famed terraced gardens, he might have pondered over what he had achieved and over what was in store for the future. In the distance he could have seen massive structure known as the Etemenanki [4], a seven-story 90 meter high ziggurat, which towered over the city and which was being restored on Philip’s orders[5]. What was Pella in comparison to such a city? The home of a dynasty perhaps, but it could certainly not function as capital of an empire which spread from the Adriatic to the Iranian highlands. Here amongst the barbarians of Asia Philip had found opulence and wealth, and contrary to what the hardened Macedonian might have thought beforehand, its allure did not escape him. Sadly for Philip, in the end it would not be him who would make the crucial decisions for the future of his newly founded empire, but in many ways he did lay the foundations of what was to come.
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The Etemenanki at Babylon
His first priority was the organization of his empire. Parmenion had done quite well during his time as satrap in Babylon, and in recognition of that and his services during the campaign he was promoted to the rank of chiliarch. This meant that he was now the third most important man in the empire, behind the king and crown prince. He would be stationed in Babylon and had the command over the military in the eastern satrapies, in the king’s absence he would effectively be the viceroy over the east. Oxyathres would succeed Parmenion as satrap of Babylonia, his old satrapy of Armenia would be given to a local Armenian dynast named Orontes. Media was already ruled by Atropates and Persia itself by Ariobarzanes, Antigonos held Phrygia and Asandros Lydia. Syria, which was a crucial satrapy for it connected Mesopotamia and the East with the Mediterranean and Anatolia, was given to Kleitos. He was an officer of obscure origins, who rose to prominence as a member of Alexander’s guards during the battle of Hyrkanis, during which he showed great bravery. He was promoted and became a cavalry commander, he fought at both Adana and Issus and turned out to be quite adept at logistics, managing the Macedonian supply train during the campaign in Northern Mesopotamia. At Mepsila he was part of Alexander’s flanking force, but sadly for him he was heavily wounded in the fighting and lost his right hand to a Persian axe. He could no longer be of much use on the battlefield, but his skills in administration could still serve Philip well. Under Philip’s arrangements Cilicia would be part of the Syrian satrapy, and during the first years of his rule Kleitos would govern from Tarsus. The border between Parmenion’s Babylonian satrapy (which included Assyria) and Syria was the river Euphrates. In Syria the valley of the Orontes belonged to the Macedonians, and the border between Phoenicia (under Egyptian sovereignty) and Syria was the Eleutherus River, with exception of the city of Aradus, which lay on an island north of the mouth of the Eleutherus but was also under Egyptian control. Emesa (Homs) and its surrounding area were also Macedonian, but Damascus had an Egyptian garrison.
In Anatolia the Ionian cities had been granted autonomy by Philip, but for military affairs they depended on the satrap of Lydia Asandros. Caria (to which Lycia was added) was still ruled by Ada from Halicarnassus. Hellespontine Phrygia was placed under the command of Polyperchon, who had distinguished himself at Adana, commanding several battalions of the phalanx that guarded the ford against the Persian advance. In Macedonia itself the supreme command was still in the hands of Antipater, who was appointed as regent in Philip’s absence. The Greek mainland was nominally independent under the Hellenic League, of which Philip was Hegemon, the only Greek state not part of the alliance was Sparta.
With his empire organised now Philip could turn his attention to other projects. In Babylon itself he oversaw traditional Hellenic Games, several weeks after the festival in honour of his entrance into the city. They were held on a plain just outside the city. There was an athletics contest, wrestling and chariot racing. Dancing and singing contests were also held. These clearly Hellenic cultural activities were meant to give the Macedonian army a clear confirmation of their own cultural heritage, to heighten the morale of the Graeco-Macedonian troops and to demonstrate Hellenic culture to the local population. We do not know the opinions of the locals on these strange newcomers, who were now running around naked and wrestling just outside the city walls. But whatever they might have thought, they would need to get used to the sights and behaviours of these westerners. Already Philip had ordered the architect Deinocrates of Rhodes to design a Hellenic district for the city, complete with temples, agora’s and gymnasia. Once finished it could house 20000 people, adding a distinct Hellenic element to the already cosmopolitan mix of Babylonian society. When Philip left Babylon again in July 333 BC, to both escape the humid summer heat and to oversee another construction project, Deinocrates’ men were already marking out the grid pattern on which the new district was to arise.
New Foundations
Philip, King of Macedonia, of Babylon, of Persia and of all the lands of Asia, Hegemon of the Hellenic League, near this city he won the throne of Asia, and thus in honour of that great victory it was named Nikopolis.
- Inscription on the base of Philip’s statue at Nikopolis (Mepsila/Mosul)
Philip travelled east, to the now destroyed city of Susa. Having destroyed the city several months prior, now he ordered its reconstruction. Re-founded as Philippi-in-Susiana, although in practice it was still mostly called Susa, the core of this new city was a Hellenistic settlement build on a grid pattern centred around the city’s citadel. This citadel was built on the place of the palace build by Darius the Great, which was damaged during the siege and now ordered demolished by Philip. It was built on an artificial platform and thus towered over the city. The city was to be settled by veterans of the Macedonian army and settlers from the Hellenic world. Agathon, a brother of Parmenion, was appointed satrap of Susiana and was put in charge of the construction of the new city. Subsequently Philip travelled north, to Ecbatana in Media, where he was received by the satrap Atropates. He remained in Ecbatana for several months, its climate during the summer, nestled between snow-capped mountains, was much more pleasant than the sweltering heat on the Mesopotamian plains. In Ecbatana Philip also received envoys from Phrataphernes, satrap of Hyrcania and Parthia, and Satibarzanes, originally satrap of Aria but after the battle of Mepsila he had also seized Bactria, Drangiana and Arachosia, becoming the pre-eminent ruler in the Eastern Satrapies. They were willing to, at least nominally, submit themselves to Philip. They would continue sending tribute to Babylon, as they had done during the rule of the Achaemenids. Both satraps were also forced to accept a Macedonian garrison in their capitals, at Zadracarta in (Hyrcania) and at Bactra. Philip, who was eager to avoid a great eastern campaign, was pleased at this outcome. He now ruled, at least in name, most of the old Achaemenid Empire.
Late in 333 Philip returned from Ecbatana to Babylon. Once again his entry was triumphant, and a week-long celebration followed. One notable absence at Babylon during Philip’s return was his son Alexander. During Philip’s stay in Ecbatana some complaints had reached Babylon about the Uxians, who had attacked and robbed some trading caravans who travelled between Persia and Babylon. Eager for some action, and after having send an envoy to his father for permission, Alexander had set out with 6000 men of the hypaspists and 2000 light infantry of the Agrianians. He had informed the Uxians of his arrival, telling them that he would bring them the tribute that they were due for allowing the Macedonians to make use of the passes. The Uxians then occupied the main road, waiting for Alexander to come to them. Unbeknownst to them Alexander himself had taken a different route, having bribed local goatherds who showed him another route that led to the stronghold of the Uxians, which Alexander followed. Despite the harsh conditions in the mountains he force-marched his troops to the Uxian stronghold, which fell to the surprise attack. Meanwhile on the main road the Uxians were confronted by an army under Hephaistion, who let them know he had no intention of paying them tribute. The Uxians then prepared for battle, but were startled when another enemy force appeared behind them. Alexander, after capturing the Uxian stronghold, marched his troops troops behind the Uxian position, trapping them. He had brought prisoners from the Uxian settlements with him, to make clear to the Uxian warriors that their homes had already fallen. Despairing at their situation the Uxians then chose to surrender. Alexander did not allow them to return to their mountain homes, instead forcing them to relocate to the Mesopotamian lowlands. He also captured their treasury, which included the gold Philip had given them the year prior, which allowed him to reward his troops handsomely and then returned to Babylon.
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A Macedonian hypaspist
Alexander returned to Babylon in February 332, and Games were held in honour of his return. Philip was apparently impressed by his son’s victory, which was achieved with barely any casualties on the Macedonian side, but was also displeased at his distribution of gold and silver among the troops as reward. He saw it as solely a king’s prerogative to reward troops like that, and in his opinion Alexander should have waited until after returning to Babylon. Alexander, unfazed by his father’s anger, replied that if his father wanted his gold back he should ask his troops himself. Several weeks later at a banquet in honour of the satraps Satibarzanes and Phrataphernes, who personally travelled to the city to swear their loyalty to Philip, the matter of tribute was discussed. Alexander, inebriated, remarked that paying tribute was no great shame, for it could always be won back, referring to his own recapture of Philip’s tribute to the Uxians. Philip, furious at his son, stood up to confront him, but in true Macedonian fashion he too was heavily inebriated. Philip stumbled and fell, and in an action that quite possibly saved him, instead of laughing at him Alexander helped his father back on his feet. Despite these tense moments father and son reconciled. When Phrataphernes and Satibarzanes left Babylon Alexander remarked to them that he would like to see their satrapies for himself one day, a remark that would prove to be prophetic.
Philip himself left for Macedon in May 332, eager to visit his homeland where he doubtlessly would be given a hero’s welcome. Before he returned to Europe however there were several other things he needed to attend to. He first travelled to the village of Mepsila, the place of the final defeat of the Achaemenids, and ordered the construction of a new city on the site, aptly named Nikopolis (Greek for ‘City of Victory). Then he travelled west, to Syria, where on the west bank of the Euphrates he founded the city of Zeugma [6] and ordered his engineers to construct a bridge across the river, improving the communications and logistics between Mesopotamia and the Mediterranean. The final city founded by Philip in this period was on the river Orontes near where it flows into the Mediterranean [7], which in due time would become the metropolis of Syria. It was named Nikatoris, after Philip’s now famous epithet. Afterwards Philip went to Cilicia, where a fleet awaited him and his army, to quickly transport them back to the Aegean and Macedon. Accompanying Philip were Macedonian veterans who had served their time and opted to return to their homeland. Also with him were troops from the Hellenic League, the goal of the war had been reached and thus Philip could no longer keep the league’s army with him without good cause. He offered those who wanted to join his army just that, which some accepted, but most of them wanted to return home. In September 332 Philip and his army boarded the fleet and set sail to the Aegean. He made a stop at Ephesos, where he oversaw the final work being done on the now restored temple of Artemis and inaugurated it in a elaborate ceremony. Afterwards Philip crossed the Aegean and reached Macedon in November 332.
The return of the victorious king was celebrated all over Macedon. The mood in the Greek cities was different, in the eyes of many (not the least Demosthenes, who from this point onward often referred to Philip as ‘Xerxes’) there was now no difference between the old Persian kings and the new Macedonian king of Persia. Still there were some cities where celebrations were held, in honour of the king but most often to thank the gods for returning their men alive from the East. Philip visited the synedrion of the Hellenic League, where he gave an account of the campaign. The king, who because of the vast amounts of wealth captured in Persia could afford to be generous, absolved all Greek cities of any tributes they owed Macedon for the next 5 years. Philip himself apparently enjoyed being back in his homeland, and more importantly he could now once again enjoy the company of his great love Eurydice. Olympias was his first wife and the official queen, but their marriage had long been strained and after Philip’s return they lived separated, only appearing together on official occasions. Using the funds captured in Persia he ordered the construction of a new and much grander tomb for himself at Aigai, and the construction of a colossal temple of Zeus at Pella. Philip remained in Macedon for the time being, corresponding with Parmenion and Alexander in Babylon, where for the moment everything was going well. In April 331 the Isthmian Games were held at Corinth, and Philip used the opportunity to make a proclamation in public. He addressed the assembled crowd and told them that extensive farmlands and estates in Syria and Mesopotamia were to be granted not only to his army veterans but to citizens of Macedon’s loyal Hellenic allies as well. Cities were constructed in the east, and it must have seemed as if the entire old Achaemenid Empire was now opened up to colonization. Some cities that were struggling with overpopulation eagerly used this opportunity to rid itself of its unwanted subjects, other cities that did not want to lose its manpower passed laws that created barriers to migration to the east. At first there were not many that dared to restart their lives in distant Syria or Mesopotamia, but eventually the trickle would turn into a flood, altering the cultural landscape of the Near East forever.
The Temple of Zeus at Pella
Philip remained in Corinth to watch the Isthmian Games after his proclamation, and it was on the third day that, after leaving the tribune, a man approached the king. For some reason the king had few bodyguards that day, and when the man suddenly brandished a knife and lunged at the king they could not stop him before he managed to strike him. Thankfully for him Philip only suffered superficial wounds, and his bodyguards managed to catch the would-be assassin. He was horrifically tortured, but did not name any co-conspirators, and from what we know of him it seems that the man was just mad, he claimed that the gods ordered him to kill Philip in order to save the world. Despite that the wounds were only superficial Philip caught a fever, and was thus not seen in public for several days. It was probably then that the rumour spread that the king was dead, which did not contain itself to just Greece and Macedon. It spread to many Greek cities, there was rioting in Athens and Thebes, but this was put down by the local garrisons. Soon however it became clear that Philip was still alive, which calmed the situation. However the rumour had also spread north, where it would have more grave consequences.
The Dardanians and the Taulantians, both Illyrian tribes subject to Macedon, rose up as soon as they heard of Philip’s ‘death’. Glaukias, king of the Taulantians, captured the settlement of Pelion, halfway Illyria and Macedonia and then proceeded onward to Bylazora, where he was joined by Kleitos, the King of the Dardanians. According to some sources their combined army was 100000 strong, but this is probably a gross exaggeration. Nevertheless it was a threat to Macedon, one that Philip needed to deal with quickly. The mood among the combined Illyrian army was apparently festive, they now saw a chance to reclaim their independence and plunder the rich lands of Macedon, who were now certainly the site of a bitter struggle for succession. Surprised they must have been then when Philip himself and an army 25000 strong appeared before them in June 331. Despite this shock the Illyrians did not retreat, they knew they occupied a strong position and that they outnumbered the Macedonians. Negotiations were started but nothing came of it, and the opposing armies took up their positions on the field on the 20th of June 331. The Illyrians held the high ground, where they had set up stakes and carts to make a palisade, and managed to keep the phalanx at bay for some time. After an hour of fighting however the phalanx seemed to relent and started falling back, the Illyrians, who could not believe their luck, launched an all-out charge to completely shatter the Macedonians. The phalanx, under command of Antipater’s son Cassander, rallied again when the Illyrians had left their fortifications. Now exposed, the Macedonian cavalry struck the Illyrian flanks, causing them to falter and rout. In the meantime Philip had ordered the Agrianians, who were excellent mountaineers, to flank the Illyrian position by climbing some unguarded steep cliffs. They were unopposed and now assailed the Illyrian camp, cutting off the escape route for the Dardanians and Taulantians. Philip’s victory was complete, both Glaukias and Kleitos fell on the field. The survivors were sold into slavery.
Philip then marched west, ravaging the territory of the Taulantians and reaching the Adriatic, where he negotiated the submission of the cities of Epidamnos and Apollonia, giving Macedon access to the Adriatic. The Taulantians were utterly broken by this defeat, their land annexed, and never again would become prominent. The Dardanians were once again reduced to vassal status, and were now obligated to send men to serve in the Macedonian army. Philip, eager to secure Macedon’s position and its newfound access to the Adriatic also ordered the construction of a road connecting Epidamnos to Pella, but it would not be completed in his lifetime. Philip returned to Pella on the 20th of September 331, which coincided with an eclipse. Some were afraid that this was a bad omen, but one of Philip’s seers, a Babylonian, ensured his king that this was not the case. According to the Babylonian it was a sign that a king from the west would triumph over the east. Philip, who was already planning to return to Babylon, was now steeled in his resolve. He would gather reinforcements in Macedon and then would return east, where there still were some areas that once recognised the Achaemenids but did not recognise his kingship. It was time to complete his conquest. Then tragedy struck for Philip, Eurydice died in childbirth, the new-born child did not long survive its mother [8]. Philip, in his grief, delayed his departure. He remained in Macedon for the winter, spending his time hunting and drinking with the aristocracy, drilling his new troops and supervising the construction of his new and spectacular tomb, where he had Eurydice buried in one of the antechambers. It was only in March 330 that Philip would depart Pella, he marched east to the Hellespont, joined by new troops send by his Thracian allies at Amphipolis, and was then ferried over to Asia. Philip’s stay in Macedon would be the last time he would see his homeland.
Asia in Philip’s absence
It was in his father’s absence that Alexander could prove himself to the Asians, and during this period they saw both his magnanimity and his cruelty, his ambitions and his vices.
- Excerpt from
The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
During Philip’s absence power in the east was shared between the crown prince Alexander and the chiliarch Parmenion. Thankfully for the Macedonians they had a good working relationship, with Parmenion taking care of the civil administration and Alexander was in charge of the military affairs. Parmenion oversaw the minting of coins, disputes between communities and/or cities, the courts and Philip’s various infrastructural and construction projects. Parmenion did not do all of this alone , of course, he was greatly aided by Philip’s chief secretary who also stayed behind in Babylon, Eumenes of Cardia. Alexander in the meantime used his position and freedom to travel through Babylonia and Persia, with a group of companions including Ptolemaios, Lysimachus and Hephaistion. One of the reasons was a genuine interest in the country that he would once rule, but it was also a convenient excuse to get out of the palace. Tourist and prince in equal measure, he and his friends visited, among other places, Uruk, Susa, Persepolis and Pasargadae, where Alexander lamented at the dilapidated state of Cyrus’ tomb. Doubtlessly while in the region he and his friends had a taste of Persia’s finest wines, something that Macedon and Persia, despite their differences, had in common.
The time however for drunken trips across the Persian countryside was coming to an end. In May 331 the rumour of Philip’s death also reached the east. Here too it was quickly disproven, by a letter from the king himself, but like in Illyria in Asia too were people who were quick to act now that they sensed an opportunity. The city of Aspadana [9], which lay at the crossroads of several important trading routes, was given by Philip to the Persian Mazaces to rule. Mazaces was a Persian nobleman who fought at Adana, but was captured and had shown himself to be capable and dependable. Mazaces was granted Aspadana to rule, but a Macedonian garrison was present under the command of Meleagros, whose authority exceeded that of Mazaces. The Macedonian garrison at Aspadana was unruly and rebellious, with several instances of murder, rape and looting recorded. Meleagros however did nothing, and allowed his men to do as they please, they continued to terrorize the population of the city. When the rumour of Philip’s death reached Aspadana Mazaces saw an opportunity. He incited a revolt in the countryside around the city, after which the garrison marched out to supress it. With fewer soldiers in the city Meleagros was on edge, and when a riot started and he was unable to suppress it he gave orders to Mazaces to do something about it. Mazaces requested, and received, weapons to set up a city guard, which he promptly used to occupy the city’s citadel and expel the garrison. Meleagros he had executed.
When news of Mazaces’ uprising reached Babylon the army was immediately mobilized. Fearing a general Persian uprising, it was of the utmost importance to quickly suppress the rebellion before it could spread. Thankfully for the Macedonians Mazaces’ uprising did not have much appeal beyond Aspadana itself. Alexander and a force 10000 strong first beat Mazaces in the field, his peasant levy could not stand up to a charge of the hetairoi, and subsequently he laid siege to the city. The city’s desperate defence lasted several months, until a breakthrough was achieved in November 331. Alexander himself led the assault, and the city was mercilessly sacked. Alexander returned to Babylon in December, but soon afterwards headed out again, to aid the Median satrap Atropates. The Cadusians, a warlike people who lived in the mountains on the south-western shore of the Caspian Sea, had long been a menace to the Achaemenid kings. Now, for one reason or another, they decided to rise up against Atropates, who could not manage to contain them with his own resources. They had occupied parts of northern Media, and from the city of Ganzak they launched raids towards the south. Even the outskirts of the city of Arbela, in northern Mesopotamia, were plundered. Something needed to be done.
Gathering his forces at Arbela, Alexander marched out in February 330. After marching north into Media he was joined by Krateros, who was military governor of the area, who had some valuable information for Alexander. Krateros’ men had managed to ambush a Cadusian raiding party, and had captured many of them, who revealed that the main Cadusian force was currently located near the Amardus river, preparing for a raid deep into Media. Alexander, seeing an opportunity for a quick and decisive victory, force-marched his army to the Amardus and stumbled across the Cadusians. The sudden appearance of the Macedonian army caused panic in the Cadusian camp, which Alexander exploited by immediately ordering his cavalry and the hypaspists to charge. Unable to form a line in such a quick order the Cadusians were broken and defeated, pinned against the river by Alexander they could not hope to win against him in the open plains. A live of slavery now awaited them, except some of their chiefs, who Alexander had executed. Alexander himself went east towards the Caspian, storming and burning several Cadusian settlements, hoping to break them utterly and making sure they would never raid again. He had send Krateros north to Ganzak, where he showed the Cadusian garrison the heads of their chiefs. Seeing the hopelessness of their situation they surrendered. In July Alexander had completed his campaign of terror, he had broken the back of Cadusian resistance and dragged many of them along in chains. During the campaign Atropates had shown himself a valuable ally, managing supplies and sending along as many reinforcements as possible. The Median satrap was rewarded with the territory around the city of Ganzak, which in due time became known as Atropatene. During the summer Alexander remained in Ecbatana, returning to Babylon in the Autumn, to rendezvous with his father.
The Two Lands in festival
It was especially during the later years of the reign of King Nektanebos II (Nakhthorheb) that the land of Egypt reached a level of prosperity unseen since the heydays of Ahmose II, 200 years before, most aptly demonstrated at Nektanebos’ great jubilee feast in 330.
- Excerpt from Antikles of Massalia’s
History of the land of Egypt
The suppression of Padiamun’s revolt in 333 was not the start, as one might suspect, of a purge of the Egyptian elite. There was no evidence that Padiamun was aided, outside of the mercenaries he hired. The other dynasts in the Delta remained loyal, and Egypt’s military strength still relied largely on them. Even if Nakhthorheb wanted, he could not act against them. In this period of his government there were relatively little changes made, with one large exception.
In January 332 Nakhthorheb sailed south on his royal barge, a large partially gilded boat with purple-lined sails, every farmer working besides the river would have known who it was that sailed by. From Memphis he sailed south, past the Fayyum and Henen-nesu (Herakleopolis), past the ruined but storied site once known as Akhet-Aten, past Khmun and the sacred burial sites at Abdju (Abydos), past Tjenu, once the home of Narmer, he sailed onwards to Waset. There he would attend the inauguration of his own daughter Iaret, once a Chantress of Amun, now she would become the God’s Wife of Amun. This office, abolished by Cambyses after his invasion, was the most important in the Cult of Amun since the abolishment of the High Priesthood. By appointing his own daughter Nakhthorheb made sure that his dynasty would have a powerbase in Upper Egypt. His daughter, now officially Iaret-Merytamun (‘Beloved of Amun’) would now oversee the daily rites and the revenues of the Cult of Amun. While no longer as powerful as it once was, its estates were still widespread and prosperous, especially in Upper-Egypt. Being married to Amun of course meant that she could not get children herself, but the tradition of adopting an heir from within the royal family developed over time.
The following years were quiet and prosperous, with Egypt facing no threats from within or outside. The borders were watched of course, and fortifications at several sites, including Sidon, Damascus and Dorginarti, were strengthened during this period. The economy still did well, and these years also featured high inundations, making sure that harvests were bountiful. The high point of this period of prosperity, and of the Thirtieth Dynasty as a whole, was Nakhthorheb’s Sed Festival.
In 332 Nakhthorheb had appointed a special ‘Overseer of the Jubilee Feast’, a man named Sematawytefnakht, to acquire the provisions and goods necessary for a great celebration. He also was tasked with searching out ancient texts, both on papyrus and stone, detailing the proceedings of past Sed-festivals. He ordered the construction of granaries near the Festival Hall north of Memphis to store the various provisions, and according to Sematawytefnakht’s tomb inscriptions the preparations were done quick and efficiently. Late August 330, just after the start of the inundation and the start of Egyptian year the festival took place over a period of three days, which were unmatched in splendour.
Nakhthorheb had stayed the night at a pavilion on the eastern side of the Nile, across from the festival complex. At the dawn he boarded his royal barge, and with the rising sun at his back the king, clad in the tight-fitting gleaming white sed-robe, crossed the river, emulating the journey of Ra across the firmament. He was awaited at the docks on the western bank by the kingdom’s high ranking men, priests of the major cults and high officials of the palace, all clad in their finest clothes. First the king proceeded to two shrines who stood on the south side of the processional road. At one shrine he made offerings to Nekhbet, protector goddess of Upper Egypt, and at the other he made offerings to Amun. He then received from the hands of the God's Wife of Amun, his daughter Iaret-Merytamun, the white crown of Upper Egypt. Then he proceeded to two shrines on the northern side of the processional road, where he made offerings to Wadjet, protector goddess of Lower Egypt, and Ra, and he received the red crown of Lower Egypt from the High Priest of Ra.
Then the king made his way back to the processional road, where the gathered crowd of notables hailed him as King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands. They now formed a large procession, at the front of the procession was a man holding a standard bearing the image of the jackal god Wepwawet, whose name translates to ‘The Opener of Ways’. His presence at the head of the procession showed that the festival was now opened and that the king was under his protection. Behind him was the king, carried in a carrying-chair, and behind that the banner-carriers of all the sepat [10] of Egypt. Each sepat had a symbol, which were present on the banners carried by the banner carriers. First came the banner carriers of Upper Egypt, then those of Lower Egypt. Giving precedence to Upper Egypt is a common theme during the festival, reflecting that it was from Upper Egypt that the country was unified in the distant past. The solemn procession then made its way to the great festival hall, were the other guests had already taken their seats. The presence of the king was announced by the blaring of trumpets and the pounding of drums. Upon his entrance all bowed before him. He took his place on a throne on a raised dais. He was once again crowned and acclaimed by all the guests, ritual dances and the singing of hymns took place. The king also dispensed gifts to the guests present. It was after this public ceremony in the great hall that the most important, but also most private, ceremony of the festival took place. In a small chapel behind the festival hall the king, his eldest son and the highest ranking priests of the land took part in an arcane ceremony known as the raising of the Djed-pillar. Aided by priests the king raised a wooden pillar that was a symbol of Osiris, symbolising the connection between the king of the living, Nakhthorheb, and Osiris, ruler of the underworld and eternal king of Egypt. After raising the pillar offerings were made before it, and afterwards the king and the priests returned to the great hall, where a great banquet was held for all present guests.
Raising of the noble Djed-pillar at the jubilee-feast of His Majesty, given all life, health and dominion!
Inscription from the tomb of Sematawytefnakht
Less is known about the other days of the festival. On the second day there was a reception for foreign dignitaries, who had come to congratulate the king and to exchange gifts. On that day there was also a parade of the army, probably to impress the foreign dignitaries. There was also a great procession of the cattle of the region, symbolising the fertility and wealth of the land, a herd of several thousand cows and donkeys was driven around the perimeter of the festival hall. To some foreigners it might have appeared somewhat rustic, but for the Egyptians it was a connection with their ancient past, reminiscent of the bi-annual cattle counts that kings like Khufu and Sneferu undertook. On the third day the king sailed up the Nile into Memphis, where a public festival was now celebrated. Details are sparse, but it surely included large amounts of beer, wine and food. For Nakhthorheb, and his dynasty, this was the zenith, Egypt was prosperous and jubilant. Sadly for them, it would not last forever.
Footnotes
- Literally foot-companions, the Macedonian phalangites.
- Well not exactly, the city of Babylon is off course very old, but was destroyed completely in 689 BC by the Assyrian king Sennacherib, and was rebuilt afterwards.
- I’ll be honest, I couldn’t find a source that stated the population of Babylon in the 330’s BC. This number is an educated guess, based on that it once had 200000 inhabitants but was now past its prime.
- Which means ‘the House of the Foundation of Heaven and Earth’ in Akkadian
- It was made of mudbrick, which is easy to produce but also rather fragile, and thus required almost constant repair works.
- Same site as the OTL city, the name means ‘bridge’ or ‘crossing’.
- OTL site of Antioch.
- ITTL Caranus is not born, this was Philip and Eurydice’s first child.
- OTL modern day Isfahan
- The Sepat, or nomes in Greek, were the districts in which Egypt was divided.
